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Democracy Dies in Darkness
electionsHarris’s policy positionsLive updatesElection 2024Presidential
pollsTrump’s policy positionsSenate races to watch
electionsHarris’s policy positionsLive updatesElection 2024Presidential
pollsTrump’s policy positionsSenate races to watch



HARRIS AND TRUMP PLACE THEIR CHIPS ON DIFFERENT STATES TO WIN WHITE HOUSE

A compressed battleground map has given each campaign a defensive electoral
college wall, and they overlap in the crucial state of Pennsylvania.

6 min
2165

Supporters at a campaign rally for Donald Trump on Aug. 30 in Johnstown, Pa.
(Jeff Swensen for The Washington Post)
By Michael Scherer
September 14, 2024 at 6:00 a.m. EDT

Democrats have spent the last year eyeing a familiar trio of northern states
that would deliver the White House in November: Wisconsin, Michigan and
Pennsylvania are the “clearest pathway” to victory, Vice President Kamala
Harris’s campaign leaders wrote in July — as long as she also picks up a single
electoral vote in the Omaha area.



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The Trump team, meanwhile, has been focused on its own path in the Eastern time
zone, a veritable “Red Wall” trifecta that overlaps with the northern “Blue
Wall” around the Great Lakes.

“As long as we hold North Carolina, we just need to win Georgia and
Pennsylvania,” a Trump campaign official told reporters last month in a strategy
briefing. “That is all we need to win. So when everybody is running around with
all the machinations, she’s still playing defense.”

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The different strategies, which both hinge on a win in Pennsylvania, have been
reflected in ad spending by both campaigns and the super PACs supporting them,
according to AdImpact, which tracks spending and reservations on television,
radio and digital platforms for ads that have already run. The data shows that
the Trump and Harris camps largely agree on the seven principal states where
they will advertise and the several more where they have hired staff. But the
two sides have deployed decidedly different battle plans.

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Republicans, for instance, have spent 19 percent of their ad money between March
12 and Sept. 3 in the presidential contest in Georgia, compared with the 11
percent Democrats have spent. Democrats have focused 16 percent of their
spending in Michigan, compared with 12 percent of the Republican spending.

Republicans, meanwhile, have moved a greater share of their chips into
Pennsylvania, which given its size is likely to hold the key to the election if
the outcome is close. That state has seen 36 percent of Republican ad dollars,
compared with 21 percent for the Democratic side.

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“Pennsylvania and Georgia have taken center stage for the final act of this
election,” said John Ashbrook, a Republican strategist. “The map becomes nearly
impossible for Republicans without Georgia, and it becomes nearly impossible for
Democrats without Pennsylvania.”



The fall electoral college chess game, a vestige of 18th-century concerns that
the Founding Fathers had about majority rule, always produces complex
gamesmanship late in presidential contests. But this year the map is
historically small, the margins in the key states are expected to be tiny, and
the various paths each candidate has to victory appear more limited.

Both major-party campaigns continue to have staff in states such as Minnesota,
Virginia and New Hampshire, where Harris made a visit Sept. 4. But both
campaigns have focused their spending on a smaller footprint of just seven
states — Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and
Wisconsin — as well as Nebraska’s 2nd Congressional District.

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Within that core battleground, the Trump team has identified a subset of voters,
called “Target Persuadables,” that makes up about 11 percent of the voting pool
and is the focus of much of their spending. A separate program within Trump’s
coordinated campaign is focused on turning out voters who lean Republican but
are not certain to get to the polls or turn in a ballot.

The Harris campaign — which has raised and spent much more money — has a more
ambitious plan for voter communication, with more money going to more states and
with a greater reliance on national advertising buys that do not target specific
states. Eighteen percent of the money spent by the Harris side has been spent
nationally, compared with 8 percent on the Trump side.



Harris also has a much bigger operation overall. On the whole, the Democratic
side had spent or reserved at least $933 million for advertising as of Sept. 3,
compared with $485 million on the GOP side. That spread could narrow over the
coming weeks, because Republicans have been less aggressive than Democrats in
making future ad reservations tracked by AdImpact.

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But the Harris campaign has not tried to hide the fact that it has a more
geographically expansive plan than its Republican counterpart.

“Our campaign strategy relies on a wide map: Trump is all in on one to two ‘must
win’ states. We don’t have that luxury. Every single battleground state is
close, so we need to compete aggressively in every state to build a pathway to
270 electoral votes,” Harris campaign chair Jen O’Malley Dillon said in a memo
to top donors on Sept. 7.

The Harris effort, including independent groups, has put about 13 percent of its
state-specific advertising resources into Arizona and Nevada, compared with
about 9 percent for the Trump campaign and allied groups, according to AdImpact.
A win in both those states for Harris would make up for a loss in either
Wisconsin or Michigan, giving her an electoral college victory if she carried
Pennsylvania.

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The challenge Harris faces is that if she held Michigan and Wisconsin but lost
Pennsylvania’s 19 electoral votes, she would need to win North Carolina or
Georgia and one of the two Western states to make up the difference.

One of the major groups supporting Harris, American Bridge 21st Century — which
has spent or reserved $44 million so far — has decided to focus all of its
spending in Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and Michigan. Future Forward, the other
major Democratic super PAC, has spread its spending across all the
battlegrounds, including the Omaha media market in Nebraska.

On the Republican side, the two largest advertising super PACs have roughly
divided up the states, with a notable overlap in Pennsylvania. Preserve America
PAC, backed by casino magnate Miriam Adelson, has focused on Michigan, Wisconsin
and Pennsylvania, while MAGA Inc. has focused on Georgia, Arizona, Nevada and
Pennsylvania.

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Recent polls in North Carolina have shown a close race, with Harris leading in
an early-September survey by Quinnipiac University by three points among likely
voters. That has raised concerns among Republican strategists about the
integrity of their eastern “Red Wall.” Democratic strategists continue to view
Georgia as a more favorable state than North Carolina, in part because of its
higher percentage of Black voters.

After Harris’s strong debate performance this week, Republican allies of Trump
are no longer talking about the sweep they saw as a possibility this summer,
when President Joe Biden was crashing in polling. Former House speaker Kevin
McCarthy, echoing the Trump campaign’s early pitch, said Wednesday that voters
should focus on the strongest bulwark for another Trump term.

“It comes down to two states — it’s Pennsylvania and Georgia,” McCarthy said on
CNBC. “If Trump carries exactly what he did before, and he wins Pennsylvania and
Georgia, he is at 270. He doesn’t need Arizona. He doesn’t need Nevada.”

Clara Ence Morse contributed to this report.


ELECTION 2024

Follow live updates on the 2024 election and the contest between Vice President
Kamala Harris and former president Donald Trump from our reporters on the
campaign trail and in Washington.

Presidential debate: We asked swing-state voters who won the debate. This is
what they said. Catch up on the first presidential debate between Harris and
Trump with key takeaways and fact checks from the night.

Policy positions: We’ve collected Harris’s and Trump’s stances on the most
important issues — abortion, economic policy, immigration and more.

Presidential polls: Check out how Harris and Trump stack up, according to The
Washington Post’s presidential polling averages of seven battleground states.

Senate control: Senate Democrats are at risk of losing their slim 51-49 majority
this fall. The Post breaks down the eight races and three long shots that could
determine Senate control.

VP picks: Harris chose Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz, a Midwestern Democrat and former
high school teacher, to be her running mate. Trump chose Sen. JD Vance (Ohio), a
rising star in the Republican Party. Here’s where Vance and Walz stand on key
policies.

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2165 Comments
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