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COVID-19


THE GREAT GRIFT: HOW BILLIONS IN COVID-19 RELIEF AID WAS STOLEN OR WASTED


AN ASSOCIATED PRESS ANALYSIS FOUND THAT FRAUDSTERS POTENTIALLY STOLE MORE THAN
$280 BILLION IN COVID-19 RELIEF FUNDING; ANOTHER $123 BILLION WAS WASTED OR
MISSPENT

BY RICHARD LARDNER, JENNIFER MCDERMOTT AND AARON KESSLER • PUBLISHED JUNE 12,
2023 • UPDATED ON JUNE 12, 2023 AT 7:51 AM



AP Photo/LM Otero, File
FILE – A sheet of uncut $100 bills is inspected during the printing process at
the Bureau of Engraving and Printing Western Currency Facility in Fort Worth,
Texas, on Sept. 24, 2013.

Much of the theft was brazen, even simple.

Fraudsters used the Social Security numbers of dead people and federal prisoners
to get unemployment checks. Cheaters collected those benefits in multiple
states. And federal loan applicants weren’t cross-checked against a Treasury
Department database that would have raised red flags about sketchy borrowers.

Criminals and gangs grabbed the money. But so did a U.S. soldier in Georgia, the
pastors of a defunct church in Texas, a former state lawmaker in Missouri and a
roofing contractor in Montana.

All of it led to the greatest grift in U.S. history, with thieves plundering
billions of dollars in federal COVID-19 relief aid intended to combat the worst
pandemic in a century and to stabilize an economy in free fall.

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> New York newsletters.

An Associated Press analysis found that fraudsters potentially stole more than
$280 billion in COVID-19 relief funding; another $123 billion was wasted or
misspent. Combined, the loss represents 10% of the $4.2 trillion the U.S.
government has so far disbursed in COVID relief aid.

That number is certain to grow as investigators dig deeper into thousands of
potential schemes.

How could so much be stolen? Investigators and outside experts say the
government, in seeking to quickly spend trillions in relief aid, conducted too
little oversight during the pandemic’s early stages and instituted too few
restrictions on applicants. In short, they say, the grift was just way too easy.


U.S. & WORLD



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“Here was this sort of endless pot of money that anyone could access,” said Dan
Fruchter, chief of the fraud and white-collar crime unit at the U.S. Attorney’s
office in the Eastern District of Washington. “Folks kind of fooled themselves
into thinking that it was a socially acceptable thing to do, even though it
wasn’t legal.”

The U.S. government has charged more than 2,230 defendants with pandemic-related
fraud crimes and is conducting thousands of investigations.

Most of the looted money was swiped from three large pandemic-relief initiatives
launched during the Trump administration and inherited by President Joe Biden.
Those programs were designed to help small businesses and unemployed workers
survive the economic upheaval caused by the pandemic.

The pilfering was wide but not always as deep as the eye-catching headlines
about cases involving many millions of dollars. But all of the theft, big and
small, illustrates an epidemic of scams and swindles at a time America was
grappling with overrun hospitals, school closures and shuttered businesses.
Since the pandemic began in early 2020, more than 1.13 million people in the
U.S. have died from COVID-19, according to the Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention.

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Feds are cracking down on COVID-19 related financial fraud in the state. NBC 6's
Phil Prazan reports

Michael Horowitz, the U.S. Justice Department inspector general who chairs the
federal Pandemic Response Accountability Committee, told Congress the fraud is
“clearly in the tens of billions of dollars” and may eventually exceed $100
billion.

Horowitz told the AP he was sticking with that estimate, but won’t be certain
about the number until he gets more solid data.

“I’m hesitant to get too far out on how much it is,” he said. “But clearly it’s
substantial and the final accounting is still at least a couple of years away.”

Mike Galdo, the U.S. Justice Department’s acting director for COVID-19 Fraud
Enforcement, said, “It is an unprecedented amount of fraud.”

Before leaving office, former President Donald Trump approved emergency aid
measures totaling $3.2 trillion, according to figures from the Pandemic Response
Accountability Committee. Biden’s 2021 American Rescue Plan authorized the
spending of another $1.9 trillion. About a fifth of the $5.2 trillion has yet to
be paid out, according to the committee’s most recent accounting.

Never has so much federal emergency aid been injected into the U.S. economy so
quickly. “The largest rescue package in American history,” U.S. Comptroller
General Gene Dodaro told Congress.

The enormous scale of that package has obscured multi-billion dollar mistakes.

