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Argument
An expert's point of view on a current event.


GAZA IS CAUSING DIPLOMATIC RIFTS IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE


THE ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES’ PRO-ISRAEL STANCE MAY ERODE ITS LEGITIMACY
IN THE REGION.

By Francesca Emanuele, a senior research fellow at the Center for Economic and
Policy Research in Washington, D.C.
Luis Almagro, the secretary-general of the Organization of American States,
attends a meeting in Guatemala City on Sept. 11, 2023.
Luis Almagro, the secretary-general of the Organization of American States,
attends a meeting in Guatemala City on Sept. 11, 2023. JOHAN ORDONEZ/AFP via
Getty Images

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September 12, 2024, 12:21 PM Comment icon View Comments (0)

Throughout the Israel-Hamas war, Latin American and Caribbean countries have
been at the forefront of global efforts to stop the bloodshed in Gaza and defend
the human rights of Palestinians. More governments in the region have recalled
ambassadors or severed ties with Israel due to the war than in any other region,
including the Arab world and sub-Saharan Africa. Officials in roughly half of
Latin American and Caribbean countries have described Israel’s actions in Gaza
as genocidal, and some have taken steps to pressure the Israeli government to
end its indiscriminate military operations there.

Throughout the Israel-Hamas war, Latin American and Caribbean countries have
been at the forefront of global efforts to stop the bloodshed in Gaza and defend
the human rights of Palestinians. More governments in the region have recalled
ambassadors or severed ties with Israel due to the war than in any other region,
including the Arab world and sub-Saharan Africa. Officials in roughly half of
Latin American and Caribbean countries have described Israel’s actions in Gaza
as genocidal, and some have taken steps to pressure the Israeli government to
end its indiscriminate military operations there.


ISRAEL-HAMAS WAR

News, analysis, and background on the ongoing conflict

More on this topic

Colombia, for example—among the most outspoken critics of Israel in Latin
America—has suspended its weapons purchases from and halted coal exports to the
country, which previously accounted for more than 50 percent of Israel’s annual
coal supply.

Yet despite this strong regional stance, the Washington, D.C.-based Organization
of American States (OAS)—the primary forum for multilateral dialogue in the
Western Hemisphere—has not echoed these sentiments. This divergence will further
erode the OAS’s legitimacy in the region and may drive countries to other
deliberative bodies where the United States holds less influence.

On Oct. 7, 2023, OAS Secretary-General Luis Almagro condemned the killing of
about 1,200 people in southern Israel by Hamas militants, labeling the attack as
an act of terrorism and affirming that “Israel has the right to defend itself.”

Since then, as the death toll of Palestinians in Gaza has risen to more than
40,000 people, Almagro has said nothing about the need to protect the human
rights of Palestinian civilians. He has been silent about the loss of thousands
of Palestinian children’s lives, Israel’s siege of the Gaza Strip, the enclave’s
worsening starvation, and reports of torture by Israeli forces against
Palestinian prisoners. This stands in sharp contrast to his counterpart at the
United Nations, António Guterres, who has also repeatedly called for an
immediate cease-fire in Gaza.




Almagro’s exclusive support for Israel’s self-defense not only clashes with one
of the OAS’s proclaimed principles of defending human rights. It also highlights
a significant disconnect between the organization’s leadership and the voting
positions held by the majority of its member countries. Of the three resolutions
on Israel-Palestine considered at the U.N. General Assembly in the past 11
months—one for a humanitarian truce, another for a cease-fire, and a third
backing Palestine’s bid for full U.N. membership—only three OAS nations opposed
the first two, and two opposed the third. The United States was the only OAS
member to oppose all three resolutions.

During the Cold War, the OAS helped legitimize oppressive regimes, such as the
U.S.-backed dictatorship of Chile’s Augusto Pinochet, by holding its 1976 Annual
Meeting in the country’s capital, Santiago. The OAS also aligned with other
anti-democratic interventions that were backed or carried out by the United
States, such as the 1954 coup d’état in Guatemala. Decades on, it appears that
neoconservative and other hard-line factions in Washington—and their allies
across the Americas—still hold significant sway over the organization, hindering
its ability to function as a genuinely democratic multilateral body representing
the countries of the Western Hemisphere.

The U.S. government, Israel’s principal ally and source of military, economic,
and political support, is the largest financial contributor to the OAS, granting
Washington substantial leverage over the organization’s agenda. However, this
influence alone does not fully account for the OAS leadership’s unyielding
stance. Half a dozen current and former senior diplomats at the OAS who were
consulted for this article noted that a powerful transnational network of
far-right politicians, activists, and organizations have had significant
influence over the multilateral institution during Almagro’s two consecutive
terms.

