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Democracy Dies in Darkness
PoliticsBiden administrationThe FixThe BriefsPollingDemocracy in AmericaElection
2024
PoliticsBiden administrationThe FixThe BriefsPollingDemocracy in AmericaElection
2024



TRUMP’S MANDATE ISN’T AS ‘POWERFUL’ AS HE SUGGESTS. HERE’S WHY.

The size of Trump’s and the GOP’s perceived and actual mandate has huge
implications for what lies ahead.

4 min
3135

Donald Trump attends an election-night party in West Palm Beach, Florida, early
Wednesday morning. (Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post)
Analysis by Aaron Blake
November 7, 2024 at 4:56 p.m. EST

When Donald Trump emerged victorious as president-elect in the wee hours of
Wednesday morning, he was characteristically hyperbolic about his and the
Republican Party’s achievement.

“America has given us an unprecedented and powerful mandate,” Trump said. He
quickly added that “the Senate races in Montana, Nevada, Texas, Ohio, Michigan,
Wisconsin, the great commonwealth of Pennsylvania were all won by the MAGA
movement.”



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That latter part was premature, to say the least. In fact, Democrats have since
been declared the winners of the Senate races in Michigan and Wisconsin, and
they’ll likely win Nevada, too.

But what about Trump’s earlier and related claim — that his and the GOP’s
mandate was “unprecedented and powerful?”

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Unprecedented: Surely not.

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Powerful: That’s more subjective. But it’s evidently not that powerful,
historically speaking.

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While Trump’s win was larger than many expected and every swing state swung in
his favor, his level of support is relatively par for the course for a victor.
And Republicans on the whole didn’t do as well as he did.

It’s all worth diving into, given the major questions about whether Trump and
the GOP will actually pursue some of the extreme proposals he has pitched on the
campaign trail — and given that his and his party’s mandate, both perceived and
real, will play a role in what lies ahead.

As things stand, Trump probably will sweep the seven swing states, but he will
do so with only marginally more electoral votes (probably 312) than he won in
2016 (304) and President Joe Biden won in 2020 (306).

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That 312 total would also outpace both of George W. Bush’s elections, but it’s
fewer than in any election involving Barack Obama, Bill Clinton, George H.W.
Bush or Ronald Reagan. And the 58 percent of electoral votes Trump probably will
win would rank 41st all-time.

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It’s more impressive given that we are a more polarized country today than we
used to be, but it’s hardly out of step with other recent presidential election
results.

The other key measure here is the popular vote, which has no bearing on who is
actually elected but does say something about their support nationwide.

Trump is currently taking 50.9 percent of the popular vote and leading Vice
President Kamala Harris by 3.3 points. That will shift as the remaining votes
are counted, but it seems Trump will actually win the popular vote this time,
which he didn’t do when he won the 2016 election.

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At the same time, his popular-vote share probably will drop as the remaining
(mostly western and largely Californian) votes are counted. It’s likely he’ll
win a smaller percentage of the popular vote than any non-Trump president-elect
since 2000, when George W. Bush won despite losing the popular vote. A big
question is whether he could wind up shy of a popular majority.

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Regardless, it’s overstating it to claim an “unprecedented and powerful” mandate
when half of the population didn’t vote for you.

Which brings us to the House and the Senate. Whatever mandate Trump won, the
broader Republican Party’s mandate appears to be smaller.

That’s because, as those Senate results in Michigan, Nevada and Wisconsin
reinforce, Republican Senate candidates generally ran behind Trump — more than
three points behind him in the swing states.

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The reason Republicans flipped the Senate majority owes largely to the fact that
the map was so favorable to them, rather than that voters swung so hard toward
the GOP. Their pickups so far are in a trio of red states: Montana, Ohio and
West Virginia. And among the swing states Trump won, they’ll probably go 1 for 5
by flipping only Pennsylvania.

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The battle for the House is a somewhat similar story. With nearly 30 races
undecided, it’s likely that Republicans will retain their slight majority, as I
wrote earlier Thursday. But they could actually lose seats and even possibly the
majority if things break against them.

Which matters moving forward, practically speaking. We’ve seen how much the GOP
has struggled with their slight House majority — if they’ll even have that come
January — and they won’t have as big a Senate majority as they might have hoped
for going into this election cycle, either.

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But beyond the practical is what it says about Americans’ willingness to give
Trump and the GOP room to operate and do some of the big and probably
controversial things (see: large tariffs, mass deportation, etc.) he has talked
about.

Trump might believe he has just won a tremendous victory and feel emboldened to
go places he didn’t before, particularly as he’s likely to surround himself with
loyalists. But that doesn’t mean the American people will view themselves as
having signed off on that.

And there’s a pretty compelling argument to be made that they didn’t.

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