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A LOOK AT TRUMP'S ECONOMIC LEGACY

Examining the outgoing president's policies from tax cuts to trade wars.

ByCatherine Thorbecke
January 20, 2021, 12:14 PM
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3:50


Trump's Economic Legacy
ABC News Photo Illustration, Getty Images/Chip Somodevilla/Staff



President Donald Trump campaigned as a billionaire businessman and champion of
the working class with the economic prowess and deal-cutting skills that
politicians in Washington, D.C., lacked.

He summed up his position neatly during the campaign: "I'll be the greatest jobs
president that God ever created."

On the campaign trail, Trump claimed to be laser-focused on bringing back
manufacturing and mining jobs, renegotiating trade deals that led to work
disappearing overseas and curtailing immigration.

His Clintonian tack of "it's the economy, stupid," despite the myriad scandals
and investigations that dogged him, largely worked as GDP grew at a healthy
clip, the stock market soared and unemployment rates hit a half-century low,
until the coronavirus pandemic gutted the job market.

Yet as he leaves after his one-term tenure, Trump has become the first president
since Herbert Hoover during the Great Depression to depart office with fewer
jobs in the country than when he entered.

Trump's Economic Legacy
ABC News Photo Illustration, Getty Images/Chip Somodevilla/Staff

Economists say Trump’s economic legacy will be defined by his failure in
leadership during the COVID-19 pandemic that exacerbated the financial downturn,
domestic policies that overwhelmingly benefited the wealthy, and international
trade policies that hurt U.S. industry while simultaneously alienating allies.

By attempting to implement economic policy through the so-called "art of the
deal" and ignoring lessons that many economists have learned over the last 50
years -- such as the importance of Fed independence, the effects of large budget
deficits on trade deficits, the value of multilateral institutions such as the
World Trade Organization and more -- he failed to achieve his own
self-proclaimed goals of reducing the trade deficit with China, controlling the
national debt or strengthening the American manufacturing sector.

Here is a look at the outgoing president's legacy on the U.S. economy.


CORONAVIRUS RESPONSE

Trump inherited an economy from the Obama administration that was expanding, and
it continued to do so during the first three years of his presidency. While real
wage growth was slow or stagnant for most Americans, and had been under Obama,
unemployment continued to trend downward and GDP continued to grow.

Unemployment Rates Under Obama and Trump
ABC News

In the last year of Trump’s presidency, the unemployment rate reached a 50-year
low of 3.5% in February. The coronavirus pandemic soon walloped the economy,
forcing swaths of businesses across the country to close. The unemployment rate
skyrocketed to 14.7% in April. It receded to 6.7% as of last month but remains
above the level of 4.8% when Trump took office in 2016.



Moreover, millions of jobs lost during the pandemic may not come back anytime
soon.

A person looks inside the closed doors of the Pasadena Community Job Center in
Pasadena, Calif., May 7,2020.
Damian Dovarganes/AP

As the pandemic raged in the U.S., however, Trump consistently downplayed its
severity. Instead of focusing on getting the virus under control, he
concentrated on reopening the economy and several surges in the virus followed,
including the most severe as he leaves office.


MORE: TRUMP ADMITTED HE DELIBERATELY PLAYED DOWN CORONAVIRUS THREAT: REPORTS





President Donald Trump pulls off his protective face mask as he poses atop the
Truman Balcony of the White House after returning from being hospitalized at
Walter Reed Medical Center after contracting the novel coron...Show more ---Show
more
Erin Scott/Reuters

The lack of leadership during the health crisis was not only deadly -- with
thousands of Americans dying every day -- but also disastrous for the economy.
Other countries such as China and South Korea were better able to control the
spread of the virus. As a result Chinese GDP is forecasted by the Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development to increase by 1.8%, and Korean GDP is
forecasted to fall by only 1.1% -- considerably less than the 3.7% drop forecast
for the U.S.

The Chinese Communist Party's ironclad pandemic response was notably much
stricter than many democratic nations including the U.S. The U.S.'s GDP forecast
is on par with G20 nations, which all together are forecast to have a 3.8% drop
in GDP.

“There are many countries that have made mistakes, but there are some countries
that have done it right,” Jeffrey Frankel, James W. Harpel Professor of Capital
Formation and Growth at Harvard University's Kennedy School, told ABC News.



Frankel cited the numerous times Trump didn’t take the virus seriously “and
actively undermined the practices that we need, like avoiding large crowds,
masks and so on” as evidence that the president was not taking the crisis
seriously as a policy matter.

“You can't leave something like that entirely to the free market, certainly, or
to the states,” Frankel said.

A pedestrian walks past a closed retail store in New York City, Jan. 8, 2021.
The United States' Bureau of Labor Statistics released data showing the
unemployment rate is at 6.7 percent as businesses continue to str...Show more
---Show more
Justin Lane/EPA via Shutterstock

Heidi Shierholz, a former chief economist at the Department of Labor and the
current senior economist and policy director at the left-leaning Economic Policy
Institute think tank in Washington, D.C., told ABC News, "The utter lack of a
coherent, effective response to COVID has just done enormous damage to the
economy."

