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Contents


SAFEGUARDING CHILDHOOD





AN ASSESSMENT OF NATIONAL BUDGETING TRANSPARENCY TO PREVENT AND RESPOND TO CHILD
SEXUAL ABUSE




By FP Analytics, the independent research division of The FP Group, in
partnership with World Vision International and with support from Oak Foundation




1. INTRODUCTION

Although children represent the future of humanity, many are exposed to a range
of risks that not only undermine their well-being but also hold back their
potential and violate their fundamental human rights. A 2016 study estimated
that one billion children globally had experienced physical, sexual, or
emotional violence or neglect in the previous year. Child sexual abuse (CSA) is
especially pernicious. This first-of-its-kind report on national budgeting to
prevent and respond to CSA shows that governments in high-, middle-, and
low-income countries are often failing to transparently resource policies and
laws to achieve their stated policy objectives. This is even more concerning in
light of the prevalence of CSA globally. According to UNICEF, at least one in 10
girls under the age of 20 have been forced to engage in sex or perform other
sexual acts. Boys are also subjected to sexual abuse, but the phenomenon is
under-reported and often overlooked. With the advent of the Internet, widespread
access to mobile phones, and emergence of artificial intelligence (AI), the
risks and vulnerabilities children face have only grown. For example, a 2023
investigation found that AI-generated images of adolescents and children,
including those as young as toddlers, are being leveraged to perpetuate CSA.
Despite growing recognition of these and other dangers affecting children, the
full extent of the challenges remain obscured.

In general, data from high-, middle-, and low-income countries suggests that
rates of CSA are undercounted. Self-reported surveys tend to show a higher
prevalence than is recorded by welfare and law enforcement agencies. Widespread
social stigma, fear, trauma, and low levels of trust in, and availability of,
government resources often mean that victims of CSA do not share their
experiences or wait for significant periods of time before doing so. One survey
of over 1,000 victims of CSA in Germany found that the average age of reporting
was 52.2 years. In the Philippines, 44 percent of children surveyed indicated
that they would not know who to tell if they were abused, and in Kenya,
two-thirds of survivors surveyed said they did not know where to go for help.
Furthermore, even when victims report their experiences, they may be silenced by
their families and communities or the authorities. Yet, policymakers have a
critical role to play in preventing and responding to CSA by ensuring that
institutions are not only responsive to the needs of all children, especially
those at risk, but also that laws and policies are effectively operationalized
through adequate funding, including for both response and prevention efforts. In
addition to public commitments, tackling CSA requires mobilization and
coordination across multiple ministries and departments in each country, and
from the national to local levels, as well as the participation and support of
multilateral agencies and civil society organizations.

Recognizing the need to better understand the effectiveness of government
efforts, and with an eye toward driving progress, FP Analytics, the independent
research division of The FP Group, partnered with World Vision International and
Oak Foundation to undertake a far-reaching study of national budgeting dedicated
to addressing CSA. FP Analytics conducted research to identify the levels and
types of national funding allocated to prevent and respond to sexual abuse
against children across 20 high-, middle- and low-income countries across
Europe, the Americas, the Middle East, Africa, and the Asia-Pacific.

Culminating in a groundbreaking report, Safeguarding Childhood builds on the Out
of the Shadows Index and seeks to accelerate the achievement of the 2030 Agenda
for Sustainable Development, including target 16.2 (“end[ing] abuse,
exploitation, trafficking and all forms of violence against, and torture of,
children”), target 5.2 (“eliminat[ing] all forms of violence against all women
and girls in public and private spheres”), and target 5.3 (“eliminat[ing] all
harmful practices, such as child, early and forced marriage and female genital
mutilations”). This synthesis report distills key findings, patterns, and trends
globally and across the 20 country case studies covered in Safeguarding
Childhood. It is complemented by the individual country case studies, which
provide a more detailed picture of the national policies and legislation
relevant to preventing and responding to CSA and their associated budgets, while
also analyzing strengths, weaknesses, and opportunities for improvement.

Safeguarding Childhood’s key findings include:

 * Even as recognition of CSA grows, national plans, strategies, and other
   policy documents related to CSA commonly fail to specify budgetary needs and
   commitments to meet their stated objectives. The lack of transparency
   complicates the task of independent tracking and evaluation, including to
   determine the extent to which national budgeting is commensurate with
   demonstrated need. Countries across all income levels need to do more to
   ensure transparency of budget allocations and expenditures to implement laws
   and policies for preventing and responding to CSA.
 * In only seven out of 20 countries analyzed (35 percent) did the national
   strategic policy document that was most closely focused on CSA include
   explicit budgetary information. Only in one out of 20 case
   studies—Australia—was it possible to identify detailed annual figures on how
   much was being spent to prevent and respond to CSA. Governments need to
   maintain clear connections between policy goals and the resources needed to
   achieve them.
 * Response efforts—including enforcement, prosecution, and survivor
   services—are allocated the majority of resources across all 20 case study
   countries, while prevention efforts are intermittently detailed and largely
   underfunded, making prevention a distant goal. Budgetary allocations related
   to CSA prevention efforts need to be clearly highlighted to ensure adequate
   support.
 * Budgetary allocations related to CSA are not always discernible from other
   child protection priorities, which may reflect a holistic approach to
   implementation of stated objectives but can complicate detailed tracking and
   evaluation. Even within an integrated approach to child protection, countries
   need to more clearly document budgetary commitments related to addressing CSA
   alongside other related priorities.
 * CSA-related budgetary allocations are frequently only identifiable within
   narrow silos rather than across government. Whole-of-government responses to
   CSA could be supported by whole-of-government information about related
   efforts.
 * Sociopolitical or fiscal upheaval—driven by COVID-19 or other crises—imperils
   funding for CSA response and prevention. Governments need to be mindful of
   how changing spending priorities can rapidly impact children at risk of
   abuse.


