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SELECTIVE ARITHMETIC TO HIDE THE F-35’S TRUE COSTS

By Dan Grazier | Filed under analysis | October 21, 2020

12 minute read
(Photo: LPhot Luke / MOD; Illustration: Renzo Velez / POGO)
 * 
 * 
 * 
 * 
 * 

Last month, while Lockheed Martin and the government negotiated a major contract
modification for the troubled F-35 Joint Strike Fighter, stories appeared in the
trade presses with familiar headlines: “The F-35 Is Getting Cheaper: Is It Time
To Buy More Stealth Fighters?” and “F-35 program costs are evolving, and these
savings matter.” Earlier this year, while Congress considered a coronavirus
relief package that would have given the Pentagon $686 million for the F-35
program, we saw this story: “F-35 costs falling, Pentagon estimates indicate.”

As we’ve written before, when you look at the numbers, it is simply not the case
that the F-35’s costs are falling—not this year, and not in years past.

Yet year after year, the media is full of stories and columns about the
supposedly falling price of the F-35. In 2017, the press reported a price drop
of 7.3% per aircraft compared to the previous year. In 2019, the press reported
another lower price, from Lockheed Martin, of approximately $81 million per
plane just as Congress began work on the annual Pentagon budget. As we have seen
in recent years, misleading claims about falling prices often surface when the
decision-makers in Washington begin to turn their attention toward the next
year’s defense budget, as an effort to convince Congress to add more aircraft in
the next authorization.

The story that appeared during the relief package negotiations portrays a
particularly rosy forecast by putting the cost of an F-35 at $57.4 million, with
a parenthetical admitting that figure doesn’t include the engine.

But in fact, across the services the real cost per plane—engine and all—is
something in the neighborhood of double that figure.

> When all the operating costs for the planned fleet are calculated across the
> expected 50-year lifetime of the program, the American people will spend an
> estimated $1.727 trillion

The American people were promised that the F-35 would be an affordable
replacement for the A-10 and the F-16 when Lockheed Martin won the coveted
contract in 2001. Then-Secretary of the Air Force Jim Roche said the new jets
would cost between $40 and $50 million a piece and that the total cost of the
program, from development to production, would be $200 billion. In the 19 years
since that announcement, total program costs have doubled to approximately $400
billion. When all the operating costs for the planned fleet are calculated
across the program’s expected 50-year lifetime, the American people will spend
an estimated $1.727 trillion.

As defense budget season gets underway again, it’s worth noting that unlike
previous years, the F-35 has some competition in the form of the Boeing F-15EX.
For defense contractors and their boosters, the competition that really counts
in Washington is not which aircraft performs better in combat, but rather the
competition for budget space.


For the F-35, selective math is the weapon of choice to try to make the costs of
this struggling program disappear and give the impression that the jet is quite
a bargain. And even as the program’s boosters push the Pentagon to buy more
aircraft based on misleading numbers, the F-35 is already going down the
well-worn path of shiny new weapon systems that don’t deliver as promised and
sooner or later end up with cuts or outright cancellations from the services.


SELECTIVE ACQUISITION ARITHMETIC

The latest Pentagon and Lockheed Martin figure touted in the press is $77.9
million for each F-35 in the Lot 14 batch for fiscal year 2020. But taxpayers
pay far more than that for an F-35. This number, like the others trotted out to
prove the plane’s affordability, hardly provides the full picture not just of
the price per aircraft, but the program as a whole.

The services’ publicly available budget documents provide a more comprehensive
picture of these costs. According to the Air Force’s aircraft procurement
justification book for fiscal year 2021, the $77.9 million sticker price for the
2020 model F-35A jumps to $110.3 million per aircraft when all aspects of the
program are added together. And this figure will rise in the coming years as
aircraft purchased now receive significant upgrades.