An $837 billion IRS program, for example, succeeded 99% of the time in getting
economic stimulus checks to the proper taxpayers, according to the tax agency.
Nevertheless, that 1% failure rate translated into nearly $8 billion going to
“ineligible individuals,” a Treasury Department inspector general told AP.

An IRS spokesman said the agency does not agree with all the figures cited by
the watchdog and noted that, even if correct, the loss represented a tiny
fraction of the program’s budget.

The health crisis thrust the Small Business Administration, an agency that
typically gets little attention, into an unprecedented role. In the seven
decades before the pandemic struck, for example, the SBA had doled out $67
billion in disaster loans.

When the pandemic struck, the agency was assigned to manage two massive relief
efforts — the COVID-19 Economic Injury Disaster Loan and Paycheck Protection
programs, which would swell to more than a trillion dollars. SBA’s workforce had
to get money out the door, fast, to help struggling businesses and their
employees. COVID-19 pushed SBA’s pace from a walk to an Olympic sprint. Between
March 2020 and the end of July 2020, the agency granted 3.2 million COVID-19
economic injury disaster loans totaling $169 billion, according to an SBA
inspector general’s report, while at the same time implementing the huge new
Paycheck Protection Program.

In the haste, guardrails to protect federal money were dropped. Prospective
borrowers were allowed to “self-certify” that their loan applications were true.
The CARES Act also barred SBA from looking at tax return transcripts that could
have weeded out shady or undeserving applicants, a decision eventually reversed
at the end of 2020.

“If you open up the bank window and say, give me your application and just
promise me you really are who you say you are, you attract a lot of fraudsters
and that’s what happened here,” Horowitz said.

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NBC 7 Responds' Consumer Bob looked at the surprising letter a local woman
received from the Small Business Administration.

The SBA inspector general’s office has estimated fraud in the COVID-19 economic
injury disaster loan program at $86 billion and the Paycheck Protection program
at $20 billion. The watchdog is expected in coming weeks to release revised loss
figures that are likely to be much higher.

In an interview, SBA Inspector General Hannibal “Mike” Ware declined to say what
the new fraud estimate for both programs will be.

“It will be a figure that is fair, that is 1,000% defensible by my office, fully
backed by our significant criminal investigative activity that is taking place
in this space,” Ware said.

Ware and his staff are overwhelmed with pandemic-related audits and
investigations. The office has a backlog of more than 80,000 actionable leads,
close to a 100 years’ worth of work.

“Death by a thousand cuts might be death by 80,000 cuts for them,” Horowitz said
of Ware’s workload. “It’s just the magnitude of it, the enormity of it.”

A 2022 study from the University of Texas at Austin found almost five times as
many suspicious Paycheck Protection loans as the $20 billion SBA’s inspector
general has reported so far. The research, led by finance professor John
Griffin, found as much as $117 billion in questionable and possibly fraudulent
loans, citing indicators such as non-registered businesses and multiple loans to
the same address.

Horowitz, the pandemic watchdog chairman, criticized the government’s failure
early on to use the “Do Not Pay” Treasury Department database, designed to keep
government money from going to debarred contractors, fugitives, felons or people
convicted of tax fraud. Those reviews, he said, could have been done quickly.

“It’s a false narrative that has been set out, that there are only two choices,”
Horowitz said. “One choice is, get the money out right away. And that the only
other choice was to spend weeks and months trying to figure out who was entitled
to it.”

In less than a few days, a week at most, Horowitz said, SBA might have
discovered thousands of ineligible applicants.

“24 hours? 48 hours? Would that really have upended the program?” Horowitz said.
“I don’t think it would have. And it was data sitting there. It didn’t get
checked.”

The Biden administration put in place stricter rules to stem pandemic fraud,
including use of the “Do Not Pay” database. Biden also recently proposed a $1.6
billion plan to boost law enforcement efforts to go after pandemic relief
fraudsters.

“I think the bottom line is regardless of what the number is, it emanates
overwhelmingly from three programs that were designed and originated in 2020
with too many large holes that opened the door to criminal fraud,” Gene
Sperling, the White House American Rescue Plan coordinator, said in an
interview.

“We came into office when the largest amounts of fraud were already out of the
barn,” Sperling added.

In a statement, an SBA spokesperson declined to say whether the agency agrees
with the figures issued by Ware’s office, saying the federal government has not
developed an accepted system for assessing fraud in government programs.
Previous analyses have pointed to “potential fraud” or “fraud indicators” in a
manner that conveys those numbers as a true fraud estimate when they are not,
according to the statement.

