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Home Economic Policy A Liberalism That Builds Power
(Illustration by Jandos Rothstein)


A LIBERALISM THAT BUILDS POWER

The goals of domestic supply chains, good jobs, carbon reduction, and public
input are inseparable.

by David Dayen

May 25, 2023

5:30 AM

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This article appears in the June 2023 issue of The American Prospect magazine.
Subscribe here.

In December 2021, the U.S. shipped seven million tons of liquefied natural gas
(LNG), more than market champions Qatar and Australia. An explosion at the
Freeport LNG terminal in June 2022 was the only thing keeping the U.S. from
solidifying its position as the world’s largest exporter, and once Freeport came
back online in February 2023, exports hit new records for two straight months.

Six years earlier, the country was a net importer, and only one port in Alaska
could ship LNG abroad. In February 2016, Sabine Pass in Louisiana became the
first active export terminal in the Lower 48 states. LNG export capacity
subsequently climbed from next to nothing to a peak of 14.1 billion cubic feet
per day. In 2015, the U.S. exported 28.3 billion cubic feet of LNG; just in
February of 2023, it exported 326.2 billion.

In short, America built a complex industry virtually from scratch into the
global leader in six years, under today’s permitting rules and approval
processes, with the same standards for public participation, through companies
that had no guarantee of profitability. Seven different terminals were built or
expanded in the past half-decade, with at least 16 more projects in the
pipeline.

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You may not like the proliferation of LNG, which expends energy to chill and
degasify, releases prodigious amounts of carbon pollution, causes health hazards
for local communities, and is fueled by private equity. What you cannot say is
that this industry is the product of a country that has forgotten how to build.
A mix of national policy, willing financing, and economic and political power
easily overcame whatever lethargy is judged to be endemic to the U.S. system.

The Biden administration is trying to generate a similar dynamic to expand clean
energy and critical technology industries. Three major laws—the Infrastructure
Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA), the CHIPS and Science Act, and the Inflation
Reduction Act (IRA)—aim to subsidize domestic manufacturing and the supports
underlying it. In the first few months, the public outlays have been matched by
a surge of private investment, faster than any analyst expected.

Unlike with other economic interventions, the Biden administration has strived
to hit multiple policy goals in implementing these laws. Grants from the
Department of Energy to support battery minerals projects require a community
benefits plan, with labor and stakeholder engagement, diversity goals, and
support for marginalized groups. Department of Commerce subsidies for domestic
semiconductor facilities under the CHIPS Act had applicants lay out plans for
access to child care. And Biden’s team is wielding other tools, like incentive
bonuses, Buy and Build America mandates, prevailing-wage requirements, and even
profit-sharing schemes, to make sure this industrial revolution benefits workers
and communities, not just executives and financiers.

This has spurred a backlash from corners of the center-left punditocracy.
Combining domestic manufacturing, decarbonization, union jobs, and economic
justice muddles the picture, say opinion leaders (and Prospect alumni) Ezra
Klein and Matthew Yglesias. They believe that initiating “a liberalism that
builds” demands precisely the opposite approach: loosening cumbersome
bureaucracy, diminishing public input, and tearing down any barrier to the
national abundance we need. These traditionally libertarian preoccupations are
finding purchase among self-described “supply-side progressives.”

> A better option for economic development involves the government actively
> supporting the very groups left out of past economic transitions.

For the past few months, I’ve talked to dozens of people inside and outside of
government about this dichotomy. More important, I’ve talked to labor leaders,
community organizers, investors, and businesses that are operating under the
terms of the administration’s strategy. What emerges is not a picture of an
America shackled by the bonds of stifling environmental regulation and domestic
content requirements, to say nothing of its allegedly air-tight labor laws.

For decades, America delivered economic development subsidies without strings
attached. Wall Street–fueled private corporations were first in line for those
gifts, and they hoarded them. Whatever cheap goods or McJobs we got out of that
transaction meant little without the shared prosperity and sustainability that
America needs.