The COVID-19 economic downturn has also made racial inequity worse, Shierholz
added, and "hurt Black and Brown communities far worse, not just from a health
perspective, but also from the perspective of job loss."

Communities of color bore the brunt of essential work during the crisis, risking
exposure to the virus.



The unemployment rate for white workers was 6% last month compared to 9.9% for
Black workers and 9.3% for Hispanic workers.

Jobs that could be done at home also tended to require higher levels of
education and to be higher paying, according to research from the University of
Chicago. By failing to effectively control the virus, Trump’s economy favored
the wealthy at the expense of lower-paid service workers employed by hotels,
restaurants, hairdressers, and other businesses requiring face-to-face contact.

Sandra Cruz, who lost her job because of the COVID-19 pandemic and fell behind
on her rent, waits for a ride with her daughter after picking up free groceries
distributed a social services agency in Chelsea, Mass., July 22, 2020.
Brian Snyder/Reuters

“If it wasn’t for this pandemic, I think the economy would have still been in
pretty reasonable shape," Simon Bowmaker, a clinical professor of economics at
New York University’s Stern School of Business, told ABC News. “Not great shape,
but reasonable shape.”

“He should have for sure handled it better,” he added, but noted to a large
extent it was “an external circumstance” outside of Trump’s control.


TAX CUT AND JOBS ACT, DEREGULATION AND NATIONAL DEBT

Even before the virus further exacerbated U.S. income inequality, some experts
say Trump’s economic policies favored the wealthy -- and left the poor and
middle class behind.

His Tax Cuts and Jobs Act in December 2017 provided major tax breaks to
corporations and wealthy individuals. The policy, among other things, reduced
the corporate income tax rate from 35% to 21%.

Frankel called the policy "beyond ironic" for a president "who campaigned in
2016 on being the champion of the working man or working person and campaigned
on 'draining the swamp' in Washington."

Shierholz said this policy "absolutely increased inequality" and the "vast
majority of the benefits of those tax cuts went to the already very wealthy."

The economists also noted that the policy came at a time when unemployment was
relatively low and the economy in good shape.

"That's not the time to be giving away trillions of dollars to the wealthy,"
Frankel said. "When you have a bad shock like the global financial crisis of
2008-09 or like the coronavirus crisis that we're still going through -- that's
the time to increase government spending and expansionary fiscal policy, but you
lose the ability to do that if you gave it away."

In response to the coronavirus crisis, Congress rallied quickly in March to put
out a $2.2 trillion relief package that Trump signed into law. As the virus
continued to rage throughout the summer, however, lawmakers and the White House
dragged their feet on further aid for months before passing a second relief
package at the end of 2020. Even after Congress green-lit the $900 billion
package, Trump delayed signing for nearly a week, demanding larger direct checks
to individuals, but also unrelated concessions.

NYU's Bowmaker noted that some "can make the case that the corporate tax rate
was a little bit too high" and would welcome the tax cuts.

"You can also make the case that there are a number of regulations within the
economy which are a little bit burdensome for certain firms and if you put those
two things together, the tax cuts and the deregulation, the removal of red tape,
you could say it probably contributed to more robust growth than you might have
expected," Bowmaker added of the policies.

He noted though that the spending took a toll on the national debt, something
Trump pledged in a 2016 interview he would "get rid" of over a period of eight
years through trade policy.

Despite his goal, the debt has ballooned under Trump. The total national debt
has skyrocketed by more than $7 trillion during Trump’s tenure.

A ProPublica and Washington Post analysis found that the growth in the annual
deficit under Trump ranks as the third-biggest increase, relative to the size of
the economy, of any U.S. president. The analysis pointed to Trump’s tax cuts as
one of the major culprits contributing to the deficits. To the extent that the
budget deficits were not offset by increases in private sector saving, they also
increased the trade deficit.

Before the pandemic, in the February 2020 Economic Report of the President,
Trump and his economic advisers argued that the tax reform contributed to the
economic expansion the nation was seeing at the time -- which was the longest on
record before the coronavirus recession hit.

“America’s outdated tax code drove away businesses and investment, but tax
reform has brought rates down and made the United States globally competitive
again,” the report stated.

The report added that these “pro-growth” policies are ultimately good for
workers.

“Tax reform put an end to America’s counterproductive policy of punishing
business investments, which means that workers will see even greater benefits
once these investments pay off,” it stated.


TRADE WAR 'DISASTER' WITH CHINA

Trade policy is where the president wields the most economic power, as Congress
has over the years delegated negotiating authority to the president’s office,
according to Menzie Chinn, professor of public affairs and economics at the
University of Wisconsin, Madison. Chinn documented the trade war saga on his
macroeconomic policy blog Econbrowser.

Trump exercised this power almost immediately during his first years in office
and even went so far as to use national security as a basis for trade barriers
with China -- something that no president has done in recent times.

Ultimately, the tit-for-tat trade war that Trump waged with China was lost by
the U.S., economists say, and data on trade deficits confirm.

