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高大伟 David Cowhig's Translation Blog
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← 2010: Tibet — From Patriotic Education to Building Long-term Monastery
Management Mechanisms
From Yang Jisheng’s Book: China’s Workers on the Eve of the Cultural Revolution
→
XU YONGYUE ON EARLY 90’S PRC PARTY POWER STRUGGLES
Posted on 02/28/2021 by 高大伟 David Cowhig
A few days ago, I ran across this unsigned Radio Free Asia commentary that
quoted anonymous Chinese Communist Party insiders. Anonymous commentaries, while
common on social media, are less common in mainstream media that Radio Free Asia
would model itself on. How much it succeeds as a government-sponsored outlet can
be debated. I personally have found listening to Chinese-language government
sponsored Chinese language broadcast services and reading their websites useful.
These include not just RFA (note that there is also an RFA Cantonese
[Guangdonghua] language broadcast website with additional material) but also
Deutsche Welle, Radio France International, BBC and VOA.
Chinese exiles writing anonymous commentaries can’t be too surprising given the
revenge that the Chinese Communist Party takes on the family, extended family,
friends and former co-workers of people who speak up in opposition, either in
China or abroad. I saw a lot of that in China.
When I worked in Chengdu, the wife of one prominent dissident in Sichuan told me
that she had to put her child into a private school because the public school
wouldn’t have him and that she had been forced to move out of an apartment
because of police pressure on her landlord. Strong pressures applied on family
are meant to force a dissident, even one of great personal courage, to shut up
for fear of what will happen to school and job opportunities to their loved
ones. I remember Dr. Gao Yaojie of Zhengzhou, Henan telling me in tears about
the intense pressure brought on her family. Dr. Gao, as the saying goes,
persisted nonetheless. Now she lives in exile in New York City.
The outside Chinese language government-sponsored media, taken with due
skepticism since exile commentators can have their own axes to grind, can be a
rich source of ideas and information about China. Chinese exile owned and
supported media is often less reliable — perhaps exile journalists carry the
Xinhua News Agency standards they learned in China with them? Chinese language
online exile media such as boxun.com (excluding the long-established Chinese
language print press) is often a pastiche of rumors. I read it sometimes for fun
just as I do science fiction stories.
Like many good articles, one can learn from this article in many different ways.
One can take it as an example of how power struggles can work within the Chinese
Communist Party and within Chinese culture. How does factionalism and factional
conflict work in China compared with other countries? As human beings and
political economic systems interact, a lot is going on at different levels.
This story is about the conflict over whether the policy of opening and reform —
Deng’s signature policy. Signature policy yes, but there are also a host of
other not so much now mentioned (at least in the People’s Republic of China)
figures from Hua Guofeng through (unpersons?) former Communist Party General
Secretaries Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang. Maybe a little bit of the spirit of
bureaucratic wisdom from the upper reaches of the US government — ‘never get
between your boss and a TV camera‘ but in the PRC environment where bosses have
much greater unchecked power.
The account below centers on Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun the two surviving first
generation Communist Party PRC leaders still in top jobs (the article just calls
them first generation, but then again there was a Chinese Communist Party
leadership before Mao, so seems a bit ahistorical!) . This time after the June
1989 killings of student and worker demonstrators around Tiananmen Square in
Beijing when many feared that China’s economic reforms would stall.
Deng was still the maximum leader of China and the Chinese Communist Party at
this time although he never officially held either the position of Party leader
or of head of government as Chairman of the State Council. Former Party
Secretary and later unperson under house arrest Zhao Ziyang bitterly complained
in his memoir that he had been illegally deposed and that Deng had violated the
Constitution of Chinese Communist Party [中国共产党章程] . When I read Zhao’s memoir I
was startled that he was so attached to legality — something I hadn’t expected.
People and times change though. Being ahead of your time carries penalties too.
ZHAO ZIYANG OVERVIEW ON DENG XIAOPING AND CHEN YUN ON REFORM
Now some background on the positions of Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun on reform.