A better option involves the government actively supporting the very groups that
have been left out of past economic transitions, building the necessary
coalition for long-term transformation. Success is not guaranteed—democracy is
difficult—but the laissez-faire approach guarantees failure. In order to
actually remove the barriers that have hollowed out our industrial base, the
answer is not a liberalism that builds, but a liberalism that builds power.

A COUPLE OF YEARS AGO, the United Steelworkers of America heard about an
incipient project to build a nickel mine in northeastern Minnesota. Before they
could get a chance to organize around it, the project’s leaders called them.
“The company actually approached us and said, ‘We’ve had positive working
relationships with the Steelworkers at other places,’” said Anna Fendley,
director of regulatory and state policy for the union.

The company, Talon Metals, was formed by expatriates of Rio Tinto, a
multinational mining conglomerate. Rio had planned to sell a 31,000-acre site
near Tamarack, Minnesota, with large deposits of high-grade nickel, as well as
copper and cobalt. The exploration team on the project saw the potential, and
signed an earn-in agreement to take over the mine, with Rio serving as a
minority partner. A separate processing facility would be the first for nickel
in the United States. Later, Talon reached agreement with Tesla, which needs
nickel for its EV batteries, to supply 75,000 metric tons of nickel concentrate
over six years, once operations begin (the current estimate is 2026).

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The project, which will create roughly 450 jobs, was always going to be
politically fraught. Hardrock mining is the leading industry for toxic waste in
the United States, according to the Environmental Protection Agency, with
particular concern over contamination of watersheds by sulfuric acid and heavy
metals. The headwaters of the Kettle and Tamarack Rivers happen to be near the
mine; the former feeds into the St. Croix River, and the latter into the
Mississippi.

Plus, while the town of Tamarack is sparse (less than 100 people, per the 2020
census), the Mille Lacs Band of Ojibwe tribe lives about a mile away. They
survive on well water, lake fish, and the wild rice that grows along the lakes.
The tribe calls the rice “manoomin,” and it’s an important agricultural,
historical, and cultural product. “The area has beautiful pristine wetlands that
serve as a water recycling hydrological system,” said Kelly Applegate,
commissioner of natural resources for the Mille Lacs Band. “If those were to get
polluted it would impact us, our way of life.”

As The New York Times reported last year, Talon sits at the crossroads of
industry formation, community skepticism, job creation, and environmental
stewardship. To attract support, the company has given the impression of leaning
into all these issues.

It signed a union neutrality agreement with the Steelworkers, and partnered with
them on a joint workforce training and development center to ensure a steady
supply of skilled employees. Fendley said it’s easier to recruit to a rural area
if both labor and management are promising a good job. Talon sees it as a way to
meet diversity goals, by recruiting among tribes or local refugee communities.
Talon also has committed to a draft project labor agreement for both the mine
and the processing facility, which will set wage scales, work rules, and
employer contributions to training. “This project with Talon is the idea that a
union and a company can have the same goals,” Fendley said.

Talon is going through environmental review in Minnesota, which includes an
extensive public comment period. The company believes it can use technology to
limit harms. It is working with a partner called EnviCore on a technique that
limits mine waste, known as tailings, by turning it into cement mix. It has
provided financial assurances to help close the mine when it winds down
operations. And Talon decided to move the processing facility and waste removal
to Mercer County, North Dakota, where they believe the drier climate will lessen
the possibility of environmental spoilage.

“Moving processing and waste storage, that’s directly responsive to what we
heard about from the tribes,” said Todd Malan, chief external affairs officer at
Talon. “It’s costing us money and changing our economics on the project to rail
product 450 miles to North Dakota. But if people feel that we listened to them,
they’re more open to the idea of a mine.”

Applegate stressed that the Ojibwe, a sovereign tribal government, has only
engaged in information-sharing with Talon, not deeper discussions. A mining plan
has not yet been submitted, with the kind of data that could verify the
company’s claims about environmental impacts.

×
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JESSIE WARDARSKI/AP PHOTO

Wild rice, known locally as manoomin, grows alongside a Minnesota lake, which
tribal communities fear a new nickel mine could contaminate.