President Donald Trump shakes hands with Chinese President Xi Jinping during a
meeting on the sidelines of the G-20 summit in Osaka, Japan, June 29, 2019.
Susan Walsh/AP

Trump’s dramatic trade war upended decades of policy, and kicked off with failed
meetings with Chinese leaders in 2017. After the talks disintegrated, Trump
initiated the trade war by imposing tariffs on all imported washing machines and
solar panels in early 2018. He then announced 25% tariffs on steel imports and
10% tariffs on aluminum. China retaliated with tariffs of up to 25% on more than
100 U.S. products including soybeans and airplanes. The sporadic, retaliatory
trade-off battles waged on for years, and dragged other countries that were
trying to remain competitive in as well.

“By the end of his term, the trade deficit will be larger in absolute terms than
it was when he came to office,” Chinn told ABC News.

Beyond looking at the trade deficit data, Chinn said the U.S. losing the trade
war can be seen "to the extent that the tariffs that he put into place raised
prices for goods that we import from the rest of the world, so that consumers
face higher prices, American manufacturers who use imported inputs pay higher
prices, and then probably produce less as a consequence."

"And to the extent that other countries retaliated, reducing our exports, means
that … if I look at other metrics, like employment and prices that consumers
face, and just net economic output, the U.S. probably lost [the trade war],”
Chinn said.

A 2019 report from Moody’s Analytics estimated that the trade war had cost the
U.S. economy some 300,000 jobs. A study from the Federal Reserve Bank of New
York published in May 2020 found that the trade war reduced U.S. investment
growth by 0.3 percentage points by the end of 2019, and is expected to shave
another 1.6 percentage points off investment growth by the end of 2020.
Moreover, the study says that U.S. firms lost some $1.7 trillion in stock value
as a result of the trade war with China.

President Donald Trump displays signs a presidential memorandum imposing tariffs
and investment restrictions on China in the Diplomatic Reception Room of the
White House, March 22, 2018.
Evan Vucci/AP

Trump’s erratic trade barriers, tariffs and spars with the World Trade
Organization also stoked massive amounts of uncertainty, Chinn noted. The U.S.
trade policy uncertainty index created by Scott R. Baker of Northwestern
University, Nick Bloom of Stanford University, and Steven J. Davis of the
University of Chicago reached levels in 2019 that were twice as high as had been
seen over the last 35 years. The index measures policy-related economic
uncertainty by quantifying news coverage, tax code provisions set to expire in
future years and disagreements among economic forecasters. Firms did not know if
they could import from China, sell to China, or even import from allies and
export to allies. This made it much harder for them to plan and invest.

“If you look at the whole range of international trade policies, it's hard to
see what benefit was accomplished,” Chinn said. “On trade policy, it's pretty
much a disaster.”


SOARING STOCK MARKET

Trump took every opportunity while campaigning to tout gains in the stock market
as evidence of a booming U.S. economy. On Nov. 24, 2020, Trump even broke his
post-election silence to hold a minute-long news conference to tout the Dow
Jones Industrial Average trading at the 30,000 mark.

"The stock market’s just broken 30,000. Never been broken, that number, that’s a
sacred number," the president said. "I just want to congratulate all the people
within the administration that worked so hard."

Trader Peter Tuchman wears a DOW 30,000 hat as he greets friends outside the New
York Stock Exchange (NYSE) in New York, N.Y., Nov. 24, 2020.
Brendan McDermid/Reuters

Stock markets have rallied significantly, bouncing back sharply after a March
fall to soar to record highs as Trump was in office -- despite the rest of the
economy largely receding and suffering.

"The stock market is up phenomenally and the bond market too, so wealthy
investors who own most of it benefited," Frankel said of economic wins during
Trump's tenure.

Much of the stock market gains, however, economists link to expansionary policy
from the Federal Reserve, which is independent of Trump -- and Trump has notably
even taken steps to weaken the Fed’s independence. Expansionary policy aims to
inject money into the economy, such as the way the Fed slashed interest rates
and made it easier to borrow.

The Dow soared by 56% during Trump's presidency. It climbed 148% under Obama, it
fell by 26.5% under Bush and climbed 229% under Clinton. Notably, the previous
presidents had two terms. At the one term line, the Dow climbed 73.2% under
Obama, dropped by 3.7% under Bush and soared 105.8% under Clinton.

The Dow Jones under the last four presidents
ABC News

"It's not Trump because the stock market is going up even more since Biden won
the election," Frankel added.

Chinn noted that “if you lower interest rates by two to three percentage points,
that'll give you a stock market boom.”

Another problem with pointing to the stock market as a barometer of the economy
is that most of it is owned by the wealthy, and middle- and low-wage workers
don't reap the benefits of market gains if they don't own any market shares.

In the third quarter of 2020 the wealthiest 10% of households based on net worth
own 88% of all total corporate equities and mutual fund shares, according to
Federal Reserve data, with the top 1% owning 53%.

Shierholz said for most working class and even middle class families, stock
market gains are "utterly irrelevant."

While Trump didn't create the issue of income inequality in the U.S., his
policies will be remembered for creating an economy where the richest prosper
while lower-paid families struggle.


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