Zhao Ziyang in the chapter “The Differing Positions of Deng Xiaoping and Chen
Yun” his memoir 改革历程 [The Course of Reform translated into English as Prisoner
of the State: The Secret Journal of Premier Zhao Ziyang ] characterizes the
respective positions of Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun on the policy of reform and
opening. Here is an excerpt:
> I. The Differing Positions of Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun
>
> Now let us turn to the issue of reform and opening up and economic
> construction. Since the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central
> Committee, there are two different positions on this issue among the main
> leaders of the Central Committee, and it can be said that there have been two
> different lead advocates for each position since the beginning. One was
> represented by Deng Xiaoping; the other by represented by Chen Yun. The main
> idea represented by Deng Xiaoping was to speed up economic development, focus
> on speed, emphasize opening up to the outside world, and implement market
> economy reform. The one represented by Chen Yun basically adhered to the
> approach of the first five-year plan in the 1950s, insisted on planned
> economy, and had doubts or reservations about reform and opening up. Over the
> past decade, after several iterations and twists and turns, Deng’s ideas
> gradually prevailed and were accepted by more and more people, and proved to
> be correct.
>
> Hu Yaobang and I were basically on the side of Deng Xiaoping. Li Xiannian was
> completely on the side of Chen Yun, even more paranoid and stubborn than Chen
> Yun. I think the big difference between him and Chen Yun is that Chen Yun
> mainly has different views and perceptions, while Li Xiannian is also mixed
> with some personal considerations of gain and loss.
>
> During the Cultural Revolution, for quite a long time, Li Xiannian basically
> presided over economic work. There was also Yu Qiuli, who had long been the
> director of the State Planning Commission [111], and it was mainly the two of
> them who presided over it. In the two years following the smashing of the
> “Gang of Four” [112] after the two engaged in some of the big work fast,
> resulting in economic imbalance, the introduction of many large projects,
> which is called the “foreign leap forward”, was also under his and Yu Qiuli
> presided over those things. Later to engage in reform and opening up, Li
> Xiannian seems to feel that his past work has been negated, often revealing
> such a sense of dissatisfaction: “What is right now, that in the past was
> wrong?” And so on. Of course, from the point of view, he was close to Chen
> Yun, he was so very stubborn, because he felt that way, and later became
> dissatisfied with the policy of reform and opening up. Li opposed the policy
> of reform and opening up and often complained about it.
>
> Yao Yilin, who later succeeded Yu Qiuli as the director of the State Planning
> Commission, was the vice premier in the State Council who presided over
> overall economic work.
>
> I have always been fully supportive of Deng’s policy of reform and opening up,
> and I can say that I worked hard with great enthusiasm and to move it along.
> But I also have reservations about Deng’s overemphasis on speed. I am not in
> favor of too much emphasis on speed, of course, if everything is going well,
> the economy is doing fine, well then speed things up. Doing that is certainly
> a good thing and nobody would be against that. However, in view of our tight
> focus on the pursuit of output our overemphasis on speed over the years, what
> can easily result is chasing after lofty production targets while ignoring
> economic efficiency, sacrificing it for the sake of speed. With our former
> economic system, it was very easy to fall into that trap. Although I proposed
> a more modest target, emphasizing economic efficiency, Deng also understood my
> perspective and so the two sides did clearly disagree since they could
> understand each other.
>
> Zhao Ziyang 《改革历程》，一、邓小平和陈云的不同主张 99页。
This article also discusses by the way how the fallout from a local power
struggle and how it temporarily stalled the career of a Fujian province local
official named Xi Jinping.
