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Submitted URL: https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1507151112
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NO EVIDENCE THAT POLYGYNOUS MARRIAGE IS A HARMFUL CULTURAL PRACTICE IN NORTHERN
TANZANIA

David W. Lawson david.lawson@lshtm.ac.uk, Susan James, Esther Ngadaya, +2 ,
Bernard Ngowi, Sayoki G. M. Mfinanga, and Monique Borgerhoff Mulder -2Authors
Info & Affiliations
Edited by James Holland Jones, Stanford University, Stanford, CA, and accepted
by the Editorial Board September 23, 2015 (received for review May 14, 2015)
October 26, 2015
112 (45) 13827-13832
https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1507151112
View related content
Letter
March 02, 2016
Polygyny and child health revisited
Matthias Rieger, Natascha Wagner
This article has a reply
Letter
March 02, 2016
Reply to Rieger and Wagner: Context matters when studying purportedly harmful
cultural practices
David W. Lawson, Susan James [...] Monique Borgerhoff Mulder

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 * Contents
   Vol. 112 | No. 45
    * Significance
    * Abstract
    * Results
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SIGNIFICANCE

Polygynous marriage is commonly regarded as a harmful cultural practice,
detrimental to women and children at the individual and group level. We present
counterevidence that polygyny is often positively associated with food security
and child health within communities and that, although polygyny and health are
negatively associated at the group level, such differences are accounted for by
alternative socioecological factors. These results support models of polygyny
based on female choice and suggest that, in some contexts, prohibiting polygyny
could be costly for women and children by restricting marital options. Our study
highlights the dangers of naive analyses of aggregated population data and the
importance of considering locally realizable alternatives and context dependency
when considering the health implications of cultural practices.


ABSTRACT

Polygyny is cross-culturally common and a topic of considerable academic and
policy interest, often deemed a harmful cultural practice serving the interests
of men contrary to those of women and children. Supporting this view,
large-scale studies of national African demographic surveys consistently
demonstrate that poor child health outcomes are concentrated in polygynous
households. Negative population-level associations between polygyny and
well-being have also been reported, consistent with the hypothesis that modern
transitions to socially imposed monogamy are driven by cultural group selection.
We challenge the consensus view that polygyny is harmful, drawing on multilevel
data from 56 ethnically diverse Tanzanian villages. We first demonstrate the
vulnerability of aggregated data to confounding between ecological and
individual determinants of health; while across villages polygyny is associated
with poor child health and low food security, such relationships are absent or
reversed within villages, particularly when children and fathers are coresident.
We then provide data indicating that the costs of sharing a husband are offset
by greater wealth (land and livestock) of polygynous households. These results
are consistent with models of polygyny based on female choice. Finally, we show
that village-level negative associations between polygyny prevalence, food
security, and child health are fully accounted for by underlying differences in
ecological vulnerability (rainfall) and socioeconomic marginalization (access to
education). We highlight the need for improved, culturally sensitive measurement
tools and appropriate scales of analysis in studies of polygyny and other
purportedly harmful practices and discuss the relevance of our results to
theoretical accounts of marriage and contemporary population policy.