Nevertheless, Talon listed all of these actions in their Department of Energy
application for the North Dakota processing plant, which won them a $114 million
grant through the IIJA. In a tribal engagement and consultation statement, Talon
committed to work toward benchmarks for “tribal employment, procurement from
tribal owned businesses and other forms of economic benefit sharing.” Malan said
this offer drew upon the experience in Canada, where tribes have taken equity
stakes in projects, purchased trucks and leased them to mining companies, or
installed renewable energy and sold power to the firm.

“I don’t want to come to the table where they say, ‘We’re concerned about the
environment and wild rice,’ and I talk about good jobs,” Malan said. “That’s a
non sequitur. We can say, ‘Here’s what we will do on the environment. And also,
we want to provide community benefits.’”

The Ojibwe tribe remains concerned. Applegate cited the recent rash of
high-profile train derailments to emphasize the risk of locating the processing
facility elsewhere. He acknowledged the shared goal of minimizing carbon
emissions and climate change, which is also threatening the wetlands. “But we
should not be asked to trade one form of pollution over another,” he said. The
economic benefits didn’t seem to be a consideration. “We’re more concerned about
being able to hand off this land and this water in a good way to our future
generations, so they can practice their traditions.”

The tribe launched a website, waterovernickel.com, in March.

Malan acknowledged that Talon’s promises may not sway everyone. But he said the
company was trying to build a model for supplying the energy transition,
welcoming a unionized workforce, and extracting needed resources sustainably,
all at once. Talon sees the strategy as the only path to facilitating the
broad-based community support that a long-term project needs. Federal funding
and direction has helped to validate the effort, Malan said. “For people in the
community, it feels like they’re contributing to something with a purpose.”

KLEIN HAS COINED THE PHRASE “everything-bagel liberalism” for the kind of
multi-varied approaches like Talon is taking, arguing that one too many goals,
even praiseworthy ones, “adds obstacles, expenses and delays,” and frequently
accomplishes nothing in the name of accomplishing it all. Besides, trying to
bring the coalition together can lead to unnecessary delays. Better to pick one
objective and work toward it, and excise the other obstacles to progress.

If the buildup of boxes to check were truly a barrier, we would likely see
reticence from firms to comply. But instead, there’s been a line out the door.

Between last August, when the CHIPS Act and the IRA were signed, and early May,
companies have announced $216 billion in private manufacturing investments,
nearly 20 times the number announced before the pandemic in 2019. Manufacturing
construction spending jumped from $74 billion in May 2021 to $140 billion this
February. Over 100,000 jobs have already been created. Goldman Sachs predicted
that IRA clean-energy tax credits will see three times higher usage than
expected, and will eventually bring in $3 trillion in private investment. The
CHIPS Act grant process, which includes equitable workforce goals, supply chain
diversity, climate pledges, community investments, and access to child care,
received 200 statements of interest from applicants in the first two months.

This suggests that, for all the explanations about why America cannot build
anything or sustain homegrown industries, maybe the only needed kick start was a
little public funding with criteria for community benefits. “When we were
putting together our modern American industrial strategy, we said policy
certainty will help crowd in private investment,” said Sameera Fazili, who
worked at the National Economic Council in the first two years of the Biden
administration. “We’re seeing some indications that our theory was right.”

In fact, the more you try to decipher the real obstacles to industrial and
infrastructural capacity in recent years, the more you reach the conclusion that
they primarily have to do with two factors: money and power.

> The real obstacles to industrial and infrastructural capacity have to do with
> money and power.

For example, a classic “supply-side progressive” argument goes that zoning rules
make it illegal to build multifamily housing in much of the country, leading to
sprawl and undersupply and spiking home prices. In addition, community input
offers far too many veto points from loosely organized homeowners, who are
incentivized to restrict building to preserve property values.

That is all absolutely true, and some areas seeing the most affliction—my home
state of California in particular—are belatedly trying to do something about it,
with a series of legislative actions to force upzoning and increase supply. But
there can be no doubt as an empirical matter that the greatest source of
undersupply in housing in the past 20 years came from not a zoning rule or
community outcry, but the impact of the Great Recession. In 2007, the top 200
builders closed over 389,000 units; within two years, that was cut by more than
half, and even in 2017, a decade later, only around 327,000 units were built.