FOR A MORE DETAILED SUMMARY OF KEY FINDINGS FROM THE 20 CASE STUDIES, JUMP AHEAD
TO PART 4 OF THIS REPORT.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


2. METHODOLOGY

Safeguarding Childhood is a policy-oriented, evidence-based report utilizing a
combination of research methods and drawing on both quantitative and qualitative
data. The scope of the project was informed by Articles 19 and 34 of the U.N.
Convention on the Rights of the Child as well as the definition of CSA provided
in the World Health Organization’s (WHO) Report of the Consultation on Child
Abuse Prevention.



DEFINITIONS

+

Article 19, U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child

“1. States Parties shall take all appropriate legislative, administrative,
social and educational measures to protect the child from all forms of physical
or mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment,
maltreatment or exploitation, including sexual abuse, while in the care of
parent(s), legal guardian(s) or any other person who has the care of the child.

2. Such protective measures should, as appropriate, include effective procedures
for the establishment of social programmes to provide necessary support for the
child and for those who have the care of the child, as well as for other forms
of prevention and for identification, reporting, referral, investigation,
treatment and follow-up of instances of child maltreatment described heretofore,
and, as appropriate, for judicial involvement.”

 

Article 34, U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child

“States Parties undertake to protect the child from all forms of sexual
exploitation and sexual abuse. For these purposes, States Parties shall in
particular take all appropriate national, bilateral and multilateral measures to
prevent:

(a) The inducement or coercion of a child to engage in any unlawful sexual
activity;

(b) The exploitative use of children in prostitution or other unlawful sexual
practices;

(c) The exploitative use of children in pornographic performances and
materials.”

 

WHO Definition Provided in the 1999 Report of the Consultation on Child Abuse
Prevention (p. 62)

“Child sexual abuse is the involvement of a child in sexual activity that he or
she does not fully comprehend, is unable to give informed consent to, or for
which the child is not developmentally prepared and cannot give consent, or that
violates the laws or social taboos of society. Child sexual abuse is evidenced
by this activity between a child and an adult or another child who by age or
development is in a relationship of responsibility, trust or power, the activity
being intended to gratify or satisfy the needs of the other person. This may
include but is not limited to:

 * the inducement or coercion of a child to engage in any unlawful sexual
   activity;
 * the exploitative use of a child in prostitution or other unlawful sexual
   practices;
 * the exploitative use of children in pornographic performance and materials.”



Additionally, the scope and methodology of this project were guided by an
advisory group consisting of leading child protection, government budgeting,
CSA-specific policy and academic experts. (See Appendix A for a full list of
advisory group members.) This advisory group met three times with the research
team over the duration of the project between 2022 and 2023: at the outset of
the research design phase, midway through the research and development process,
and shortly before the launch of the final report. Many members participated in
semi-structured research interviews, which informed the findings and analysis of
this report. The advisory group reviewed and provided feedback on drafts,
culminating in the final report of Safeguarding Childhood.

Based on research by FP Analytics and guided by recommendations from the
project’s advisory group, a set of inclusion and exclusion criteria informed the
selection of 20 case study countries, including: 

 * Geographic diversity, spanning all continents except Antarctica;
 * Economic diversity, covering high-, upper-middle, lower-middle, and
   low-income countries, including a combination of G-7 and G-20 economies as
   well as least-developed countries; and
 * Availability and accessibility of qualitative and quantitative data, such as
   policy and legislative documents, budget appropriations and expenditure
   information, and relevant case-specific primary and secondary analyses.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


SOCIOECONOMIC OVERVIEW OF CASE STUDIES

The 20 countries examined in Safeguarding Childhood span all continents except
Antarctica and include high-, middle-, and low-income economies.





Data Sources: World Development Indicators, International Budget Partnership,
and UNICEF. Note: The latest year for Lebanon’s GDP per capita is 2021.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The goal of this project was neither to rank nor systematically compare the
countries examined. Instead, the national context and central government budgets
were investigated individually with key findings highlighted in each case study.
This project utilized a combination of research methods to collect quantitative
and qualitative data, including:  

 * Open-source, desk-based review of literature drawing on primary and secondary
   resources such as publications by governments, nongovernmental and
   intergovernmental organizations, academic institutions, and media outlets.
   Most often, this took the form of national-level budget laws or budget
   estimates, though some countries published more detailed expenditure reports
   at the ministry or department level. As Jennifer Asman, public finance
   specialist at UNICEF and member of the Safeguarding Childhood project’s
   advisory group observed, “Expenditure data shows the reality of what [a]
   commitment actually translated into. However, it’s really difficult to access
   in a timely or useful form.” Tracking budget allocations, which are more
   accessible, can serve as an alternative approach to measure government
   investments in certain issues, but such allocations are infrequently
   published in detail, making systematic data tracking, reporting, and
   transparency imperative to gauging impact.
 * Semi-structured interviews with subject-matter experts and representatives
   from civil society groups, intergovernmental organizations, academic
   institutions, relevant government agencies and ministries, and other
   in-country experts conducted between December 2022 and August 2023.
   Interviewees were selected through purposive outreach based on desk-based
   research, recommendations from the project’s advisory group, and through
   referrals or snowball sampling. Informed consent was obtained verbally to
   conduct the interviews, and consent for attribution of responses, where
   applicable, was obtained through written consent. For a full list of
   interviewees, see Appendix B.
 * AI-powered search to cross-check and triangulate literature reviews on each
   of the 20 case studies. Recognizing the potential value of novel
   technologies, the study team has integrated ChatGPT—a language-processing AI
   model—into the research methodology to help locate and verify potentially
   relevant information for each case study. Unlike a normal search inquiry on
   the Internet, which returns a list of relevant sources that a researcher then
   evaluates, ChatGPT draws from a corpus of information to formulate a response
   based on given parameters, allowing researchers to access information from a
   greater range of sources, including in other languages, in a matter of
   seconds. To harness this functionality and after the analysts’ initial rounds
   of research were complete, researchers fed ChatGPT five questions related to
   CSA in each case study country, requesting information about relevant
   programs, laws, government entities, strategic plans, and financing. These
   inquiries were used strictly to locate potentially relevant information and
   cross-check the independent research conducted by the FP Analytics team—all
   information was independently verified before being used to inform further
   research. All substantive inquiries were conducted using GPT-4, the most
   recent iteration of ChatGPT’s service. GPT-3.5 and -4 were also used
   intermittently to assist in translating documents to English, alongside
   Google Translate.