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Recent years have witnessed growing recognition of the importance of gender in
all aspects of international development (1). This shift includes domestic and
international efforts to abolish so-called “harmful cultural practices,” a term
used to describe practices of, typically nonwestern, cultures deemed detrimental
to well-being, most often with regard to women and children (SI Text). Most
attention has focused on female genital cutting and on child and forced marriage
(2, 3). In many policy-orientated texts, this label is also given to polygynous
marriage (hereafter polygyny). For example, the United Nations Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women states that polygyny
“contravene[s] a woman’s right to equality with men and can have such serious
emotional and financial consequences for her and her dependents that such
marriages ought to be discouraged and prohibited” (2). Such statements are
frequently presented as stylized facts and made without discussion of supporting
evidence. However, a recent spate of articles, mostly based on large-scale
African Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), conclude that polygyny is indeed
harmful, reporting that children in polygynous households are consistently more
likely to be of ill health or die in early childhood than children in monogamous
households (4–8). Reviews of the literature have also informed policy in
developed countries, including via the presentation of expert evidence in a
recent retrial of the legal prohibition of polygyny in Canada (9).
Historically, more than 80% of preindustrial societies permitted polygyny (10).
Today it is most prevalent in sub-Saharan Africa (11). If women and children do
not benefit from polygyny then why is it so common? Evolutionary anthropologists
have long puzzled the costs and benefits of polygyny (12). This literature,
drawing on small-scale field studies of specific cultural contexts, reaches a
consensus on the benefits of polygyny to men; polygynous men generally have
higher reproductive success than their monogamous counterparts (13–16). The
potential benefits of, and motivation for, polygyny for women are less clear.
The “polygyny-threshold model” posits that polygyny occurs when the costs of
sharing a husband are offset by equal or greater resource access than could
otherwise be obtained via monogamy (17, 18). Supporting this model, polygynous
men are typically wealthier than monogamous men (19, 20), and several studies
show no apparent deficit in reproductive success or child health for
polygynously married women (19, 21). However, in other cases, polygyny is
associated with relatively poor child health (20, 22–24). Poor outcomes for
women and/or children do not necessarily imply a rejection of the polygyny
threshold model (12, 19). However, these findings have been interpreted as
evidence of sexual conflict, with polygyny maximizing total reproductive success
for men at the cost of suboptimal outcomes for individual wives and children
(25). Drawing generalizable conclusions regarding the potential costs of
polygyny from the anthropological literature alone is difficult (25, 26).
Findings are mixed, study sites are rarely regionally or nationally
representative, and small sample sizes raise issues of statistical power. Given
these problems, the consistency of findings presented in recent large-scale,
representatively sampled demographic studies of polygyny and child health is
seductive (4–8). However, as we will argue, studies relying on highly aggregated
data bring their own, often overlooked, methodological problems (27), problems
that are acute when contrasting polygynous and monogamous households, in part
because the former tend to be most common in remote and/or marginalized groups
facing numerous socioecological barriers to health (SI Text).
Not only policy, but also grand theory, is built on the view that polygyny is
harmful. It has been argued that cultural shifts to “socially imposed monogamy”
in modern stratified societies can be accounted for by detrimental effects of
polygyny at the group level, including costs to child health (28, 29). Most
recently, Henrich et al. (28) assert that monogamy evolves by cultural group
selection, with normative polygyny (i) incentivizing strategies of reduced
paternal care, so that male effort is diverted into accumulating wives rather
than raising offspring, and (ii) increasing the propensity for social unrest
driven by a larger pool of unmarried men. To support the specific claim that
polygyny has negative group-wide consequences for children, Henrich et al. (28)
rely on data from large-scale demographic studies, as well as on selected
population-specific contrasts where children in polygynous households experience
relatively poor well-being. Consistent with the claim of greater social unrest
in polygynous groups, the authors review evidence that the proportion of
unmarried men positively predicts national rates of rape, murder, assault,
theft, and fraud. However, such crude comparisons have limited inferential value
in the face of many potential confounds. A recent review reveals no clear
association between adult sex ratio, a likely correlate of the proportion of
unmarried men, and violent crime (30).
Given the significance of the purported harmful effects of polygyny for both
policy and our understanding of marriage systems, we conducted an innovative
study addressing both individual and group-level relationships between polygyny,
food security, and child health. We draw on multilevel data from 56 villages in
northern Tanzania (Fig. S1). Tanzania experiences a high burden of food
insecurity and malnutrition; 45% of children are stunted by World Health
Organization (WHO) standards (31), a measure of developmental potential
predictive of both later physical and cognitive functioning (32). One in four
married women in rural Tanzania have at least one cowife (31), and female status
is poor; internationally Tanzania scores 124/152 on the Gender Inequality Index
(33). In many respects, our study combines the relative strengths of prior
large-scale demographic and small-scale anthropological studies (SI Text). We
sampled more households (n = 3,584) than the Tanzanian DHS for the same regions
(34). However, unlike DHS studies, we incorporate data on ethnicity and
livelihood-specific measures of household wealth (i.e., land cultivated and
livestock owned), and, crucially, sufficient village-level data to enable a
statistically robust consideration of within and between-village variation. Four
main ethnic groups reside in the area, including the highly polygynous Maasai
and Sukuma, the moderately polygynous Rangi and the predominantly monogamous
Meru (34) (Tables S1 and S2). This setup provides a unique opportunity to
consider relationships between polygyny and health in a context of varied and
transitioning marital norms.
Fig. S1.
Location of the 56 study villages included in the Whole Village Project.
Ethnicity is coded as the most common ethnicity in each village. Red circle,
Maasai village; orange triangle, Rangi village; green diamond, Sukuma village;
blue square, Meru village; white diamond, other ethnicity village. Reproduced
from ref. 34.Open in viewer
Table S1.
Demographic characteristics by household type and ethnicity for working sample
(n = 1764 households, 2833 children)