Because we have limited public funding for housing in America, we are at the
mercy of the free market. With no social-housing sector, whenever private
developers pull back, affordability suffers. And when the housing bubble
collapsed, for-profit homebuilders resisted risking capital on what was seen as
a hazardous business.

A decade of consolidation ensued, with firms either closing or pairing with
bigger rivals. “You had pipe farms, suburban developments with just the pipes
sticking out of the ground,” said Dan Immergluck, a professor at Georgia State
University and author of Red Hot City, about the Atlanta housing market. “That
causes the labor to migrate.” Suppliers fled too. So when the pandemic hit, the
system was so fragile that doors and windows and lumber became hard to come by,
along with the workers to install them.

Just as housing starts were starting to bounce back in 2022, Federal Reserve
interest rate hikes made it more expensive to build, and starts plummeted again.
This is starting to crop up in manufacturing as well, as public tax credits that
require up-front investment simply stretch less in a high-interest-rate
environment. Today, one big obstacle for LNG export terminals is rising interest
rates eating away at up-front financing. Cost of capital is what will ultimately
tip decisions on whether to build, outside of social housing or nationalized
factories. “You need these policy levers rowing in the same direction to be
effective,” said Todd Tucker, director of industrial policy and trade at the
Roosevelt Institute. “If Jay Powell kneecaps the IRA at every step that’s going
to be a problem.”

Another barrier identified by the liberal supply-siders is the extended
permitting process, mandated through well-intentioned laws like the National
Environmental Policy Act (NEPA). Again, this didn’t seem to stop a powerful
industry like natural gas. A further set of research argues that lack of
manpower at the agencies that conduct NEPA reviews was a bigger component of
delay.

The biggest source of trouble in permitting, everyone seems to agree, is
building transmission lines to move renewable energy from where it’s produced to
where it’s consumed. (One 732-mile line from Wyoming to Nevada was just
approved, and the long-delayed line from Quebec to New England has been
resurrected by a state court in Maine.) One of the biggest issues is cost
allocation. When multiple utilities benefit from new transmission, they must
decide who pays for what. A power struggle inevitably ensues. The Federal Energy
Regulatory Commission has proposed rules for allocating costs, but if anything
the problem involves too few rules, particularly on monopoly utilities trying to
secure benefits without paying for them.

Power crops up a lot when you look at the barriers. A report from the Transit
Costs Project on why constructing rail lines and subways in the U.S. is so
expensive gives an important role to overstaffing of white-collar labor, also
known as corporate consultants, which adds layers of bureaucracy, overbidding
for materials, and variance of design to too many projects. Politically
connected firms win these assignments, turn promising projects like California’s
high-speed rail program to mush, and leave behind no institutional memory inside
government for how to get things done.

Despite $40 billion in spending to connect all Americans to broadband, and
another $45 billion on the way, millions still lack quality service, because
incumbent telecoms want to get away with spending as little as possible. We
could have abundant cures for all manner of diseases, but pharmaceutical firms
get rich from sitting on innovation, buying rivals to snuff out potential
competition. Research has even shown that housing inflation, that common theme
of the supply-siders, could be attributable to concentrated ownership.

×
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Jandos Rothstein

Supply-side progressives believe that zoning rules and community groups have
restricted homebuilding, leading to spiking prices.

Supply-side progressives sometimes recognize power too, like when they talk
about how wealthier homeowners have more influence to stop housing in their
neighborhoods. But more often, they set their sights on government incompetence
and the burdens of labor and environmental rules, rather than corporate power
and the familiar stories of cronyism and incumbency bias.

Between the lines of their arguments is the idea that increasing manufacturing
capacity should take precedence over making sure somebody has a good job.
Clean-air laws that prevent 230,000 needless deaths a year must take a back
seat. Safety laws that have reduced workplace injuries nearly fourfold are too
onerous. Democracy—the ability for the public to express their views on matters
that will affect them and get a hearing—isn’t worth the trouble.