EXAMPLE INQUIRY USING CHATGPT

+

Example question: What laws does the United Arab Emirates have in place to
prevent and respond to child sexual abuse?

Example response: . . . Federal Law No. 3 of 2016 (Wadeema’s Law): Named after
an eight-year-old Emirati girl who was abused and killed by her father and
stepmother, this law was enacted to strengthen child protection in the country.
It criminalizes various forms of child abuse, including sexual abuse, and
mandates reporting of suspected cases of abuse. The law also outlines the
responsibilities of parents, guardians, and other caregivers in ensuring the
safety and well-being of children.

UAE Penal Code: The Penal Code contains provisions that criminalize sexual
offenses against children. For instance, Article 354 addresses rape, while
Article 361 deals with indecent assault. These articles, along with others,
establish penalties for offenders who commit sexual crimes against children.

Federal Law No. 5 of 2012 (Cybercrime Law): To address the growing issue of
online child sexual abuse, this law criminalizes activities related to child
pornography, including its production, distribution, and possession. It also
addresses online grooming and solicitation of minors for sexual purposes.
Violators can face fines and imprisonment, depending on the severity of the
offense.

Human Trafficking Law: Federal Law No. 51 of 2006, amended by Federal Law No. 1
of 2015, criminalizes human trafficking, including the trafficking of children
for the purpose of sexual exploitation. The law provides for severe penalties
for those involved in such activities, including imprisonment and fines.

International Treaties: The UAE has ratified several international treaties
related to child protection, including the United Nations Convention on the
Rights of the Child (CRC) and its Optional Protocol on the Sale of Children,
Child Prostitution, and Child Pornography. By ratifying these treaties, the UAE
has committed to aligning its domestic laws and policies with international
standards for protecting children from sexual abuse and exploitation. . . .

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Note: In this case, the author for the UAE case study might ask, “Did I mention
these terms in my case study?” If the answer is no, they might then assess
whether a term is legitimate (bearing in mind that ChatGPT sometimes supplies
inaccurate information) and whether it is important enough to warrant inclusion.
Data source: Inquiry conducted using GPT-4.0 in April 2023.



While this project is unparalleled in its examination of national budgeting to
prevent and respond to CSA, the results of the case studies should not be
considered as a complete picture of any country’s resourcing. As with any
research project, there are limitations related to scope, missing or unavailable
data, and methodological constraints to note, such as: 

 * Focus on national-level appropriations: As this project primarily focuses on
   national-level funding for CSA prevention and prosecution, it generally does
   not capture subnational jurisdictional funding, which may constitute a
   significant portion of funding for child protection in countries with a
   federal structure. Case studies may reference subnational spending in those
   instances where national budgetary information is particularly sparse or
   subnational funding is of particular relevance.
 * Unclear budget allocations: Budgeting across, and sometimes within, countries
   is not uniform. As a result, CSA prevention and prosecution activities are
   more distinguishable in certain countries and within certain government
   entities than in others. One common issue faced by researchers was the lack
   of specificity in national-level budgeting, which commonly led to figures
   with likely, but uncertain relevance to CSA issues. As Juliet Ohahuru-Obiora,
   founder of the Action Against Child Sexual Abuse Initiative, noted regarding
   Nigeria, the “cloak of child protection” is a major problem that “does not
   allow you to single out accounts for child sexual abuse.” While this may be a
   function of the integration of CSA-related activities with other
   child-protection or social services, this tendency obscures targeted funding
   related to CSA as well as other goals. Additionally, due to data limitations,
   this project relies on both projected and actual budget figures. As a result,
   the reliability of the data are subject to the limitations of budgeting
   processes; governments may underspend or overspend relative to projections.
 * Triangulation of findings: The expansive scope and complex nature of this
   project complicated the task of triangulating research findings. Where
   possible, the FP Analytics research team shared drafts of case studies with
   advisory group members who have relevant expertise on specific countries or
   regions as part of the review process. Some advisory group members and
   interviewees shared resources, including documents and data points, via
   written communication to the research team, and these have been integrated
   into the report where applicable. The FP Analytics team also contacted
   representatives of relevant government agencies, with mixed success, to seek
   information not available in the public domain. Notwithstanding these
   efforts, the report is not exhaustive.
 * Limited reliability of ChatGPT: Given the limitations of AI-powered
   technology such as ChatGPT, the results of a search are not always reliable
   or exhaustive. For example, ChatGPT is trained on a corpus of data that ends
   in 2021, meaning that newer developments do not appear in its results.
   However, ChatGPT can be useful for locating relevant terms that warrant
   further desk research and to cross-check internet searches conducted by
   researchers in an effort to make cases more comprehensive.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


3. ASSESSING NATIONAL BUDGET TRANSPARENCY ON CSA

To inform each case study, in combination with semi-structured interviews of
experts, Safeguarding Childhood analyzed a variety of budget documents in each
of the 20 selected countries. These documents took many different forms, offered
varying levels of detail and accessibility, and revealed a broad spectrum of
government activity. Given the varied forms of available documentation, each
case study relies on a unique combination of resources to paint an indicative
snapshot of national budgeting to prevent and respond to CSA. None of the cases
is meant to be comprehensive, but they all should be instructive about the state
of CSA in each country, the government entities playing a role in addressing
abuse, and the budgetary resources being contributed, explicitly or implicitly,
to those ends. 



WHAT IS A BUDGET?

+

A budget, in essence, indicates how a state is allocating its financial
resources among the many competing responsibilities for which it is entrusted by
its citizens. As the OECD explains:

“The budget is a central policy document of government, showing how annual and
multi-annual objectives will be prioritized and achieved. Alongside other
instruments of government policy – such as laws, regulation, and joint action
with other actors in society – the budget aims to turn plans and aspirations
into reality. More than this, the budget is a contract between citizens and
state, showing how resources are raised and allocated for the delivery of public
services.”