Here too we can see reflected doubts about the viability of the post Tiananmen
duo of Party General Secretary Jiang Zemin and Premier Li Peng. Both where the
object of political humor during their time — in the case of Li Peng, the most
hated premier in Chinese modern history because of Tianmen — often nasty attacks
on his integrity and intelligence. This is one of my favorites:
> One day after June 4, Deng Xiaoping, Yang Shangkun, Jiang Zemin and Li Peng
> were riding around on the outskirts of Beijing. When Li Peng drove the car to
> a bridge, the road was blocked by a donkey. Li Peng got out and shouted at the
> donkey and kicked it, but the donkey did not move. Then Yang Shangkun got out
> of the car and said: “If you don’t go, Comrade Deng Xiaoping will order the
> martial law troops to come”. The donkey still did not move. Old Deng, sitting
> in the car, was already getting impatient. He said, “Zemin, you get out and
> see what you can do. Jiang Zemin walked up to the donkey and whispered a few
> words to in it ear. Startled, the donkey got up and ran away. Li Peng looked
> at Jiang in admiration. “Tell me how you did it!” But Jiang wouldn’t say. Old
> Deng turned to Jiang and said, “There’s no harm in telling us the truth.”
> Jiang felt he had no alternative, so with a troubled expression on his face he
> said, “I told it, if you do not go, Comrade Deng Xiaoping will make you the
> General Secretary of the Communist Party”.
>
> online in the Jiang Zeming – Li Peng joke collection on the Epoch Times
> website.
A NOTE ON THE MACHINE TRANSLATION TOOL DEEPL
Recently I have been using the DeepL machine translation system to set up a
rough draft and then go through it to make the necessary corrections. I started
using Google Translate occasionally to help with translation about fifteen years
ago. Sometimes it was useful and sometimes not. If a text was mostly clear
declarative sentences I was a help. A more complex text with longer sentences
especially if it was abstract or discussed theoretical or emotion-laden topics,
I found it much faster to do the entire translation from start to finish by
myself.
Five years or so ago, Google Translate became much better apparently thanks to
faster computer processing and neural network processing technologies.
Considerably less post-editing was needed, although some very complex texts I
would still do completely on my own.
The DeepL system (available online just as Google Translate is but apparently
one cannot through in a URL and get a web page translated as one can with GT).
There is also a downloadable version which offers the advantage in some
languages (but not Chinese yet) of incorporating a personal glossary. The post
editing I did on this article was considerably less than I would have expected
to do with a GT article. In some places where the context was a bit difficult or
Chinese abbreviations were used, DeepL went off track but the fix was quick and
easy. Then the usual singular/plural adjustment, changing some sentences from
passive voice to active voice, making some sentences more concise and breaking
up a few paragraphs so that they would read better in English.
The U.S. National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) ran annual
machine translation comparison tests until 2015 or so. Interesting reading, they
seem to have stopped now.
———————————————————————————————————–
From Radio Free Asia RFA Chinese (Mandarin) language service
Column | Night Talk in Zhongnanhai — Drawn From Xu Yongyue Remembers: The Secret
of Deng Xiaoping – Chen Yun Palace Battle
Chen Yun and Deng Xiaoping
In the article “Xu Yongyue when he represented Chen Yun on a southern tour
promoted the a “political reconciliation” between Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun”
which was broadcast in the last edition of this column, Xu Yongyue, the then
Minister of State Security, who was removed from office for sharing a “public
mistress” with other senior Party officials, was mentioned. After several years
in obscurity, he surfaced on the occasion of the 110th anniversary of Chen Yun’s
birth.
In June 2015, the Chinese Communist regime held a symposium to commemorate the
110th anniversary of Chen Yun’s birth. All of the Politburo Standing Committee
members from Xi Jinping on down attended, a time of solemn remembrance and also
to honor Chen Yun. Among the representatives of Chen Yun’s relatives and staff
who were invited and received meetings with Xi and others was Xu Yongyue. Chen
Yuan, who has been finishing up his important biographical work on Chen Yun,
introduced Xu Yongyue to Xi Jinping.
People involved in the affair said that if not for Chen Yuan’s vigorous efforts,
Xu Yongyue, who had been kept “in cold storage” for eight years after being
removed from his post in connection with the “public mistressgate,” would not
have been given the opportunity to express his “gratitude to the Lord for his
kindness” to Xi Jinping in person.