“You’re telling people they’re not going to get anything out of it and their
lives will be made worse,” said Marshall Steinbaum, an assistant professor of
economics at the University of Utah. “That’s the tell that it’s not designed to
build a political movement. That’s something Silicon Valley billionaires
believe.”

THE BIDEN ADMINISTRATION’S BID to reverse these trends starts from a premise
that broadly distributing both money and power is essential to meeting the
nominal goal of augmenting industrial capacity. As Tucker told me, “You can’t
say that the problem with what we’re doing is that it’s too public-minded,
that’s the point. It’s not just about adding widgets.”

You have to go back to what triggered the rebuilding impulse in the first place.
The consequences of outsourced supply to concentrated offshore locations were on
full display during the pandemic, introducing hidden risk, and eventually supply
shocks and inflation. Monopolistic supply chains are simply unstable. More solar
and wind projects were announced in the last three months of 2022 than all of
2021, but sourcing components, most of which come from overseas, has been a
struggle, and spurred the push for a domestic solar supply chain.

Arguing that domestic manufacturing will raise costs neglects the severe damage
we just experienced, which can emerge through climate catastrophe, geopolitical
tensions, and many other factors beyond a pandemic. Besides, high-road labor
practices, which aren’t even that common in U.S. manufacturing, add negligible
costs to renewable-energy projects, on the order of 1 to 2 percent.

×
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The imperative of the climate crisis was the second emergency, and it fits with
the first: Domestic supply is cleaner to produce and less carbon-intensive to
ship. But it’s a monumental task: overhauling the structure of the U.S. energy
system, the U.S. transportation system, the U.S. commercial and residential
building system, not to mention reviving domestic mining and materials
production and manufacturing. It touches absolutely everything. And to pull it
off, you need maximum buy-in from all corners of the country, sustained buy-in
that prevents policy rollback.

Trading $17-an-hour service-sector jobs for $17-an-hour manufacturing jobs is a
sure way to destroy that coalition. “A plain-bagel strategy is not a recipe for
winning,” said Ben Beachy, vice president of manufacturing and industrial policy
at the BlueGreen Alliance, a labor and environmental partnership. “We will win
when workers see climate action as essential, not only for the climate but for
next month’s paycheck.”

The fossil fuel sector has managed to figure this out. Oil rig jobs in Louisiana
and Texas are generally good, and it’s made them stickier, despite concerns
about the climate. As oil companies pull back on investment and cut back on
staff, workers have drifted to clean energy. Preserving broad-based support for
the energy transition will require both well-paid jobs and secure careers that
will be around for decades. “We’re working to eliminate a historic disparity in
job quality between clean-energy and traditional-energy jobs,” said Beachy.

Making that happen has to be a simultaneous process. If you instead offer a
plain-bagel approach, putting one goal ahead of the other, you end up with what
Tucker calls the Elon Musk problem.

In 2009, the Obama administration inaugurated a $90 billion loan guarantee
program through the Department of Energy as part of the economic stimulus to
recover from the Great Recession. This was industrial policy in miniature, an
attempt to incubate the industries of the future while creating jobs and
economic opportunity. One of the higher-profile loan recipients was Tesla, which
received $465 million to build its Model S sedan.

> Preserving broad-based support for the energy transition will require both
> well-paid jobs and secure careers.

Federal largesse spurred Tesla to early dominance, making electric vehicles
attractive to a mass audience and spurring competitors to join in. But Elon Musk
didn’t have to deal with the kind of standards that are being viewed with
skepticism today. As a result, the market leader in electric cars, weaned on
public money, proceeded to become one of the biggest union-busters in America.
The only U.S. auto company using non-union workers at a stateside plant, Tesla
has been criticized for years for low pay, poor safety records, and intimidation
of employees seeking collective bargaining. Tesla was found guilty in 2021 of
firing an employee engaged in protected union activity; other allegations of
illegal firings have followed.