Ethnic groupMale-headed monogamousMale-headed polygynousFemale-headed
polygynousFemale-headed monogamousSukuma No. of households (no. of children <5
y)289 (577)109 (223)23 (47)5 (8) Mean head age in years (SD)44 (13)48 (13)40
(11)33 (8) Mean household size (SD)8.2 (3.8)9.2 (4.3)8.7 (3.0)6.4 (1.1) Mean no.
<5 y (SD)2.0 (1.0)2.3 (1.3)2.0 (0.9)1.6 (0.9) Mean no. 5-<15 y (SD)2.6 (1.8)2.7
(2.2)2.6 (1.4)1.8 (0.8) Mean no. 15–64 y (SD)3.4 (2.0)4.0 (2.3)4.0 (1.9)3.0
(1.0) Mean no. 65+ y (SD)0.2 (0.5)0.2 (0.5)0.1 (0.3)0.0 (0.0)Maasai No. of
households (no. of children <5 y)143 (207)82 (127)92 (145)42 (59) Mean head age
in years (SD)39 (13)47 (12)34 (11)30 (14) Mean household size (SD)5.4 (1.9)6.1
(2.3)6.5 (3.0)5.5 (1.6) Mean no. <5 y (SD)1.4 (0.7)1.6 (0.9)1.6 (0.8)1.4
(0.6) Mean no. 5-<15 y (SD)1.5 (1.2)1.7 (1.3)2.3 (2.0)1.8 (1.2) Mean no. 15–64 y
(SD)2.4 (1.0)2.5 (1.0)2.5 (1.7)2.1 (0.9) Mean no. 65+ y (SD)0.1 (0.3)0.2
(0.4)0.2 (0.6)0.2 (0.6)Rangi No. of households (no. of children <5 y)149 (219)33
(51)4 (4)6 (9) Mean head age in years (SD)40 (11)52 (14)32 (8)38 (13) Mean
household size (SD)6.2 (2.0)7.4 (2.3)4.0 (0.8)5.8 (1.0) Mean no. <5 y (SD)1.4
(0.7)1.4 (0.8)1.0 (0.0)1.5 (0.8) Mean no. 5-<15 y (SD)1.9 (1.2)2.8 (1.6)0.8
(1.0)2.0 (0.9) Mean no. 15–64 y (SD)2.8 (1.1)2.9 (1.3)2.3 (1.3)2.3 (1.4) Mean
no. 65+ y (SD)0.1 (0.3)0.2 (0.5)0.0 (0.0)0.0 (0.0)Meru No. of households (no. of
children <5 y)135 (170)3 (4)0 (0)9 (13) Mean head age in years (SD)39 (9.6)56
(13)—38 (8) Mean household size (SD)5.6 1.8)5.3 (1.5)—5.9 (0.9) Mean no. <5 y
(SD)1.1 (0.5)1.0 (1.0)—1.3 (0.7) Mean no. 5-<15 y (SD)1.7 (1.3)0.7 (0.6)—2.3
(0.7) Mean no. 15–64 y (SD)2.6 (1.1)3.3 (1.5)—2.2 (0.8) Mean no. 65+ y (SD)0.1
(0.4)0.3 (0.6)—0.0 (0.0)Other ethnicity No. of households (no. of children <5
y)500 (746)79 (136)35 (47)26 (41) Mean head age in years (SD)40 (12)49 (14)33
(7.4)37 (13) Mean household size (SD)6.3 (2.3)7.1 (2.3)6.0 (1.8)6.3 (2.5) Mean
no. <5 y (SD)1.5 (0.7)1.8 (1.0)1.3 (0.5)1.4 (0.6) Mean no. 5-<15 y (SD)1.9
(1.4)1.9 (1.3)2.0 (0.9)2.2 (1.3) Mean no. 15–64 y (SD)2.7 (1.3)3.2 (1.5)2.5
(1.1)2.6 (1.1) Mean no. 65+ y (SD)0.1 (0.4)0.3 (0.5)0.1 (0.3)0.1 (0.4)

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Table S2.
Household and village characteristics for working sample by ethnicity

Household characteristics (n = 1,764 households)Ethnicity of household
headSukumaMaasaiRangiMeruOtherNumber of households426359192147640Main livelihood
of household
headFarming92%25%94%71%83%Livestock0%67%1%3%4%Business4%3%4%12%7%Other/none4%5%2%14%6%Wealth
indexMean log(x + 1) (SD)1.4 (0.4)1.0 (0.5)1.4 (0.4)1.8 (0.4)1.4 (0.4)Cultivates
land?% yes99%66%97%99%95%Acres of land cultivated (for cultivators only)Mean
log(x + 1) (SD)1.9 (0.7)1.4 (0.7)1.7 (0.6)1.2 (0.5)1.5 (0.7)Owns livestock?%
yes70%94%52%88%68%Tropical livestock units (for livestock owners only)Mean log(x
+ 1) (SD)1.8 (1.1)1.6 (0.9)1.4 (0.9)0.9 (0.4)1.4 (0.9) Majority ethnicity of
villageVillage characteristics (n = 56 villages)SukumaMaasaiRangiMeruOtherNumber
of villages where ethnicity is in the majority12117620Polygyny prevalence (% of
household heads polygynously married) (SD)25% (8)38% (9)14% (4)7% (4)16%
(10)Mean annual rainfall in mm3 (SD)847 (69)626 (87)683 (27)973 (126)762
(166)Mean distance to District capital in km (SD)33 (19)35 (20)35 (16)20 (19)33
(16)Percent household heads with nonzero education (SD)70% (8)32% (11)68% (5)78%
(7)75% (14)

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RESULTS


CONTRASTING MONOGAMOUS AND POLYGYNOUS HOUSEHOLDS.