Since then, Xu Yongyue, whom the Party Central Committee now allows to appear in
public, has had the opportunity to discuss his decade working alongside Comrade
Chen Yun for 10 years. Xu has now publicly disclosed some of the little-known
internal conflicts of the Party through the commemorative articles he himself
has written or through interview he has given to journalists.
In an interview with reporters, Xu Yongyue focused on the relationship between
Chen Yun and Deng Xiaoping. He told them that after the “Gang of Four” had been
smashed, out of all the first generation of our party central leadership
collective the only ones who still held important positions were Comrades Deng
Xiaoping and Chen Yun. Some Party cadres and some people abroad that Deng
Xiaoping was a reformist and Chen Yun was a conservative with respect to the
process of reform and opening up, and that the two were still fighting about
over the issue. As a witness to this period of history, I have the
responsibility to tell you what I know about what really happened.
Xu Yongyue Remembers
> Comrade Xu Yongyue recalled that after Comrade Deng Xiaoping gave his famous
> talk about his Southern Tour, Comrade Chen Yun asked me to go to the South to
> understand the situation of township enterprises. According to Comrade Chen
> Yun’s instructions, I went to Suzhou, Wuxi, Changzhou and Nanjing. Upon my
> return, I reported to him in detail the research situation.
>
> After seeing these places, Comrade Chen Yun asked me to go to Guangdong to
> understand the situation in the Special Economic Zones. On April 25, I
> reported my arrangements and preparations to Comrade Chen Yun. He said, “When
> you go, say that I asked you to go and that you are going on my behalf.” On
> April 27, I left Shanghai for Guangdong with a director of the CAC. In
> Guangzhou, Dongguan, Huizhou, Shenzhen, Zhuhai, Zhongshan, Shunde, Foshan and
> Shantou, we visited more than 100 enterprises in the Pearl River Delta and
> spent a total of 25 days in the Pearl River Delta. Then I went to Southeast
> Fujian, from Zhangzhou, Xiamen to Quanzhou and Fuzhou. I stayed in Fujian for
> 22 days and saw hundreds of enterprises. There was more than a month before
> and after, and I saw hundreds of enterprises in total.
Some insiders say that one of the directors of the Central Advisory Commission
(中国共产党中央顾问委员会) mentioned in Xu Yongyue’s recollection was Wang Yi, who was in
charge of the liaison between Bo Yibo and Chen Yun at the Commission and later
shared the same mistress, Li Wei, with then Minister of State Security Xu
Yongyue when he was Chen Yuan’s deputy at the China Development Bank.
When the two were transferred from Guangdong to Fujian, the then Secretary of
Fujian Provincial Party Committee Chen Guangyi and then Fujian Provincial
Governor Jia Qinglin went personally to meet the plane, Xu Yongyue just as if a
leader of the Party Central Committee were arriving.
Several years ago, the author recalled in this column [note RFA commentary] Li
Rui’s article that noted that at the time of the 14th CPC Congress in October
1992, there was a rumor circulating within the Chinese Communist Party that Xi
Jinping — Xi Zhongxun’s son and then secretary of the Fuzhou Municipal Committee
in Fujian Province — had originally been Jiang Zemin’s handpicked candidate to
become and alternate member of the Party Central Committee. However because Chen
Yun and Song Ping had arranged for Chen Guangyi, who had replaced Xiang Nan as
the secretary of the Fujian Provincial Committee, had informed the Central
Committee that Xi Jinping “Xi Jinping lost this opportunity because Chen Yun and
Song Ping, who arranged for Xiang Nan to replace him as secretary of the Fujian
Provincial Party Committee, had reported to the central government that Xi
Jinping had “failed to abide by political principles”.