Not only did the failure to condition federal loans on high-road labor practices
enable Tesla’s practices, it made it harder to reverse those practices with each
passing year, as the company grew and entrenched itself. Plus, Tesla’s
competitors feel like they can’t create good jobs either if they want to
challenge the market leader. Vehicle manufacturers and their suppliers kept
their production overseas, or fought unionization. Even the Big Three automakers
have attempted to put EV battery production outside of their contract
agreements, arguing that it’s a new technology to be bargained separately. The
United Auto Workers have taken the extraordinary step of withholding support for
Biden’s re-election out of concern for the drift of the EV workforce.

Undoing this isn’t hopeless—workers at Ultium Cells in Ohio, who make batteries
for General Motors EVs, overwhelmingly voted to join the UAW last December, and
the union also just announced a neutrality agreement with Sparkz, another
battery manufacturer. But that one decision to hand Tesla public money 14 years
ago had long-term implications for an entire sector.

“We saw the rise of unions in the Industrial Revolution because the jobs were so
bad,” said Fendley, with the Steelworkers. “Wouldn’t it be nice in this massive
industrial transformation that we’re on the cusp of if we didn’t have to go down
a road like that, and we made sure that jobs were high-road and union from the
start?”

BIDEN’S FIRST MAJOR POLICY PREOCCUPATION was to bring about full employment. The
American Rescue Plan went out of its way to not follow the agonizingly slow
labor market recovery of prior recessions. America restored all of the jobs lost
in the pandemic, a deeper deficit than the country had seen in a century, in
less than three years. Tightened labor markets bring leverage to workers by
definition. Companies in high-impact industries must compete for talent.

The administration has supplemented that in several ways. First, they made
supply chain resilience and carbon reduction national priorities. Biden set a
goal of electric vehicles being 50 percent of all cars sold by 2030. The
Environmental Protection Agency’s tailpipe emissions rule in April codified that
goal and even strengthened it. This creates a market for battery and EV
production. The administration’s historic supply chain reports last year made
the case for producing them and other critical goods domestically. National
priorities impact even private investment. LNG terminals must prove they can
show 30 years of demand that will earn back the significant investment; those
long-term demand projections are less possible in a climate-obsessed world.

Nudges were also added inside key laws, if not always firm standards. An
executive order requires project labor agreements for all federal construction
projects. CHIPS funding “strongly encourages” PLAs as well, though an earlier
provision to require them was cut out of the final bill. The IRA’s controversial
EV rebates include domestic content requirements to further guarantee that not
just cars but the whole ecosystem of suppliers remains in America. The law also
offers large incentive bonuses for companies that offer prevailing wages for
construction, as well as qualified apprenticeship programs, which can help solve
the workforce problem for companies while offering ladders to the middle class
for workers.

The IRA also reserved $6 billion for technology upgrades supporting cleaner
manufacturing of aluminum and steel, to reduce industrial pollution. “We can’t
just forever depend on huge reliance on cheap imports to achieve climate goals.
Overseas corporations tend to be more emissions-intensive,” Beachy said. The
Department of Energy program guidelines, released in March, again preference
applicants that not only guarantee cuts to greenhouse gas emissions but support
cleaner air for local communities.

×
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JAAP ARRIENS/AP PHOTO

In 2009, Tesla received $465 million in government loans, with no strings
attached. The result is a largely non-union electric-vehicle industry.

The supply-side progressive critique misses the fact that all of these goals are
mutually reinforcing. For example, the typical line from businesses is that
unions will slow down operations, by protecting unproductive performers and
adding burdensome work rules. The administration’s actions have flipped that on
its head.

Now, unions can offer startup manufacturers a stable workforce and lower
turnover rates, along with the potential for unlocking political connections and
financing. And since the industrial base has been so hollowed out, experienced
employees with production know-how are prized commodities who can help young
companies navigate their early growth. In this sense, organized workers become
brokers for the clean-energy solution, not just replaceable parts. “What we’re
hearing from the private sector is, ‘Where can we find some unions?’” said
Beachy.

If you get to those infant industries with upside for growth early, companies
with no history of even talking to unions, you can change minds. “If we can set
in place industrywide practices that show them that investing in their workers
can add to the firm, we’ll be able to add these practices earlier as they grow,”
said Fazili.