The coronavirus pandemic plunged the U.S. economy into a short but devastating
recession. Jobless rates soared into double digits and Washington sent hundreds
of billions of dollars to states to help the suddenly unemployed.

For crooks, it was like tossing chum into the sea to lure fish. Many of these
state unemployment agencies used antiquated computer systems or had too few
staff to stop bogus claims from being paid.

“Yes, the states were overwhelmed in terms of demand,” said Brent Parton, acting
assistant secretary of the U.S. Labor Department’s Employment and Training
Administration. “We had not seen a spike like this ever in a global event like a
pandemic. The systems were underfunded. They were not resilient. And I would
say, more importantly, were vulnerable to sophisticated attacks by fraudsters.”

Fraud in pandemic unemployment assistance programs stands at $76 billion,
according to congressional testimony from Labor Department Inspector General
Larry Turner. That’s a conservative estimate. Another $115 billion mistakenly
went to people who should not have received the benefits, according to his
testimony.

Turner declined AP’s request for an interview.

Turner’s task in identifying all of the pandemic unemployment insurance fraud
has been complicated by a lack of cooperation from the federal Bureau of
Prisons, according to a September “alert memo” issued by his office. Scam
artists used Social Security numbers of federal prisoners to steal millions of
dollars in benefits.

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Eight Philadelphia government employees are facing charges they lied that they
were unemployed in order to receive pandemic jobless benefits. Prosecutors said
in announcing criminal charges Thursday that the city workers collectively were
paid more than $300,000 in pandemic unemployment assistance in 2020. They say
individuals collected between $17,000 and $63,000.

His office still doesn’t know exactly how much was swiped that way. The prison
bureau has declined to provide current data about federal prisoners. The agency
did not respond to a request for comment.

Ohio’s State Auditor Keith Faber saw trouble coming when safeguards to ensure
the unemployment aid only went to people who legitimately qualified were
lowered, making conditions ripe for fraud and waste. The state’s unemployment
agency took controls down because on the one hand, they literally were drinking
from a firehose,” Faber said. “They had a year’s worth of claims in a couple of
weeks. The second part of the problem was the (federal government) directed them
to get the money out the door as quickly as possible and worry less about
security. They took that to heart. I think that was a mistake.”

Ohio’s Department of Job and Family Services reported in February $1 billion in
fraudulent pandemic unemployment claims and another $4.8 billion in
overpayments.

The ubiquitous masks that became a symbol of the COVID-19 pandemic are seen on
fewer and fewer faces. Hospitalizations for the virus have steadily declined,
according to CDC data, and Biden in April ended the national emergency to
respond to the pandemic.

But on politically divided Capitol Hill, lawmakers have not put the pandemic
behind them and are engaged in a fierce debate over the success of the relief
spending and who’s to blame for the theft.

Too much government money, Republicans argue, breeds fraud, waste and inflation.
Democrats have countered that all the financial muscle from Washington saved
lives, businesses and jobs.

Republicans and Democrats did, however, find common ground last year on bills to
give the federal government more time to catch fraudsters. Biden in August
signed legislation to increase the statute of limitations from five to 10 years
on crimes involving the two major programs managed by the SBA.

The extra time will help federal prosecutors untangle pandemic fraud cases,
which often involve identity theft and crooks overseas. But there’s no guarantee
they’ll catch everyone who jumped at the chance for an easy payday. They’re
busy, too, with crimes unrelated to pandemic relief funds.

“Do we have enough cases and leads that we could be doing them in 2030? We
absolutely could,” said Fruchter, the federal prosecutor in the Eastern District
of Washington. “But my experience tells me that likely there will be other
priorities that will come up and will need to be addressed. And unfortunately,
in our office, we don’t have a dedicated pandemic fraud unit.”

Congress has not yet passed a measure that would give prosecutors the additional
five years to go after unemployment fraudsters. That worries Turner, the Labor
Department watchdog. Without the extension, he told Congress in a late May
report, people who stole the benefits may escape justice.

Sperling, the White House official, said any future crisis that requires
government intervention doesn’t have to be a choice between helping people in
need and stopping fraudsters.

“The prevention strategy going forward is that in a crisis, you can focus on
fast delivery to people in desperate situations without feeling that you can
only get that speed by taking down common sense anti-fraud guardrails,” he said.

___

McDermott reported from Providence, Rhode Island.

Copyright AP - Associated Press

THIS ARTICLE TAGGED UNDER:

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