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Marijuana


12 SENATORS URGE THE DEA TO LEGALIZE MARIJUANA, WHICH ONLY CONGRESS CAN DO


UNDER THE CONTROLLED SUBSTANCES ACT, THE AGENCY DOES NOT HAVE THE DISCRETION TO
"DESCHEDULE MARIJUANA ALTOGETHER."

Jacob Sullum | 1.31.2024 3:20 PM

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Sen. Elizabeth Warren (Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call/Newscom)

The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) is considering whether it will
reclassify marijuana under the Controlled Substances Act (CSA), as the
Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) recommended last August. This week
a dozen Democratic senators recommended that the DEA go further by completely
removing marijuana from the CSA's schedules. Their argument is sound as a matter
of policy but legally shaky because the CSA incorporates international treaty
obligations in a way that bars the DEA from taking that step.

Since 1970, marijuana has been listed in Schedule I of the CSA, a category
supposedly reserved for substances with "a high potential for abuse" that have
"no currently accepted medical use" and cannot be used safely even under a
doctor's supervision. The DEA has consistently rejected petitions asking it to
reclassify marijuana, citing advice from HHS. But last August, in response to an
October 2022 directive from President Joe Biden, who said marijuana's Schedule I
status "makes no sense," HHS reversed its longstanding position.

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Departing from the DEA's usual approach, HHS took into account clinical
experience with marijuana in the 38 states that allow medical use, scientific
evidence in support of certain therapeutic applications, and the relative
hazards of marijuana compared to "other drugs of abuse." It noted that "the vast
majority of individuals who use marijuana are doing so in a manner that does not
lead to dangerous outcomes to themselves or others." HHS concluded that the DEA
should move marijuana to Schedule III, which includes prescription drugs such as
ketamine, Tylenol with codeine, and anabolic steroids.

For good reason, Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D–Mass.), Sen. John Fetterman (D–Pa.),
and 10 of their colleagues, including Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer
(D–N.Y.), think that change does not go far enough. Rescheduling marijuana, they
say in a letter they sent to Attorney General Merrick Garland and DEA
Administrator Anne Milgram on Monday, "would mark a significant step forward"
but "would not resolve the worst harms of the current system." They urge the DEA
to "deschedule marijuana altogether," noting that its prohibition "has had a
devastating impact on our communities and is increasingly out of step with state
law and public opinion."

Unsurprisingly, that recommendation was welcomed by drug policy reformers. But
it goes beyond what the CSA authorizes the DEA to do.

Generally speaking, the CSA gives the attorney general the authority to
schedule, reschedule, and deschedule drugs in consultation with HHS. The
attorney general historically has delegated that function to the DEA, which is
part of the Justice Department. But the CSA includes an explicit limitation on
the executive branch's discretion that complicates any attempt to unilaterally
deregulate marijuana.

"If control [of a subtance] is required by United States obligations under
international treaties, conventions, or protocols in effect on October 27,
1970," Section 811(d)(1) of the CSA says, "the Attorney General shall issue an
order controlling such drug under the schedule he deems most appropriate to
carry out such obligations" (emphasis added). In that situation, the decision to
place or keep a drug in one of the CSA's schedules is mandatory, and it is to be
made "without regard" to the "findings" and "procedures" ordinarily required to
schedule a substance.



The United States is a signatory to the U.N. Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs
of 1961, which requires strict control of cannabis. "If a Party permits the
cultivation of the cannabis plant for the production of cannabis or cannabis
resin," it says, "it shall apply thereto the system of controls" specified for
"the control of the opium poppy." The treaty does not apply to "the cultivation
of the cannabis plant exclusively for industrial purposes," and it allows
regulated medical use, as with opiates. But the obligations it imposes, which
restrict the DEA's scheduling decisions under the CSA, are inconsistent with
decontrolling marijuana and treating it like alcohol and nicotine.

Warren et al. acknowledge the problem raised by the interaction between the CSA
and the Single Convention. In 2016, they note, "the DEA considered its
international treaty obligations a bar to rescheduling marijuana to anything
less restrictive than Schedule II." But since then, they say, "cannabis has been
rescheduled under international law—a change that the United States and the
World Health Organization supported, in light of 'the legitimate medical use' of
certain cannabis products."

In 2020, the senators note, cannabis was removed from the Single Convention's
"most restrictive schedule" (confusingly, Schedule IV). It remains in a category
(also confusingly, Schedule I) that "requires countries to limit the drug's use
to only 'medical and scientific purposes.'" But "deschedul[ing] marijuana
altogether," as the senators are urging the DEA to do, would flout that
requirement. In addition to "cannabis and cannabis resin," the Single
Convention's Schedule I includes drugs such as opium, heroin, fentanyl,
morphine, hydrocodone, oxycodone, and cocaine, all of which are listed in the
CSA's Schedule I or Schedule II.