The biggest victory for this strategy came at an electric school bus factory in
rural Georgia, where 1,400 workers won a union election in mid-May. Blue Bird,
which received funding through the IIJA’s clean school bus program, had to
comply with an Environmental Protection Agency condition that barred recipients
from funding outside anti-union campaigns. In a right-to-work state, those
restrictions leveled the playing field.

Over 90 percent of private-sector manufacturing jobs are non-union; increasing
union activity can restore organizing muscle across sectors. Most unionized
steel and aluminum facilities are located in disadvantaged communities; reducing
pollution from these factories would improve air quality in neighborhoods that
have needed that for years, while protecting the climate and creating good union
jobs.

Similarly, the child care crisis and workforce needs fit together to uplift a
unique class of Americans.

> With women only 10.6 percent of the construction workforce, they are an
> untapped option for expanding the employee base.

In Mississippi, Methodist minister Carol Burnett (yes, that’s her real name)
directs two nonprofits dedicated to bringing women, primarily single mothers,
into the construction industry, where wages are higher than in traditionally
female professions. “Single moms are the population in our state where poverty
is most concentrated, even though single moms have higher labor force
participation rate in the state,” she told me.

The Women in Construction program in Biloxi started after Hurricane Katrina,
another time of acute workforce needs. The program trained women to rebuild and
renovate homes devastated by the storm. Enhanced with funding from the
Department of Labor and philanthropic foundations, Women in Construction
expanded into advanced manufacturing and commercial construction. Staff members
are now training single mothers in four districts, helping with credentialing,
job placement, and child care needs along the way. “We haven’t achieved equity
or anything but we’ve made a lot of progress,” Burnett said. “The experience has
demonstrated that women can work when one earns enough money.”

Major construction industries in Mississippi include Ingalls Shipbuilding, a
federal contractor, as well as oil and gas firms and commercial builders. The
state is notoriously unfriendly to unions, environmental rules, and decent
wages. Yet Burnett has made some headway with large employers by framing the
child care issue as about increasing the employee base. She explained how the
state’s workforce development agency, Accelerate MS, received a grant through
the American Rescue Plan to fund support services for single parents, including
child care.

“There are really a larger number of people at all levels who are beginning to
understand that child care is a challenge, and trying to address it is a good
thing to get more employees in the door,” Burnett said. The CHIPS Act directives
on child care, which simply require companies seeking federal money to look
around for access near site locations, can be seen in that context. With women
only 10.6 percent of the construction workforce, they are an untapped option for
expanding the employee base. And making workforce decisions that maximize
available labor can benefit workers and the company alike.

One of Fazili’s major initiatives at NEC was to increase the trucking workforce,
amid pandemic-era labor shortages. Decades of deregulation made the jobs
unattractive. “People were so used to thinking of labor and management in
opposition to one another,” she said. The administration initiatives, she said,
“creates new incentives for folks to work together and for management to realize
there’s real value in collaboration.”

THESE EFFORTS ARE NOT FATED TO SUCCEED, because nothing requiring cooperation
ever is. The Defense Department didn’t have a strategy of adding conditions when
it helped build the semiconductor industry in the 1970s. Today, the majority of
the most advanced chips come from one island and one firm, Taiwan Semiconductor
Manufacturing Company (TSMC). Its founder, Morris Chang, referred to American
high-tech companies in a 2016 interview, stating bluntly: “When you look at why
those companies are successful, I think them not having unions is a big part of
it.”

Sure enough, as TSMC builds a chip factory in Arizona with public funding
support, they have resisted Commerce Department guidance, and labor has been
frozen out. “There is zero interest in doing business with us,” the president of
Arizona’s building trades told the Prospect in April. Out-of-state, non-union
workers are building the facility.