When people quote the $77.9 million figure, they are talking about the unit
recurring flyaway cost, which is only the cost of the parts of the aircraft and
the labor to put them together. The doyens of the military industrial
congressional complex always prefer to use this cost metric because it is the
calculation that produces the smallest possible figure. In fact, it is merely
the “sticker price” to get the F-35 off the proverbial lot. But it does not
produce an aircraft that is ready for training, let alone for combat.

That price does not include the money spent in previous budgets to purchase
parts for that lot of F-35s. Nor does it include the costs of other activities
necessary to keep the program functioning, like standing up depot maintenance
facilities, ground support equipment, simulators, and operating the maintenance
network. The Air Force’s budget documents do include all of those costs.

According to the Department of the Navy justification book, which covers both
the Navy and Marine Corps aircraft procurement, a Marine Corps F-35B costs
$135.8 million and a Navy F-35C costs $117.3 million per aircraft.



For an even clearer picture of the real costs of a fully functioning F-35 and
related support equipment, we can look at the F-35 contracts offered to foreign
governments. The Swiss are considering purchasing 40 F-35s for approximately
$6.58 billion, or $164.5 million apiece. This figure accounts for the spare
parts, missiles, bombs, and bullets necessary for a fully functional weapon
system.

Meanwhile, the design process for the F-35 is far from complete, even as the
program limps toward full-rate production. Engineers couldn’t complete the
design of many of the program’s promised capabilities within the original
development budget and timeline. These changes have been designated as part of
the program’s follow-on modernization program, also known as Block 4.

During this process, engineers will complete work that should have already been
done in the original system design process, and will also add new capabilities.
These changes will be integrated into the production line for the F-35s that
will be built later, but added to the aircraft already in the fleet as part of a
retrofitting process.

The overall cost of each individual F-35 will subsequently rise as more money is
invested into them. The Government Accountability Office estimates that the
total cost of the F-35 Block 4 program will be $12.1 billion, a sum that the
history of the F-35 program suggests will rise much higher as the effort gets
fully underway. The F-35 modernization effort is so large that the watchdog
recommended in 2017 that it be classified as a separate acquisition program.


LOCKHEED MARTIN AND BOEING FIGHTER COMPETITION ADDS NEW PRESSURE

For more than a decade, Lockheed Martin and the F-35 cornered the American
fighter jet market. As the program fell behind schedule and proved to be a
disappointment in the capabilities it delivered, the services started purchasing
upgraded versions of existing aircraft to maintain the force structure they
needed.

The Navy had expected to stop purchasing F/A 18 Super Hornets in 2015, but
delays with the F-35C prompted the service to curtail those plans. The Navy
continued purchasing the Boeing-made Super Hornets to replace older models as
their airframes aged out of their useful lifespans. Last year, the service
awarded a $4 billion multi-year contract for 78 new Super Hornets.

The Air Force is also rethinking its fleet mix, purchasing the new Boeing-made
F-15EXs. These are upgraded versions of the original F-15s first flown in 1972.
The Air Force awarded Boeing a $1.2 billion contract for eight of the new jets
in July 2020 and may spend another $23 billion to purchase a total of 144 over
the next few years. The new F-15EXs are anything but a bargain. Based on these
contracts, each aircraft has a program cost of approximately $150 million.

> For defense contractors and their boosters the competition that really counts
> in Washington is not which aircraft performs better in combat, but rather the
> competition for budget space.

The F-15EX deal is not without controversy. In 2019, people inside the Pentagon
raised questions about alleged statements by the then-Deputy Secretary of
Defense and former Boeing executive Patrick Shanahan promoting the F-15EX deal
to Air Force officials. The Defense Department’s inspector general investigated
allegations that he “took actions to promote his former employer, Boeing, and
disparage its competitors, allegedly in violation of his ethical obligations.”
The inspector general ultimately cleared Shanahan of all wrongdoing, but the
incident underscored both the increased pressure on the F-35 program to perform
and the problems and potential conflicts that come with appointing a former
defense industry executive to such an influential Pentagon post.