In support of their argument that treaty obligations are not an obstacle to
administrative descheduling of marijuana, the senators cite a September 2023
legal analysis by the Boston-based law firm Foley Hoag. But that analysis
actually undermines Warren et al.'s argument.



Foley Hoag notes that the Single Convention requires signatories to "tightly
control cannabis, most similarly to the CSA's Schedule I or Schedule II." The
main issue, it emphasizes, is not what the treaty demands but what the CSA
allows.

"Several commentators have largely dismissed concerns regarding the Attorney
General's ability (via the DEA) to reschedule cannabis below Schedule II," Foley
Hoag notes. "After all, we've already violated it through our permissive
approach to states' rights to establish and regulate their own medical and
adult-use markets. Moreover, several signatories to the UN Single Convention
(including Canada, Mexico, Uruguay, Luxembourg, South Africa, Thailand, and
others) have legalized adult use cannabis or have otherwise decriminalized
possession and/or home cultivation in clear violation of the Single Convention.
After all, the Single Convention seems to lack any enforcement mechanism. So,
it's no big deal, right? RIGHT?"

Wrong, Foley Hoag says: "Treaty compliance is not the issue. At least not
the primary issue. The issue is compliance with domestic law. The key question
is whether the Attorney General, via the DEA, can or will be able to reschedule
cannabis to Schedule III given that the UN Single Convention is effectively
incorporated into the CSA—a federal statute passed by Congress that the
Executive Branch must follow."

Back in 1977, Foley Hoag notes, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit
emphasized that Section 811(d)(1) "circumscribes the Attorney General's
scheduling authority." That provision "enables him to place a substance in a CSA
schedule—without regard to medical and scientific findings—only to the extent
that placement in that schedule is necessary to satisfy United States
international obligations," the appeals court said. "Had the provision been
intended to grant him unlimited scheduling discretion with respect to
internationally controlled substances, it would have authorized him to issue an
order controlling such drug 'under the schedule he deems most appropriate,'"
full stop.



Note that Foley Hoag was addressing the issue of whether the DEA can legally
move marijuana to Schedule III. The objections it raises apply with even more
force to the question of whether the DEA can "deschedule marijuana altogether."

In a 2020 brief asking the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit to overrule
the DEA's position that marijuana belongs in Schedule I, attorneys Matthew Zorn
and Shane Pennington argued that the CSA violates the constitutional separation
of powers. The statute "transfers a quintessential legislative power—the power
to execute treaties—to the Attorney General," they wrote. And in doing so, they
said, it fails to provide an "intelligible principle to choose among schedules,"
as required by the Supreme Court's delegation precedents. "The Attorney General
has no discretion to override the floor dictated by an unelected international
body," Zorn and Pennington noted. "But he has unfettered discretion to schedule
above that point. Even if these two handoffs could stand independently, together
they plainly violate established Separation of Powers norms."

Even as they argued that the CSA is unconstitutional in these respects, Zorn and
Pennington conceded that the attorney general "has no discretion" under the
statute to ignore the Single Convention's demands. In fact, their constitutional
argument hinged on that point.

Zorn still does not see how the DEA can do what Warren et al. are asking without
violating the CSA. "This is like asking the President to jump 20 feet in the
air," he says in an email.

The senators are right that moving marijuana to Schedule III would leave many
problems unresolved. That step would facilitate medical research by removing
regulatory requirements that are specific to Schedule I. It also would relieve a
crippling tax burden on state-licensed marijuana businesses under Section 280E
of the Internal Revenue Code. But those businesses would remain criminal
enterprises in the eyes of the federal government, subject to felony charges and
civil forfeiture—consequences they currently avoid only thanks to prosecutorial
discretion and an annually renewed congressional spending rider that is limited
to medical marijuana. They would still have difficulty obtaining financial
services from institutions that are keen to avoid the risk of civil, regulatory,
and criminal penalties.



Placing marijuana in Schedule III would not even make it legally available as a
prescription medicine, which would require approval of specific products that
meet the Food and Drug Administration's onerous requirements for proving safety
and efficacy. Nor would it restore the Second Amendment rights of cannabis
consumers, who would still be barred from possessing firearms as "unlawful
user[s]" of a controlled substance. And as Warren et al. note, "non-citizens
could still be denied naturalization and green cards, and even deported, based
on most marijuana offenses."

The only way to solve all of these problems is to repeal the federal ban on
marijuana—a move that 70 percent of Americans favor, according to the latest
Gallup poll. But the power to do that lies with Congress, not the DEA.

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Jacob Sullum is a senior editor at Reason.

MarijuanaRegulationDrug PolicyWar on DrugsDEADepartment of Health and Human
ServicesControlled substanceTreaty ObligationsExecutive PowerSeparation of
PowersRule of lawCongress
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