Though chip companies have started to fight one another over subsidies,
suggesting that they could be persuaded to distribute benefits broadly, the
government has little leverage to dictate to the small handful of players in the
industry, which they’re practically begging to set up shop in America. “Some of
these chip firms can walk away from the table in a way that cash-hungry firms
can’t,” said Tucker. That’s why the administration’s competition agenda is a
component of its industrial policy; more semiconductor firms can bring in new
ideas and break the industry’s rigid stances.

But also, Congress had no interest in writing labor neutrality requirements into
CHIPS, which would have helped immensely. It’s led to the soft-pressure approach
that the Commerce Department has laid out, attempting to show firms that it’s in
their interest.

×
Expand

ALYSSA POINTER/AP PHOTO

Gov. Brian Kemp (R-GA) opens a Hanwha Qcells solar component factory in Dalton,
Georgia. Qcells recently invested $2.5 billion to expand the plant and open a
new one.

Similarly, the reason you see the vast majority of the investment flowing into
red states and red districts is that it lines up with states that have
right-to-work laws. That’s also not an impossible hurdle—the Steelworkers
secured their neutrality agreement with Talon Metals in right-to-work North
Dakota—but it’s a heavier lift when the manufacturing hubs of the future are in
the Deep South, or areas where wages and benefits are low by design.

On the flip side, that’s a coalition-building opportunity. One of the biggest
solar manufacturers in the U.S., Hanwha Qcells, set up shop in the district of
Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA) and later expanded the plant and added
another one in a neighboring red district, with a $2.5 billion investment
praised by Vice President Kamala Harris. That puts Greene in a difficult
position when Republicans fight to extinguish clean-energy tax credits. The
workers in that factory become citizen lobbyists against Republican
anti-renewable sentiment. And building out a hint of acceptance in the GOP for
these policies, as has been done with wind power in Texas and Iowa, insulates
the policy to an extent.

Finally, there are the impossible yet inescapable conversations with the kinds
of communities traditionally disadvantaged by industrial production, who don’t
particularly want to be—and shouldn’t be—human sacrifices on the altar of the
energy transition. “So many times, history repeats itself,” said Applegate, of
the Mille Lacs Band in Minnesota. “Industry comes in, taking our land, our
trees, moving us onto reservations.” Somehow, slow permitting didn’t stop that
from happening.

Community benefits agreements that give disadvantaged communities a stake in
future industrial projects, from targeted hiring to environmental mitigation,
ensure more equity. Mines, transmission lines, utility-scale solar and wind,
battery factories, and other pillars of this strategy, if successful, will be in
neighborhoods for decades. The short-term need to win acceptance from the people
who have to live next to them will pay long-term dividends.

There’s something uniquely un-American about the alternative. “A liberalism that
builds boils down to the idea that people can’t be trusted,” said Steinbaum.
“Elites must make the sound enlightened decisions because they don’t trust
democracy or politics.” Supply-side progressives like Yglesias and Klein are
skilled at detecting the structural problems in American government. They’re
less concerned with the problem of power as an impediment to progress. And
they’re certainly not interested in equalizing that power, aligning the
interests of labor and capital, as the clearest path to deal everyone into a
next-generation economy.

For all the struggles that Talon Metals has had gaining support in Minnesota,
their executives at least sound like they understand this. “Community support
has to be built across all these projects,” Todd Malan told me. “They put us
through the wringer, and keep us accountable.”

Most communities will gain from better jobs and opportunity, cleaner air,
resilient supply chains, and a climate that isn’t spinning out of control. And
they have even more to gain from equalizing the power dynamics that have
pummeled their communities. So does a political system that has struggled with
the disruptions of inequality and deindustrialization for the past half-century.
Instead of trying to restart the bulldozers that outsourced and deregulated and
got us into this mess, we can build a base for a mass politics, the only base
that will sustain the generational effort of standing up a new economy.

The Prospect’s reporting on the implementation of the Biden administration’s
industrial policy is supported through funding from Omidyar Network.

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2023 Issue


DAVID DAYEN

David Dayen is the Prospect’s executive editor. His work has appeared in The
Intercept, The New Republic, HuffPost, The Washington Post, the Los Angeles
Times, and more. His most recent book is ‘Monopolized: Life in the Age of
Corporate Power.’

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