Beyond the actual values enclosed within, the availability of budgeting
information and the organization it takes can indicate much about a country’s
policy direction and priorities. With respect to CSA, ministries, departments,
agencies, and commissions may be tasked with addressing CSA specifically or
adjacent issues such as child welfare and protection. Governments can also
signal their priorities by providing specific allocations for CSA-relevant
activities and programs, such as services for victims and law enforcement
investigation. Finally, governments sometimes develop national action plans that
address CSA directly through an interagency approach.



The FP Analytics research team examined a range of documents, including:

 * National budget laws, speeches, and acts: Countries typically publish a
   national budget document that specifies the broad spending plan for a given
   fiscal year (FY), generally delving into specific budget lines (i.e.,
   subcomponents) at the ministerial or departmental level and often for
   individual programs or purposes within each entity. However, these documents
   typically represent forecasts for the year ahead and are highly susceptible
   to change due to emergencies or shifting fiscal and political priorities,
   making them only partially helpful for gauging government spending. (See note
   below on budget execution.) Additionally, many documents of this nature
   lacked sufficient detail at the ministerial or department level, leading the
   research team to look for more documents, for example, on annual estimated
   expenditures.
 * National budgetary expenditure documents: Separate from annual budget laws
   and equivalent higher-level documents, countries often publish more detailed
   records of projected and actual budgeting expenses for constituent parts of
   the national government.
 * Ministerial or departmental expenditure supplements: In the absence of a
   central document that contains sufficient detail at the national level, the
   research team also examined ministerial- or department-level budget estimates
   in some cases. These documents may appear in an ad hoc or inconsistent format
   among departments and ministries and often suffer from intermittent
   availability. However, they can also provide information at a granular level
   not seen in national-level documents.
 * Other policy, strategy, and development planning documents: Countries publish
   a variety of documents that might contain relevant budgetary information,
   including national strategies, national action plans, vision statements,
   implementation plans, and monitoring and evaluation frameworks, among others.
   While such documents do not always contain budgeting information, and while
   those that do have budgeting information are not always set in stone, they
   can offer insights into budgetary allocations to countering CSA. In a
   best-case scenario, a national strategic plan and national budget might
   mirror one another with identical figures and clearly defined commitments
   over the short and long term, as seen with Australia’s commitment to spend
   AUD 307.5 million on CSA over 10 years.

These various documents also incorporated a range of formats of budgeting
information that offered differing levels of detail. Budgetary line items—an
individual indication of a source of income or a type of expense—are of varying
utility based on the type of budget they appear in and their level of
granularity. In some instances, line items might detail specific allocations
within a targeted program, while in other cases, the most detailed line item
might be for a broad category, such as “child protection.” Common formats for
budgetary information included:

 * Institution-based budgets, which generally offered limited detail about
   individual government entities but perhaps a more complete understanding of
   how various institutions interrelate to one another as part of the
   government’s overall response.
 * Program-based budgets, which allowed for more granular analysis of budget
   allocations because they include line items for specific programs and
   sub-programs (and even sub-sub-programs and activities, in some instances).
   Such budgets were especially useful if programs included issue-specific names
   rather than catch-all categories or names that include multiple issue areas.
 * Outcome-based budgets, which look at what a program or institution is seeking
   to achieve rather than focusing solely on the associated costs. For example,
   in the case of CSA, such a budget might look at the number of survivors who
   received a certain type of care in the previous year or the number of towns
   where child protection services were made accessible. This type of budgeting
   was relatively rare in the case studies and generally occurred as a
   supplement to the other types of budgets.

It is important to recognize that aspirational budgets do not always translate
into actual spending. To the extent possible, the FP Analytics research team
pulled from “actual” figures for past years, meant to reflect the true value
that each entity ultimately received or spent. However, “projected” and
“estimated” figures were also often drawn upon to build a picture of future
trajectories based on current policy priorities. As Conrad Barberton, senior
economist at Cornerstone Economic Research and a member of the Safeguarding
Childhood project advisory board, noted, “The credibility of budgets in many
countries is not very high. . . . They often promise more than they can actually
deliver in terms of expenditure.” As he explained, the difference between budget
allocations and actual expenditures may be the result of several, sometimes
overlapping, factors. These include “showcase budgeting” whereby certain issues
are spotlighted as priority areas of spending as a means of signaling to
domestic and international constituents but do not translate into monies spent;
unrealistic revenue projections stemming from under-collection of revenues;
overly optimistic planning without adequate implementation capacity such that
allocations are left unspent; mismanagement of implementation; and emergency
costs leading to lower than planned spending.

Taken together, these factors further complicate the task of establishing an
accurate and full picture of national budgetary commitments to tackle CSA.
Nevertheless, the diverse and far-ranging case studies of the Safeguarding
Childhood report offer some informative and important insights.  

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------




4. KEY FINDINGS FROM CASE STUDIES

While the Safeguarding Childhood project does not seek to rank or systematically
compare the 20 case studies covered in the report, this first-of-its-kind
research offers informative and noteworthy insights, which are a clear
contribution to the research done to date, and are important to consider when
trying to understand the state of national budgeting to prevent and respond to
CSA. This section provides key takeaways on patterns and trends based on the 20
case studies, highlighting illustrative examples of leaders and laggards.




EVEN AS RECOGNITION OF CSA GROWS—AND DESPITE THE PROMULGATION OF LAWS AND
POLICIES TO PREVENT AND END ITS OCCURRENCE—BUDGETARY ALLOCATIONS TO COUNTER CSA
REMAIN OBSCURED AND ARE LIKELY BELOW THE NEED IN MANY COUNTRY CONTEXTS.


7.7%

Between 2015 and 2021, reported cases of CSA in Peru increased annually by 7.7
percent on average, but budgetary allocations for the Ministry of Women and
Vulnerable Populations increased only by 2.1 percent annually on average.