Xi Jinping during his tenure in Fujian. (Public Domain
The so-called “failure to abide by political principles” refers to the fact that
Xi Jinping, then secretary of the Fuzhou Municipal Party Committee, asked Xiang
Nan, the former first secretary of the Fujian Provincial Party Committee who had
stepped down from his post, to write the foreword for his book. When Xi’s book
appeared in the Fujian Provincial Party Committee compound, Chen Guangyi was
furious. The insiders of the Fujian Provincial Party Committee at that time also
knew that Chen Guangyi, who replaced Xiang Nan as the head of the Fujian
Provincial Party Committee on behalf of Chen Yun and others, opposed Xiang Nan,
was not very fond of Xi Jinping. Therefore he firmly opposed Xi becoming a
member of the Standing Committee of the Fujian Provincial Party Committee. It
was not until Chen Guangyi was replaced as provincial party secretary by Jiang
Zemin’s old subordinate Jia Qinglin that the prospects for Xi’s political career
in Fujian Province cleared up.
The insider who told me about the above insider account of Fujian politics also
detailed that Xi Jinping had been the secretary of the Fuzhou Municipal Party
Committee and the head of the provincial People’s Congress since 1990, but
because of Chen Guangyi, Xi Jinping, who was the head of the provincial capital
city, was never placed on the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party
Committee, and his political rank remained at the level of a bureau.
The author [of this RFA commentary] has checked the relevant personnel
information that is publicly available to prove that Xi Jinping was appointed to
the Standing Committee of the Fujian Provincial Party Committee after 1993 as
the secretary of the Fuzhou Municipal Party Committee. At that time, it was Jia
Qinglin, a political crony of Jiang Zemin, who had just replaced Chen Guangyi as
Party Secretary of Fujian Province.
The person who told the author about the above also said that it was around the
middle and end of May 1992 when Xu Yongyue was warmly received after he flew to
Fuzhou from Guangdong as “Comrade Chen Yun’s special envoy”. Chen Guangyi
arranged a banquet and a symposium, which was attended by all the members of the
Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee and three vice governors
who were not members of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party
Committee, but Xi Jinping, then secretary of the Fuzhou Municipal Party
Committee, was not notified to attend.
After the symposium, Xu Yongyue specifically asked about Xi Jinping, saying that
Comrade Chen Yun’s eldest son, Chen Yuan, had especially instructed to talk more
with Comrade Xi Jinping …….
The first time I saw him, I was able to see him, and I was able to see him. Chen
Yuan himself has been accompanying his parents in Zhongnanhai with his wife and
children since his father returned to Beijing from Jiangxi that year. Therefore,
when Xi Jinping and Wang Qishan, who had always respected Chen Yuan as their
“big brother,” returned to Beijing from abroad, they would go to Zhongnanhai to
see Chen Yuan whenever he was in Beijing. Therefore, Xi Jinping should have
known each other well before he received Xu Yongyue in 1992 as the secretary of
the Fuzhou Municipal Party Committee, who went to visit on behalf of Chen Yun.
Former State Security Minister Xu Yongyue
> Xu Yongyue also recalled to reporters the relationship between Chen Yun and
> Deng Xiaoping, saying: “In early June 1992, after returning to Beijing from
> Fuzhou, I spent three and a half days to give a detailed report to Comrade
> Chen Yun. During the briefing, he paid special attention to two issues: one
> was the ability to generate foreign exchange, and the other was the changes
> brought about by science and technology and economic development. He was
> particularly interested in the changes in China’s industrial structure brought
> about by new technologies, especially electronic information technology, after
> the reform and opening up.
On June 21, 1992, Li Xiannian, then the number three of the first-ranking
patriarch of the Communist Party, died, and neither Deng Xiaoping nor Chen Yun
showed up at the farewell ceremony. But Wang Ruilin from Deng Xiaoping’s side
conveyed Deng Xiaoping’s “suggestion” to Xu Yongyue from “Comrade Chen Yun’s
office”, to the effect that he wanted an article written in Chen Yun’s name in
memory of Li Xiannian to be published in the People’s Daily. The real meaning is
that Chen Yun hopes to take advantage of the occasion of the memorial service
for Li Xiannian to “make a clear statement” to the public that would demonstrate
that the three political patriarchs have a “common attitude” towards the
creation of the Special Administrative Regions.
