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WHEN A BLACK MAN RAN FOR SENATE IN THE SOUTH … IN 1944

By Daniel Malloy

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WHY YOU SHOULD CARE

Because this lesser-known civil rights leader helped lay the groundwork.

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A good 10 years before the landmark Brown v. Board of Education school
desegregation case, the Supreme Court in 1944 struck down another pernicious
plank of formalized racism: the whites-only primary election. In response, South
Carolina became a center of African-American political activism — with the first
black-led splinter challenge to the Democratic Party and the first major black
candidate for statewide office in the South since Reconstruction.

Osceola McKaine is hardly a household name, and South Carolina doesn’t hold the
same place in civil rights lore of its Deep South neighbors, but the worldly
native of Sumter helped pave the way. As he hit the campaign trail, it was
outlandish for McKaine to label the nascent civil rights movement “the third
American revolution” (the Civil War being the second), but his words proved
prescient.

Born in 1892, McKaine was eager to ditch the city of a few thousand souls, and
left home at age 16 to travel. A merchant ship took him from Savannah to Latin
America to Boston. The Army took him to the Philippines, Mexico and then to
France during World War I. McKaine made lieutenant and found fuel for his future
activism. “They found more acceptance among the French,” University of South
Carolina history professor Patricia Sullivan says of McKaine and his fellow
Buffalo Soldiers in the all-black units. “Their treatment in the armed services
radicalized a number of them.”

> The new party posed a real challenge to the political structure.

McKaine returned to New York amid the Harlem Renaissance and got to work on
civil rights activism, but he wasn’t there long. “Ossie was always a proud,
nonconforming person and he just got tired trying to buck Jim Crow all the time,
so he looked to Europe,” McKaine’s half brother, Ansley Abraham, said in a 1991
South Carolina Historical Society article by scholar Miles Richards. McKaine
wound up in Ghent, Belgium, where he opened a popular nightclub called Mac’s
Place. McKaine, who spoke four languages, was able to own a business with white
employees — unthinkable in South Carolina at that time — and he built a good
life. But when Adolf Hitler invaded, McKaine returned to the U.S. After more
than three decades away, he landed back in Sumter.

 


He picked up his activism once again, working on a campaign with the NAACP to
push for pay equity between black and white teachers. McKaine traveled
across the state to survey teachers and to build a legal defense fund. So when
the all-white primary was struck down in 1944, he and fellow activists like John
Henry McCray — the publisher of influential black newspaper Lighthouse and
Informer — were ready for the fight. When legislators moved to keep the white
primary by making the Democratic Party a private club, McKaine and his
colleagues took a novel step: They formed the Progressive Democratic Party.

The new party posed a real challenge to the political structure. The GOP’s
Abraham Lincoln–era grip on black constituents was waning, thanks to Franklin
Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal, and all of a sudden the African-American vote was
important to Democrats. At the 1944 Democratic National Convention in Chicago,
the Progressive Democrats demanded to be seated in place of South Carolina’s
official delegation. They were excluded on a technicality as national Democrats
feared a Southern walkout. It was a prelude to the Mississippi Freedom
Democratic Party 20 years later and the racial split that would reshape
America’s party politics in the ensuing decades.

That fall, McKaine ran for Senate under the PDP banner. He had little chance,
and he knew it, against sitting governor Olin Johnston, whose Democratic primary
win meant the general election was but a coronation. But McKaine hit the stump,
aiming to broaden the Progressive Democratic base to include poor whites, whom
he argued faced the same structural discrimination as black constituents.
Officially, he won only 3,214 votes, a fraction of Johnston’s, but fraud and
repression likely kept the numbers down. The more important numbers for the long
run? Black voter registration jumped from 3,500 to 50,000 in the 1940s, thanks
to McKaine and other PDP activists, Sullivan says, who were “on the ground
organizing, making people feel change is possible.”

After the campaign, McKaine helped on voter-registration drives for a couple of
years before returning to postwar Belgium to try and revive his business in
Ghent, where he died in 1955.

But for South Carolina, McKaine had planted a flag for black leaders to come.
Still, it would be another 70 years after McKaine’s run before a black candidate
from the South won a U.S. Senate election: Republican Tim Scott pulled it off in
2014.

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   Malloy




The Daily Dose May 8, 2017

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