FP Analytics’ research confirmed that while reported incidents of CSA are widely
understood to be rising, budgetary allocations to prevent and respond to CSA are
not keeping pace. This trend was demonstrated across nearly all case studies
examined for this project. Between 2015 and 2021, reported cases of CSA in Peru
increased at an annual average rate of 7.7 percent, while budgetary allocations
for the Ministry of Women and Vulnerable Populations, the key ministry charged
with responding to CSA, increased at an annual average rate of just 2.1 percent
from 2019 to 2023, effectively a decline when accounting for inflation. In
Indonesia, complaints of sexual violence and online sexual crime increased 36.8
percent between 2017 and 2020, while funding for the Ministry of Women’s
Empowerment and Child Protection decreased by 49.5 percent between 2018 and
2021. The same is true in some high-income countries. Reported instances of
child rape increased by 62 percent in Sweden between 2013 and 2022, but
expenditure in the primary budget area related to responding to CSA—“Health,
Medical, and Social Care”—is projected to decline by 7.5 percent between 2021
and 2025, including a 53.3 percent decline for the subcomponent “Children’s
Rights Policy.” In the United States, reports of online exploitation of children
to the National Center for Missing & Exploited Children’s CyberTipline rose by
5,900 percent between 2013 and 2021; meanwhile, CAPTA State Grants—the federal
government’s main form of support to states related to CSA—rose by just 29.0
percent between FY 2018 and FY 2023.

Across income levels, these illustrative statistics indicate that systems to
prevent and respond to CSA operate in environments of resource scarcity rather
than abundance. Moreover, quantitative data are reinforced by a range of
qualitative information captured in case studies, particularly from
semi-structured interviews and a review of relevant documents. For example, in
Nigeria and Uganda, civil society experts highlighted that police often lack the
resources needed to investigate cases, which can lead to survivors and their
families paying for an officer’s transportation. At least nine interviewees for
Safeguarding Childhood, both inside and outside of government, noted a dearth of
resources for CSA-related prevention measures, with interviewees in three case
studies suggesting that prevention measures in their countries remain
essentially non-existent. As Ángela Carreño of Children Change Colombia noted
about the plight of survivors in her country: “There’s no support for the
victims. . . . Literally, where will you go after you’ve reported? There’s
nowhere to go stay, no one, if you’re a child, to feed you.” The Children’s
Commissioner for England estimates that, even today, just one in eight instances
of sexual violence against children is brought to the attention of authorities.


2X

The budget of the Independent Commissioner for Child Sexual Abuse in Germany has
doubled between 2020 and 2023.

Nevertheless, FP Analytics’ research also demonstrates that a range of countries
show signs of increasing resources for efforts related to preventing and
responding to CSA. For example, Australia has expanded its contributions through
its national strategic plan, increasing by 40.0 percent between 2021 and 2024,
and Germany’s budget for its Independent Commissioner for Child Sexual Abuse
Issues has doubled between 2020 and 2023. Elsewhere this is apparent through
more general growth in budgets for relevant ministries, such as Albania’s
growing support for its Ministry of Health and Social Protection, projected to
rise by 27.1 percent between 2020 and 2025, and Bangladesh’s expanding budgetary
allocations to the Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs, which are set to
increase by 48.0 percent between 2019 and 2025. With government leadership,
these increases could help support programs on CSA.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


NATIONAL PLANS, STRATEGIES, AND OTHER POLICY DOCUMENTS USED TO ADDRESS CSA
COMMONLY FAIL TO SPECIFY BUDGETARY COMMITMENTS TO MEET THEIR GOALS. OF 20
COUNTRIES ANALYZED FOR THIS PROJECT, 13 LACKED A NATIONAL PLAN RELEVANT TO CSA
THAT INCLUDED SPECIFIC SUPPORTING BUDGETARY INFORMATION.

Strategic national plans of action, national strategies, and other policy
documents devoted to CSA are often useful for both signaling a national
government’s recognition of an issue and delineating relevant government
entities as well as their areas of responsibility. However, the costs of these
plans are frequently unspecified or unclear. In some cases, budgeting is
specified in further development planning documents, but in many cases, there is
no clear line between national goals and the resources needed to achieve them.
While Safeguarding Childhood analyzed a wide variety of plans relevant to CSA
across country contexts—including plans related to CSA, online CSA, violence
against children, gender-based violence, and protection of children’s rights,
among others—only in seven of the 20 countries (35.0 percent) analyzed did the
plan most relevant to CSA also include some degree of budgetary allocations to
support the plan. Only in one country—Australia—was it possible to identify
detailed annual spending figures related to preventing and responding to CSA:
AUD 32.8 million in FY 2023 and AUD 121.1 million between FY 2021 and FY 2024.
This finding is corroborated by other studies, such as a 2019 analysis on child
maltreatment, which found that out of 278 national policies located in the World
Health Organization European Region, just 34.0 percent had a budget, and only
6.0 percent included quantified objectives.

Instead, most national action plans and strategies do not specify relevant
budgetary commitments, with governments failing to illustrate how specific
guidelines and objectives are tied to the budget and planning processes of
responsible ministries and departments. In some cases, such as Peru, the plan is
meant to be implemented “without demanding additional resources from the Public
Treasury,” which raises questions about how useful and effective it can be. In
others, such as Bangladesh, funding is left to be detailed at an unspecified
later date, with an appendix noting the need for a “further serious plan of
action to accomplish the task of costing the items.” In the national action plan
for violence against children in Colombia, which runs 41 pages, budgeting
information consists of a single paragraph. As one child protection expert
cautioned in an anonymous interview with FP Analytics, “A national strategy is
fine if the strategy is properly connected with a national development plan with
broader frameworks, and if it’s already funded, if there are indicators that are
meaningful—because we see very often that is not the case.”

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


PREVENTION OF CSA REMAINS AN UNFUNDED AND DISTANT GOAL.


1.37B

Nigeria’s National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons
allocated NGN 1.37 billion to prevention related programming between 2018 and
2023, compared to total budget allocations of NGN 20.4 billion.

A review of relevant documents and research interviews suggest that CSA
prevention efforts in many countries remain nascent or largely underfunded.
Prevention efforts related to CSA—such as awareness campaigns, safety training
for children and adults, and perpetrator rehabilitation—are only intermittently
mentioned in the case study countries, and resources for enforcement,
prosecution, victims’ services, and other response measures receive the vast
majority of funding. Across the 20 case study countries, research for this
project suggests that budgetary commitments to enforcement and response far
surpass those devoted to prevention in every case. This is critically important,
because without the prioritization of and consistent funding for prevention, the
2030 Sustainable Development Agenda (including Goals 5 and 16) relevant to CSA
cannot be achieved.