The People’s Daily published a front page article entitled “In memory of Comrade
Li Xiannian” signed by Chen Yun on July 21. The article included this passage:
> “Comrade Xiannian and I have never been to the Special Administrative Region,
> but we have always paid great attention to the construction of the Special
> Administrative Region, that the Special Administrative Region to run, we must
> continue to sum up experience, and strive to make the Special Administrative
> Region run well. In the past few years, the economy of the Shenzhen Special
> Administrative Region has initially changed from import to export, with
> high-rise buildings rising from the ground, the development is really fast.
> Now the scale of economic construction in our country is much larger and more
> complex than in the past, some of the practices that worked in the past are no
> longer applicable under the new situation of reform and opening up. This
> requires us to make efforts to learn new things, and constantly explore and
> solve new problems.”
Xu Yongyue later took the occasion of remembering Chen Yun to mention his own
contribution, saying, “In fact, all the preliminary work that Comrade Chen Yun
asked me to do (in Guangdong and Fujian Special Administrative Region) was to
prepare Chen Yun himself to make a clear statement on his political position. He
wanted to inform the whole Party that Chen Yun supported Comrade Deng Xiaoping,
shared Comrade Deng Xiaoping’s views, and was concerned about reform and opening
up and developing the construction of special zones. He wanted to tell the whole
Party and the international community that he and Comrade Deng Xiaoping had no
differences on the issue of reform and opening up on on the issue of supporting
the development of the special economic zones.
Those who are familiar with the history of the “intra-party struggle” of the
Chinese Communist Party back in those days should remember a most important
background to Deng Xiaoping’s so-called “Southern Tour” of Deng Xiaoping in the
spring of 1992. Deng was very dissatisfied with Jiang Zemin, the then General
Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, and with Li Peng, the then number two
figure in the Party and the Premier of the State Council.
At that time, the news from the People’s Daily said: After the news of Deng
Xiaoping’s Southern Tour speech reached Beijing, then president Gao Di
immediately ordered the newspaper to hold back on reporting about it. Gao
reprimanded several deputy editors-in-chief and department editors-in-chief who
were eager to report on Deng’s Southern Tour: “What’s the hurry? The Party
General Secretary has not yet given us instructions. Before that time and later,
Gao Di was said to have cheered up his own cronies in the newspaper, saying:
“The question we have to always ask is whether it has to do with promoting
socialism or promoting capitalism!” That point was based on a repeated theme in
the Party General Secretary’s important speeches. This discussion is grounded in
the spirit of the General Secretary’s important speeches. The General Secretary
cannot contradict himself, can he?”
Jiang Zemin (left) and Qiao Shi
In May 1992, Tian Jiyun, then a member of the Politburo and Vice Premier of the
State Council, delivered a speech against the “left” at the Central Party School
at the behest of Qiao Shi, then a member of the Politburo Standing Committee,
President of the Central Party School and the number three person in the Party.
The public at the time imagined that Tian Jiyun was emboldened by the
behind-the-scenes support of Deng Xiaoping, Qiao Shi, and Yang Shangkun and Wan
Li, who were also members of the Politburo at the time.
Tian Jiyun’s speech was widely believed to have been directed at Jiang Zemin,
particularly two passages:
> “In eliminating the influence of the ‘left’, we must be especially wary of
> those wind figures. This kind of people turn their hands for the clouds,
> overturning hands for the rain, see people say human words, hell say ghost
> words, an opportunity to jump out against reform and opening up. Once these
> people get hold of the state power, it will be a disaster for the country and
> the people” and
>
> “Getting rid of the ‘left’ ideological fetters at the leadership level is a
> major issue. If you do not dare to touch it, reform and opening up will be
> nothing more than empty talk for a while. Not completely solve this problem,
> the reform and opening up can last, to draw a question mark.”
Although Tian Jiyun’s speech was aimed at the students of a provincial and
ministerial cadre training class at the Central Party School and so party
newspapers and journals were ordered not to publish the speech publicly,
nonetheless the transcript of the speech and audio recordings of the speech
spread rapidly throughout China.