By purchasing newer versions of the so-called legacy aircraft, the services put
Boeing and Lockheed Martin in direct competition for their shares of the fighter
jet budget pie. If ordinary market forces were at work, the competitors would
cut their prices to out-compete their rivals. But acquisition decisions are not
driven by ordinary supply and demand considerations: The military industrial
congressional complex is a political economy engineered through contracts that
are spread through congressional districts, plus campaign donations.

Instead of a competition that will produce the best deal for taxpayers, what we
see today are industry mouthpieces publicizing rosy cost figures to make it
appear as though the F-35 is a real bargain.


THE MARINE CORPS CONSIDERS F-35 CUTS, FURTHER INCREASING COSTS

The cost of weapon systems matters in part because it ultimately determines the
size of the force. Despite the vast sums bestowed upon the Pentagon every year,
there is a great deal of competition for resources both among and inside the
services. Today’s latest and greatest toy will inevitably get squeezed out when
something even newer comes along. Because the military industrial congressional
complex continually pursues ever more expensive weapon systems, service leaders
have to cut back on last year’s prized weapon so they can buy more of the new
ones.

This is happening now in the Marine Corps. The service announced plans in early
2020 to trim the number of F-35s in each squadron from 16 to 10 as part of its
transformation to prepare for a potential war against China in the Pacific.
Marine pilots fly both the vertical takeoff F-35B and the aircraft carrier F-35C
variant. The service envisions a future fight for control of key islands across
the south Pacific in a fashion reminiscent of World War II, but involving small
landing battalions operating new high-tech weapons like long-range anti-ship
missiles and unmanned aerial vehicles.

The Marine Corps has already taken steps to make room in the budget for these
new capabilities. Already gone are all of its tank battalions and many of its
towed artillery battalions. The service will also shrink by 12,000 Marines over
the next 10 years. Cutting the F-35 squadrons by six aircraft each is another
way to find more money to purchase other equipment. The Marine Corps had planned
on purchasing 353 F-35Bs and 67 F-35Cs, for a total of 420 aircraft. Aviation
Week reported in September that the service is expected to release a revised
F-35 total purchase quantity next February. A simple calculation suggests that
the Marine Corps will cut the total purchase to 312.

It is a bit ironic that the Marine Corps would be the first service to pare down
its planned F-35 fleet. The program started as a replacement for the AV-8B
Harrier vertical takeoff and landing fighter. Pentagon officials later expanded
the program to include the Air Force’s conventional takeoff variant and the
Navy’s aircraft carrier variant. All three variants share the same basic center
fuselage. The requirements for the Marine Corps’ short takeoff and vertical
landing capability meant the center of the aircraft needed to be wider to
accommodate the specialized engine. This added weight and aerodynamic drag to
all variants, affecting their performance in flight.


> As the saying goes, a weapon that is too expensive to lose is too expensive to
> use.



Buying fewer F-35s will free up some budget space for the Marine Corps, but it
will make each F-35 the service does buy that much more dear. The cost of each
airplane will rise dramatically as the economies of scale shift, which creates
two new problems. First and most obviously, the smaller force may not be large
enough to meet all of the demands placed upon it. Less obvious is the fact that
commanders may be less willing to place a scarce and expensive asset in harm’s
way. The author witnessed this firsthand in Afghanistan in 2013 when raid
targets were approved or rejected based on the risk posed to helicopters.
Commanders would bypass valuable targets in favor of lesser targets because they
were unwilling to risk having a helicopter shot down.

As the saying goes, a weapon that is too expensive to lose is too expensive to
use. If that is the case, then all the time and money spent to develop and
purchase the weapon has been wasted.



UNILATERAL DISARMAMENT

The Marine Corps is hardly the first service to slash a planned weapons purchase
to free up resources when something newer came along. Several once-marquee
programs have been drastically reduced or canceled entirely because rising costs
would force the services to either devote too many resources to acquire the
planned fleet or to sacrifice other programs.