Examples abound. In Guatemala, identifiable allocations for prevention related
to “Sexual Violence, Exploitation, and Human Trafficking” totaled GTQ 37.3
million between 2019 and 2023, compared to GTQ 128.5 million for various related
support measures for survivors and a further GTQ 141.1 million through the
Office of the Attorney General for “Representation, Protection, and Surveillance
of the Rights of Boys, Girls, and Adolescents.” Within the Ministry of Women and
Vulnerable Populations in Peru, violence prevention activities accounted for
less than 5.0 percent of the ministry’s total budget between 2019 and 2023.
Nigeria’s National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons, which
has a key national role in addressing CSA in the country, allocated NGN 1.37
billion to prevention-related programming between 2018 and 2023, compared to
total budget allocations of NGN 20.4 billion.

In some cases, this degree of distinction between response and prevention is
infeasible because CSA-related prevention activities—and in some cases CSA more
generally—are not explicitly mentioned within budgetary documents. For example,
in numerous countries, such as Albania, Jordan, Kenya, and the United Arab
Emirates, budgetary commitments to prevention efforts were left unspecified at
the national level or within the budgets of relevant government entities. In
other cases, spending on prevention cannot be clearly separated from response.
Uganda’s National Child Policy 2020–2025 and Germany’s annual budget for the
Independent Commissioner for Child Sexual Abuse Issues, among other examples,
contain budget lines with titles that include both response and prevention,
making it exceedingly difficult to distinguish allocations between the two.
While this could be reflective of an integrated approach to prevention and
response, it is crucial that prevention efforts are consistently and
commensurately prioritized in national budgeting.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


BUDGETARY ALLOCATIONS RELATED TO CSA ARE OFTEN CANNOT BE ISOLATED FROM OTHER
CHILD PROTECTION PRIORITIES, WHICH CAN SIGNAL AN INTEGRATED APPROACH TO
ADDRESSING RELATED CHALLENGES BUT COMPLICATES IDENTIFYING TARGETED RESOURCE
COMMITMENTS.


10 YEARS

In FY 2021-22, two pages of Australia‘s budget were devoted to CSA explicitly,
replete with contributions over a five-year period through 12 government
entities, with confirmed further funding over a 10-year period. Such clarity is
the exception rather than the rule.

CSA is almost always considered a sub-priority within larger ministries focused
on policy areas such as social welfare, health, gender, youth, or human
trafficking. While such a relationship may make sense in terms of institutional
resources—for example, given the overlap between gender-based violence and
CSA—it often complicates efforts to identify budgetary commitments to CSA
specifically. For example, in Nigeria through the National Agency for the
Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons and in Guatemala through the Secretariat
against Sexual Violence, Exploitation, and Human Trafficking, resources to
address CSA appear mixed with allocations to counter human trafficking, as seen
in budget lines such as “Prevention of crimes involving sexual violence,
exploitation, and human trafficking.” Elsewhere, the responsibility for CSA
cases falls to a government entity more broadly focused on gender issues, such
as the Ministry for Women’s Empowerment and Child Protection in Indonesia and
the Ministry of Women and Vulnerable Populations in Peru. National-level budget
documents rarely offer the level of detail needed to parse out allocations to
the constituent priorities within such bodies. Australia stands out as an
exception. In FY 2021–22, two pages of the Australian budget were devoted to CSA
explicitly, replete with contributions over a five-year period through 12
government entities, with confirmed further funding over a 10-year period. Such
clarity is the exception rather than the rule.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


CSA-RELATED BUDGET ALLOCATIONS ARE FREQUENTLY ONLY IDENTIFIABLE WITHIN NARROW
GOVERNMENT AGENCY SILOS, RENDERING IT DIFFICULT IF NOT IMPOSSIBLE TO QUANTIFY
GOVERNMENT-WIDE BUDGET ALLOCATIONS AND TO HAVE EXISTING ALLOCATIONS INFORM A
BROADER AND MORE INTEGRATED GOVERNMENT-WIDE STRATEGY.

While many countries have a primary entity charged with addressing CSA that may
publish specific CSA-related budget information, such entities are often only a
part of the national government’s response. Beyond this entity, which usually
holds policymaking, coordination, and mobilization roles, there are typically
half a dozen other entities that play key roles, such as ministries or
departments of health, education, interior, or gender, as well as judiciary
institutions, police bodies, and stand-alone national commissions or councils.
For example, educational bodies often bear responsibility for responding to
abuse within school systems and serve as a conduit for spreading awareness and
training members of the community to recognize cases. Likewise, in nearly all
countries, subnational or national police forces are charged with investigating
CSA cases and apprehending perpetrators, often through specially tasked units.
However, the CSA-related contributions of these many entities are generally
impossible to isolate from a budgetary perspective, which in some cases also
reflects a fragmentation of efforts across government bodies.

This often leads to an incomplete picture of CSA-related funding, limited to a
single department or ministry, particularly absent a national plan that
demonstrates all relevant budget allocations through all relevant government
bodies. In Bangladesh, for example, medium-term expenditure estimates provide
glimpses of spending related to CSA within the Ministry of Women and Children’s
Affairs through budget lines related to child protection and ending child
marriage, but spending related to child protection, let alone CSA, is not
detailed within the expenditures of the more than 30 government entities
entrusted with counter-CSA activities. Likewise, while Colombia’s national plan
for responding to violence against children lists dozens of relevant government
bodies across seven component areas, budget lines specific to violence against
children were only found under the Colombian Institute for Family Welfare in
annual national budgets. To some degree, the lack of traceability is tied to
integration of CSA-related activities with broader services, but absent topline
clarification of spending on CSA, such as through national policy documents, it
is impossible to assess government-wide spending related to the issue.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


THE AVAILABILITY AND LEVEL OF DETAIL ON CSA IN PUBLIC BUDGET DOCUMENTS IS NOT
NECESSARILY CORRELATED WITH A COUNTRY’S INCOME LEVEL, INDICATING THAT MORE
TRANSPARENT BUDGETING SHOULD BE A PRIORITY FOR ALL COUNTRIES REGARDLESS OF
INCOME LEVELS.