A few days after Tian Jiyun’s speech at the Central Party School, on May 22,
1992, Deng Xiaoping went to visit the Capital Steel Corporation. During his
visit, Deng was not shy. In front of grassroots cadres and workers present, he
nonchalantly asked [Beijing Mayor] Chen Xitong, Li Ximing and other Beijing
party and government officials who accompanied him to bring a message to the
central government: Thus far only a very small number of people at the Center
have been conscientious about acting in accordance with my speech. The
propaganda in the media is very unfavorable. Some people aren’t paying attention
or are just trying to humor me while others are very disturbed and openly oppose
me and disagree with my speech.”
At that point, many people both inside and outside the Chinese Communist Party
thought that Party General Secretary Jiang Zemin and Premier Li Peng would be
replaced by Qiaoshi and Zhu Rongji respectively. At one time, the saying of
“Jiang Zemin is in free fall” was very much in the air. At that time, Tian Jiyun
was also believed to be about to be promoted to the Standing Committee of the
Politburo at the 14th National Congress, and then became the Executive Vice
Premier of the State Council at the same time as Zhu Rongji succeeded Li Peng as
Premier.
It was under those circumstances that Jiang Zemin, who had been so quiet, had to
accept what Qiao Shi had arranged for him. Jiang made a special trip to the
Central Party to deliver a public speech in response to Deng Xiaoping’s Southern
Tour speech. At the same time, Chen Yun made a decision to respond publicly to
Deng Xiaoping’s Special Administrative Region policy in exchange for Deng’s
pledge not to change the top Party personnel.
As a result, Jiang Zemin and Li Peng finally both kept their positions at the
14th National Congress. Two months after the 14th National Congress, Xu Yongyue
was promised a promotion at the first opportunity by Jiang Zemin and Li Peng
“strengthening grassroots level work” because of his work on Chen Yun’s
“Southern Tour”.
In early 1993, Xu Yongyue was appointed by the Central Organization Department
as a member of the Standing Committee of the Hebei Provincial Party Committee
and Secretary of the Provincial Political and Legal Committee; a year later, he
was promoted by half a grade and became a full-time deputy secretary of the
provincial party committee.
In April 1995, Xu Yongyue returned to Beijing to attend Chen Yun’s funeral and
was received by Jiang Zemin and Li Peng with Chen Yuan and others. After
inquiring about Xu Yongyue’s work at the grassroots level, Jiang Zemin issued in
instructions that Xu “should also be involved in work on political and legal
affairs”.
As a result, at the 5th Party Congress of Hebei Province held in October of that
year, Xu Yongyue was reappointed as the Deputy Secretary of the Provincial Party
Committee and appointed Secretary of the Provincial Political and Legal Affairs
Committee.
From this we can see that Jiang Zemin must have already decided to promote the
politically reliable Xu Yongyue, who was Chen Yun’s secretary, to head the
Ministry of State Security when the next State Council term began.
(This article represents the personal position and views of the special
commentator)
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ABOUT 高大伟 DAVID COWHIG
After retirement translated, with wife Jessie, Liao Yiwu's 2019 "Bullets and
Opium", and have been studying things 格物致知. Worked 25 years as a US State
Department Foreign Service Officer including ten years at US Embassy Beijing and
US Consulate General Chengdu and four years as a China Analyst in the Bureau of
Intelligence and Research. Before State I translated Japanese and Chinese
scientific and technical books and articles into English freelance for six
years. Before that I taught English at Tunghai University in Taiwan for three
years. And before that I worked two summers on Norwegian farms, milking cows and
feeding chickens.
View all posts by 高大伟 David Cowhig →
This entry was posted in History 历史, Politics 政治 and tagged 1989, Chen Yuan,
Chen Yun, China, Chinese, Communist Party, deng xiaoping, 邓小平, 陈云, 许永跃, 赵紫阳,
faction, factionalism, Jiang Zemin, joke, leader, leadership, Li Peng, machine
translation, NIST, opening and reform, Politburo, political, power struggle,
PRC, reform, Tiananmen, Xu Yongyue, Zhao Ziyang. Bookmark the permalink.
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