For example, in 2020, Almagro received the leader of Spain’s far-right Vox
party, Santiago Abascal, at the OAS General Secretariat in Washington. Abascal
praised the organization as a key bridge for like-minded political movements
opposing the “far left” and sought Almagro’s support for the emerging “Madrid
Forum,” an alliance coordinating ultraconservative efforts to oppose progressive
movements worldwide. This forum—which includes figures such as far-right
Argentine President Javier Milei—continues to enjoy access to the OAS General
Secretariat, as illustrated by a meeting it held with the secretary-general in
March 2023.

Throughout Almagro’s tenure, the OAS has cultivated strong ties with the Israeli
government and right-wing networks that support its continued military
operations and occupation of Palestinian territories. In 2017, shortly after a
U.N. report accused Israel of creating “an apartheid regime” over Palestinians,
Almagro traveled to Jerusalem and praised Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s
government as a key regional partner, citing its “commitment to democracy and to
human rights.” The OAS secretary-general has also made unprecedented official
appearances at the conferences of the American Israel Public Affairs
Committee—the pro-Israel lobbying group that is expected to spend $100 million
this year to defeat progressive congressional candidates in the United States.

These close bonds between the OAS leadership and Israel have translated into
policies that reveal a concerning bias. In 2019, Almagro adopted the
controversial International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s (IHRA) definition
of antisemitism for the OAS, which has been deployed globally to suppress
criticism of Israel. Neither the U.N. nor any leading international human rights
organizations have embraced the IHRA definition.

Read More

The words PALESTINA LIBRE are painted on a car.


WHAT DOES LATIN AMERICA THINK ABOUT THE ISRAEL-HAMAS WAR?

Many countries are spurning Israel. But the region’s Middle East stance has
always been nuanced.

Explainer

|

Patricia Garip

Additionally, in 2021, the secretary-general created the role of “commissioner
to monitor and combat anti-Semitism,” without establishing equivalent roles
within his secretariat to tackle racism against Indigenous or Black populations
in the Americas. While antisemitism is a serious issue that deserves
condemnation, in the Western Hemisphere, Indigenous and Black communities have
been the victims of gross, systemic historical injustices and are more
frequently the targets of hate crimes today—including in the United States.
Together, they represent a population that is 3,000 percent larger than the
Jewish community in the region.

The OAS officials consulted for this piece noted that the organization has lost
political integrity over the past decade. Unlike Almagro, his predecessor—José
Miguel Insulza, who served from 2005 to 2015—maintained a balanced approach
by condemning Israel’s military actions and supporting U.N. calls for a
cease-fire during the 50-day war in Gaza in 2014. Under Insulza, the OAS
fostered a platform where diverse viewpoints on the conflict could be expressed,
aligning more closely with the organization’s democratic principles.



This time around, groups supporting Israel’s war in Gaza have honored Almagro.
In April, they granted him an award for “his work countering anti-Semitism.” The
event, held at the OAS headquarters in Washington, was dominated by far-right
speakers who denounced regional governments that have used diplomatic measures
to try to bring about a permanent cease-fire in Gaza.

Among the attendees was Republican U.S. Rep. María Elvira Salazar, a staunch
defender of former U.S. President Donald Trump who implied that six Latin
American presidents have incited hate crimes against Jews with their vocal
opposition to the Israel-Hamas war. Only five months earlier, in a video
endorsement she made for then-candidate—and now far-right Argentine
President—Javier Milei, Salazar praised Argentina for having “one race,”
invoking the false, racist idea that Argentina is a country descended from white
Europeans and erasing its Black and Indigenous populations.

Currently, no OAS member state is considering addressing the Gaza war within the
organization. Instead, many countries have turned to other regional fora.
Through the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, a multilateral
organization that includes all countries of the Americas except the United
States and Canada, 24 nations called for an immediate cease-fire as early as
March. In July, Brazil leveraged the regional alliance Mercosur to establish a
free trade agreement with the Palestinian Authority. Even the 14 nations of the
Caribbean, some of which were previously hesitant to express their positions on
the Israel-Palestine conflict due to U.S. influence, have now united within the
multilateral Caribbean Community organization to recognize the state of
Palestine and oppose the war.

Of the 35 countries in the Americas, 32 recognize the state of Palestine, with
four announcing this decision following the outbreak of the Israel-Hamas war
last year. Yet, in direct contradiction to the positions of most of its members,
the OAS’s leadership continues to provide diplomatic cover for the violence
perpetrated by the Netanyahu government, which is facing genocide charges at the
International Court of Justice—a case supported by seven Latin American and
Caribbean countries.

Under Almagro’s leadership, the organization continues to drift further from the
principles of democracy and human rights that it was supposedly founded to
uphold. If the OAS stays on its current trajectory, ignoring and even actively
opposing the views of many of its members, it is likely to be seen as
increasingly irrelevant in much of the region.




Francesca Emanuele is a senior research fellow at the Center for Economic and
Policy Research in Washington, D.C. She is also a doctoral candidate in
anthropology at American University, where her work focuses on the Organization
of American States. X: @francemanuele

Read More On Central America | Foreign & Public Diplomacy | North America |
South America | U.S. Foreign Policy | War


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