Despite their relative wealth, high-income countries do not necessarily provide
clearer or more detailed budgeting information about efforts to fight CSA,
compared to low- and middle-income countries. For example, countries such as
Germany and Canada, which perform relatively well in terms of their overall
response to CSA, offered scant detail about those commitments through their
national budgets. Germany, for instance, stood out for the ease of use of its
interactive online budget interface, but in terms of clarifying how its
Independent Commissioner for Child Sexual Abuse Issues allocates resources, it
only mentions “Measures to prevent, combat and deal with child sexual abuse and
its consequences” in the FY 2023 budget. This contrasts with Guatemala, which in
its own well-organized budget portal enumerates specific budgetary allocations
to goals related to training, awareness, and care services within its
Secretariat against Sexual Violence, Exploitation, and Trafficking. As another
example, FY 2022 approved budget estimates for Uganda runs nearly 2,500 pages,
replete with allocations to programs, sub-programs, and sub-sub-programs,
including within its Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development;
meanwhile, the equivalent document in Canada runs just under 250 pages, offering
far less insight into Canada’s response efforts to CSA through Public Safety
Canada.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


SOCIOPOLITICAL OR FISCAL UPHEAVAL—DRIVEN BY COVID-19 OR OTHER CRISES—IMPERILS
FUNDING FOR CSA RESPONSE AND PREVENTION, UNDERSCORING THE NEED FOR ONGOING AND
TARGETED BUDGETING.


25%

Online sexual exploitation of children in Canada increased by more than 25
percent during the COVID-19 pandemic.

The COVID-19 pandemic gravely increased risk factors for CSA, led to higher
numbers of reported cases in some countries, and disrupted related services and
delayed care. In interviews with FP Analytics, experts highlighted these trends,
for example, indicating that the rate of child marriages in Bangladesh and
Jordan spiked during lockdown and that reported CSA cases in Colombia more than
doubled. Similarly, Public Safety Canada indicated in email correspondence that
online child sexual exploitation in Canada increased by more than 25 percent.
While the reallocation of budgets in times of crisis is to be expected,
CSA-related budgets fell in many places simultaneous to rising demand. For
example, Indonesia’s expenditures for its Ministry for Women’s Empowerment and
Child Protection fell from IDR 493.6 billion in FY 2019 to IDR 263.4 billion in
2020, a 47.6 percent reduction. Between FY 2019–20 and FY 2020–21, budget
allocations for “Children” and “Youth” through South Africa’s Department of
Social Development fell by 23.9 percent and 71.7 percent, respectively, while
funding for “Social Development and Children Services” in Kenya’s State
Department for Social Protection fell by 16.3 percent.

At the same time, COVID-19 was not the only crisis to impact CSA-related budgets
in recent years. Guatemala failed to pass a new budget in FY 2020 and FY 2021
due to political gridlock, leaving child-protection funding stagnant at a time
of rising need. Lebanon, faced with compounding fiscal and political crises, has
struggled to appropriately fund social protection, which includes responding to
and preventing CSA. Amid skyrocketing inflation, which topped 268.8 percent in
April 2023, spending for social protection measures has fallen drastically in
real terms, even as it has increased as a proportion of the overall budget.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------




5. CONCLUSION AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS

Children’s futures are too important, and the impacts of CSA too severe, for the
issue to be treated with opaque budget commitments and inconsistent funding.
When robust action plans related to CSA are accompanied by clear and transparent
budgetary information at the national level, observers can more readily
understand successful programming, identify gaps in response and prevention, and
derive best practices for replication elsewhere. Acknowledging the need for not
only greater but also better targeted and tracked investments to prevent and end
CSA, Daniela Ligiero, CEO of Together for Girls, co-founder of Brave Movement,
and a member of the Safeguarding Childhood project’s advisory group, suggested,
“We actually should be reframing this issue as, ‘How can policymakers and
decision makers save billions investing in this?’” emphasizing that if countries
effectively prevented or intervened early against CSA, the returns on investment
would cut across physical and mental health, labor, judicial, and other sectors.

For example, CSA perpetrated in England and Wales in 2019 was estimated to cost
GBP 10.1 billion over the course of the survivors’ lifetimes, including in terms
of their lost economic productivity and emotional harm as well as costs to the
government and victims’ services groups. This type of reframing and estimation
could help governments allocate national funding in a more precise manner,
taking into consideration that policy interventions are highly context
dependent. As Conrad Barberton of Cornerstone Economic Research explains,
“Depending on the country’s context, one then needs to develop interventions
that are specific to the particular challenges that one is encountering.”
Notwithstanding the case-specific aspects of any context which policymakers,
legislators, practitioners, and other relevant stakeholders should consider,
there are important lessons learned about national budgeting and public
investment.

Based on the findings of the research for this report, the following
recommendations are offered to policymakers, donors, practitioners, and
researchers to combat CSA:

 * Governments need to significantly improve the detail and transparency of
   budgets to provide more consistent and comprehensive information on annual
   allocations and expenditures related to CSA, including for prevention,
   prosecution, support services, rehabilitation, and other activities mandated
   by legislation and policies. This could include: (1) identifying all
   allocations relevant to CSA in a single location; (2) disaggregating CSA
   spending from other priorities when feasible and appropriate to do so; and
   (3) better articulating the purpose of specific budget lines in annual
   budgets. Increasing this level of detail can enable more effective internal
   and external monitoring and evaluation, as well as improve capacity to adjust
   and target resources to mitigate identified gaps or new trends.
 * To calibrate and properly target funding to address CSA, national
   governments, civil society organizations, and private companies need to
   collaborate and invest in data collection. These data need to be made
   publicly accessible to enable independent monitoring and evaluation. Data
   shortfalls were ubiquitous across the case studies, with CSA cases
   essentially everywhere thought to be underreported and undercounted.
   Furthermore, better, disaggregated data could help identify trends among
   at-risk groups, such as members of the LGBTQ+ community, refugees, and
   internally displaced populations.
 * For all countries, making sufficient resources available for CSA-related
   prevention activities needs to be a priority, considering the demonstrated
   returns on investment that prevention efforts can have in mitigating violence
   against children. For those countries where allocations specific to CSA
   prevention are not already distinguishable from response efforts, greater
   budget detail and clarity can help illuminate shortfalls and are a necessary
   prerequisite to building a more comprehensive response. Countries could aim
   to establish a minimum level of budgetary commitment to ensure that
   prevention-related activities are continuously prioritized and funded. For
   example, governments could begin with an initial baseline target, such as 10
   percent of all national budgeting on CSA being directed towards prevention;
   then, coupled with ongoing monitoring and evaluation, this proportion could
   be further increased to sustained higher levels, informed by ongoing
   research, local needs, and best practices.
 * CSA-related policy and strategy documents, such as national action plans,
   need to be more clearly paired with complementary budgetary commitments in
   the short and long term in easily accessible, public formats. Clear
   documentation of dedicated, multisectoral spending related to CSA is critical
   to building and signaling a sustained response and will aid in the
   identification and closing of gaps in the future. Unless backed by resources
   to enable program implementation, public commitments are hollow and
   ineffectual. 
 * Countries with heavily federalized systems need to make special effort to
   aggregate and analyze responses to CSA across their territory. Without
   nation-wide, transparent information about efforts to address CSA,
   comprehensive country assessments are exceedingly difficult, and subnational
   disparities in response may go unidentified and persist.
 * Researchers have a critical role to play in independently monitoring,
   evaluating, and reporting on resources to prevent and respond to CSA and can
   therefore build upon the findings of the Safeguarding Childhood report,
   including by conducting in-depth subnational and national analyses and
   systematic comparative research.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

By Phillip Meylan (Affiliate Researcher), Avery Parsons Grayson (Senior Policy
and Risk Analyst), Angeli Juani (Senior Policy and Quantitative Analyst), and
Dr. Mayesha Alam (Vice President of Research), with contributions from Saskia
Bérengère Brain and Negar Zahiri. Illustrations by Hanna Barczyk.



APPENDIX A – PROJECT ADVISORY BOARD MEMBERS

+

Janet Aguti, SAGE Member, Brave Movement

Dr. Mayesha Alam, Vice President of Research, FP Analytics

Jennifer Asman, Public Finance Specialist, UNICEF

Conrad Barberton, Senior Economist, Cornerstone Economic Research

Dr. Lucie Cluver, Professor of Child, Family, and Social Work, Oxford University

Mánus de Barra, Child Protection Specialist, Office of the SRSG on Violence
against Children

Brigette de Lay, Director of Prevent Child Sexual Abuse, Oak Foundation

Iain Drennan, Executive Director, WeProtect Global Alliance

Meg Gardinier, Secretary-General, ChildFund Alliance

Dr. Elizabeth Letourneau, Professor, Johns Hopkins University

Dr. Daniela Ligiero, CEO, Together for Girls and Co-Founder, Brave Movement

Dr. Lauren Rumble, Associate Director, UNICEF

Dr. Howard Taylor, Executive Director, Global Partnership and Fund to End
Violence Against Children

Tamara Tutnjevic, Senior Policy Adviser for Ending Violence Against Children,
World Vision International



APPENDIX B – INTERVIEW LOG

+

Paul Adhoch, Trace Kenya

Janet Aguti, Totya Platform

Dr. Ibrahim Aqel, Institute for Family Health

Dr. Cairo Arafat, Abu Dhabi Early Childhood Authority

Maria Margarita Ardivilla, UNICEF Philippines

Jenny Asman, UNICEF

Conrad Barberton, Cornerstone Economic Research

Dr. Leanne Beagley, National Centre for Action on Child Sexual Abuse

Masuma Billah, BRAC

Iskandar Boustany, Obergine Consulting

Àngela Carreño, Children Change Colombia

Kerstin Claus, Independent Commissioner for Child Sexual Abuse Issues

Dr. Lucie Cluver, University of Oxford

Mánus de Barra, U.N. Office of the SRSG on Violence against Children

Iain Drennan, WeProtect Global Alliance

Dr. David Finkelhor, Crimes against Children Research Center

Meg Gardinier, Child Fund Alliance

Sabine Hatem, Institut des Finances Basil Fuleihan

Dr. Altin Hazizaj, CRCA/ECPAT Albania

Britta Holmberg, World Childhood Foundation

Milen Kidane, UNICEF Indonesia

Dr. Bart Kilak, Prevent Child Abuse America

Dr. Elizabeth Letourneau, Moore Center for the Prevention of Child Sexual Abuse

Dr. Daniela Ligiero, Together for Girls

Amanda Manyame, Equality Now

Lea Marasigan, UNICEF Philippines

Juliet Ohahuru-Obiora, Action Against Child Sexual Abuse Initiative

Dr. Princess Olufemi-Kayode, Media Concern for Women and Children Initiative

Ermawan Fitra Purnama, Indonesian Institution for Child Protection

Frans Sondang, Indonesian Institution for Child Protection

Dr. Rikard Tordön, Barnafrid

Nisrine Yassine, War Child Holland

Child Protection Expert, Indonesia

Child Protection Expert, Philippine government

Child Protection Expert, UAE

Media Relations Office, Public Safety Canada

Social Media Unit, Secretariat against Sexual Violence, Exploitation, and Human
Trafficking

Europe
 * Albania
 * England
 * Germany
 * Sweden

Americas
 * Canada
 * Colombia
 * Guatemala
 * Peru
 * United States

Africa
 * Kenya
 * Nigeria
 * South Africa
 * Uganda

Asia + Pacific
 * Australia
 * Bangladesh
 * Indonesia
 * The Philippines

Middle East
 * Lebanon
 * Jordan
 * United Arab Emirates

This report was produced by FP Analytics, the independent research division of
The FP Group, in partnership with World Vision International and with financial
support from Oak Foundation. FP Analytics retained control of the research
direction and findings of this report. Foreign Policy’s editorial team was not
involved in the creation of this content.

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