Here are a few examples from the past 30 years:

 * B-2 Spirit: The Air Force originally intended to purchase 165 B-2 stealth
   bombers for $36 billion, or approximately $218 million per aircraft, during
   the Cold War. As the costs rose and the Soviet threat diminished, procurement
   numbers dropped incrementally through the 1980s until President George H.W.
   Bush announced that production would be halted at 20 aircraft after more than
   $40 billion had been spent on the program. Each B-2 had a final program cost
   of $2.1 billion.
   
 * F-22 Raptor: Originally intended to replace the F-15, the Air Force planned
   to purchase 648 F-22 stealth fighters. The cost of the program grew steadily
   throughout the development process and the planned fleet shrank accordingly.
   The Pentagon’s 1993 Bottom-Up Review saw the total shrink to 442. It shrank
   again to 339 following the 1997 Quadrennial Defense Review. The Air Force
   originally estimated each aircraft would cost $149 million but, in the end,
   they cost approximately $400 million. Defense Secretary Robert Gates
   curtailed production in 2009 at 187 after more than $65 billion had been
   spent on the program.
   
 * Zumwalt-class Destroyer: The Navy wanted to replace the Arleigh Burke-class
   destroyers as part of its electric boat concept. The original plans called
   for a fleet of 32 Zumwalt ships, but cost overruns and technological
   difficulties prompted Congress to curtail the program at three ships. The
   Navy spent a total of $22.5 billion on the program, or $7.5 billion per ship.
   
 * Littoral Combat Ship: Navy leaders wanted to increase the size of the fleet
   with a relatively large number of small surface ships meant to operate close
   to enemy shores. The Littoral Combat Ship program ended up producing two hull
   designs because no decision was ever made between the two competing
   manufacturers, even though the original strategy called for the Navy to do
   so. Neither design ever worked properly. Costs more than tripled from $220
   million per ship to more than $688 million per ship. The planned fleet shrank
   accordingly from 55 to 33.
   
 * Future Combat Systems: Fresh from the success of the 1991 Gulf War and the
   demise of the Soviet threat, the Army sought a way to reinvent itself to
   fight the wars in the 21st century. It launched the Future Combat Systems
   program to develop an entire family of vehicles and weapons platforms to
   replace weapons like the Abrams tanks and Bradley Fighting Vehicles that were
   the backbone of the force. The new weapons were to be linked with a
   communications network that promised to provide commanders with a perfect
   picture of the battlefield. But engineers could never get the technology to
   work properly and the projected cost of the program skyrocketed to $200
   billion. After 14 years and $32 billion had been spent on the project, it was
   canceled in April 2009 with little to show for the effort.


A BETTER WAY

Uniformed and civilian military leaders, as well as Congress, should not
hesitate to cut weapons programs like the F-35 if they are not living up to
expectations or meeting the needs of the services. Likewise, if the costs of a
program spiral out of control, the proper course of action will likely be to
either fulfill the minimum order or outright cancel the program. All of the
examples cited above were programs the Project On Government Oversight (POGO)
opposed in large part because the exorbitant costs were destined to result in
production curtailment or cancelation.

Pentagon leaders could go a long way toward solving this dilemma by pursuing
simpler programs from the outset. The pursuit of dazzling yet unproven
technologies inevitably results in programs that waste billions of taxpayer
dollars on weapons that failed to live up to the lavish promises made at their
beginning.

Besides the F-35, the Navy’s Ford-class aircraft carrier is another program that
may suffer a similar fate. As all of these over-budget and underperforming
programs through the years crashed into reality, their numbers were slashed,
which forced the services to extend the life of the existing weapons the new
programs were intended to replace.

A weapon or military vehicle can only go through so many service life extension
programs before it becomes completely unserviceable. By creating falsely
optimistic cost projections, weapon system proponents hinder good
decision-making in Washington. Unless the Pentagon and the defense industry mend
their ways, the people charged with our defense will be without the equipment
they need to effectively do their jobs.


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AUTHOR

 * Author
   
   
   DAN GRAZIER
   
   Dan Grazier is the Jack Shanahan Military Fellow at the Center for Defense
   Information at POGO.


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