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TRUMP V. ANDERSON, PROFESSOR AKHIL REED AMAR, AND THE CONSTITUTIONALITY OF THE
PRESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION ACT


PROFESSOR AMAR'S ARGUMENT RENDERS THE PRESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION ACTS OF 1792 AND
1947 UNCONSTITUTIONAL BY BARRING PUTTING THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF
REPRESENTATIVES AND THE PRESIDENT PRO TEMPER OF THE SENATE IN THE LINE OF
SUCCESSION TO THE PRESIDENCY

Steven Calabresi | 2.8.2024 2:00 AM

Professors Akhil Reed Amar and David Vikram Amar argue that President Donald
Trump is covered by the phrase in the Fourteenth Amendment, Section 3, that
disqualifies a person who holds "any office *** under the United States" from
being eligible to be elected President, if he has engaged in an insurrection,
after swearing an oath to support the Constitution.  The Amar brother's position
is that the presidency is an "office *** under the United States", and that
Donald Trump is disqualified from being elected President in 2024 even though
the entire Republican Party overwhelmingly wants Trump to be their nominee.

The Incompatibility Clause of Article I, Section 6 says that "no Person holding
any Office under the United States, shall be a Member of either House during his
Continuance in Office."  And, the Presidential Succession Clause of Article II,
Section 1 says that in the event of a vacancy in both the presidency and the
vice presidency "Congress may by Law [declare] what Officer [legislative or
executive] shall then act as President."  For most of American history, the
Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President Pro Tempore of the
Senate have been ahead of the Cabinet in the line of succession to the
presidency.  That arrangement is as American as apple pie.

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Under Professor Amar's theory that the President holds an Office under the
United States for the purposes of Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment, it is
unconstitutional for Congress to put the Speaker of the House of Representatives
or the President Pro Tempore of the Senate in the line of succession to the
Presidency, as Congress has done since 1947, because doing so would violate the
Incompatibility Clause.   (A Member of either House would unconstitutionally get
to hold, simultaneously, their congressional seat and an Office under the United
States while they served as Acting President).

In fact, the Presidential Succession Act of 1792, which was passed by the Second
Congress, which was full of framers of the Constitution, and which was signed
into law by President George Washington put legislative officers in the line of
succession to the presidency because the Founding Fathers did not believe that
the Presidency was an Office under the United States.  The Founding Fathers
discussed and debated this very question, and James Madison lost while making
the exact same argument that the Amar brothers make as to Section 3 of the
Fourteenth Amendment that the Presidency is an Office under the United States.

The Amar brothers think that our current setup of having legislative officers in
the line of succession to the presidency is unconstitutional as they argued in
print in Akhil Reed Amar & Vikram David Amar, Is the Presidential Succession Law
Constitutional?, 48 Stanford Law Review 113 (1995-1996).  I once agreed with the
Amar brothers on this issue but have since changed my mind.  I strongly doubt
that the nine current justices of the Supreme Court realize that any ruling that
Donald Trump is ineligible to be on the Colorado primary ballot will end up as a
side-effect gutting the Presidential Succession law.

The Supreme Court in Trump v. Anderson should not hold that the Presidency is
an office under the United States because, if it does so, the Presidential
Succession Acts of both 1947, and of 1792, would be rendered unconstitutional,
even though the Founding Fathers meant for legislative officers to be eligible
to be put into the line of succession to the Presidency, and such legislative
officers have been in the line of succession to the presidency for most of
American history. The Amar brothers would repudiate 171 years of historical
practice of legislative officers being in the line of succession to the
presidency.  It is far more democratic to put elected Speakers of the House of
Representatives and Presidents Pro Tempore of the Senate in the line of
succession to the Presidency than it is to put un-elected Cabinet Secretaries in
the line of succession.   The Amar brothers are just plain wrong in arguing that
the President holds an "office *** under the United States" under Section Three
of the Fourteenth Amendment.



They are also wrong in Trump v. Anderson in calling on the Supreme Court to let
each of the fifty States have their own rule as to what constitutes an
"insurrection".  The whole point of the Fourteenth Amendment was to rein in
State power and to impose some uniform national rules.  This is especially
needed with rules concerning eligibility to hold national offices.  See U.S.
Term Limits v. Thornton, 514 U.S. 779 (1995); Powell v. McCormack, 395 U.S. 486
(1969).  Letting 1,000 flowers bloom on the fifty State Supreme Courts, as to
presidential eligibility requirements, is more likely to produce a weed garden
than it is the Rose Garden.

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NEXT: All Blackman-Tillman Articles, Presentations, Amicus Briefs, Commentary,
and Blog posts on Section 3 and Insurrection

Steven Calabresi is the Clayton J. & Henry R. Barber Professor of Law at
Northwestern Pritzker School of Law, where he specializes in constitutional law.
He also teaches regularly at the Yale Law School. Before going into teaching, he
worked in the Reagan White House, and was a Special Assistant for Attorney
General Edwin Meese III.

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RECOMMENDED

OFFICES UNDER THE UNITED STATES AND THE ORAL ARGUMENT IN TRUMP V. ANDERSON

PROFESSOR AKHIL REED AMAR AND PROFESSOR VIKRAM AMAR RETREAT FROM THEIR “GLOBAL”
RULE FOR THE “OFFICES” AND “OFFICERS” OF THE CONSTITUTION

DONALD TRUMP SHOULD BE ON THE BALLOT AND SHOULD LOSE

DONALD TRUMP AND SECTION 3 OF THE 14TH AMENDMENT

DO PROFESSORS AKHIL AND VIKRAM AMAR STILL THINK THE PRESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION ACT
IS UNCONSTITUTIONAL?


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