We first estimate relationships between polygyny, food security and the heights
and weights of children under 5 y using linear regression aggregating data
across all villages (Table S3). This method is analytically equivalent to
existing studies of large-scale demographic surveys, which routinely ignore both
ethnic variation and village-level spatial clustering of health (SI Text).
Consistent with such studies, polygynous households have lower food security
than monogamous households (β = −1.56, 95% confidence intervals (95%CI) =
−2.31;-0.81, P < 0.001) and, using WHO standardized z-scores, lower child
height-for-age (HAZ, β = −0.21, 95%CI = −0.34;−0.08, P < 0.01). Child
weight-for-height (WHZ) did not significantly differ between polygynous and
monogamous households (β = −0.06, 95% CI = −0.16; 0.05, P > 0.1).
Table S3.
Linear and multilevel regressions predicting household food security, HAZ, and
WHZ

Model set A: Monogamous vs. polygynous binary codingFood security (n = 1,745) [β
(95% CIs)]Height-for-age Z-score (n = 2,704) [β (95% CIs)]Weight-for-height
Z-score (n = 2,711) [β (95%
CIs)]LinearMultilevelLinearMultilevelLinearMultilevelHousehold type (reference:
monogamous)Polygynous−1.56*** (−2.31; −0.81)0.26 (−0.47; 0.98)−0.21** (−0.34;
−0.08)−0.07 (−0.20; 0.06)−0.06 (−0.16; 0.05)0.00 (−0.12; 0.11)Child age (mo)
(centered at 30 mo)——−0.09*** (−0.10; −0.08)−0.09*** (−0.10; −0.07)−0.03***
(−0.04; −0.01)−0.02*** (−0.04; −0.01)Child age squared (mo2) (centered at 30
mo2)——0.001*** (0.001; 0.002)0.001*** (0.001; 0.002)0.000 (0.000; 0.000)0.000
(0.000; 0.000)Child sex (reference: boy)Girl——0.12* (0.01; 0.24)0.13* (0.02;
0.24)0.06 (−0.04; 0.15)0.05 (−0.05; 0.14)Age of household head (y) (centered at
43 y)0.00 ns (−0.02; 0.03)−0.02† (−0.05; 0.00)0.01** (0.00; 0.01)0.00 (0.00;
0.01)0.01** (0.00; 0.01)0.00† (0.00; 0.01)Season (reference: not
hunger)Hunger—−2.66** (−4.32; −0.99)—−0.37** (−0.62; −0.12)—−0.05 (−0.23;
0.14)Intercept17.33*** (16.94; 17.71)20.62*** (18.07; 23.17)−2.02*** (−2.13;
−1.91)−1.54*** (−1.93; −1.15)0.11* (0.02; 0.21)0.17 (−0.13; 0.46)Random effects
varianceCons—8.65—0.17—0.09Residual—39.58—2.09—1.56Model set B: Monogamous vs.
polygynous four-category coding       Household type (reference: monogamous
male-headed)Polygynous male-headed−0.38 (−1.28; 0.51)0.86* (0.01; 1.70)−0.16*
(−0.31; −0.01)−0.09 (−0.24; 0.06)−0.00 (−0.13; 0.13)0.01 (−0.12; 0.14)Polygynous
female-headed−4.20*** (−5.38; −3.02)−1.16† (−2.34; 0.01)−0.37*** (−0.58;
−0.16)−0.07 (−0.30; 0.15)−0.17† (−0.36; 0.01)0.01 (−0.18; 0.20)Monogamous
female-headed−2.72*** (−4.25; −1.19)−0.34 (−1.78; 1.10)−0.32* (−0.59;
−0.04)−0.10 (−0.38; 0.17)0.04 (−0.19; 0.27)0.18 (−0.05; 0.41)Child age (mo)
(centered at 30 mo)——−0.09*** (−0.10; −0.08)−0.09*** (−0.10; −0.07)−0.03***
(−0.04; −0.01)−0.02*** (−0.04; −0.01)Child age squared (mo2) (centered at 30
mo2)——0.001*** (0.001; 0.002)0.001*** (0.001; 0.002)0.000 (0.000; 0.000)0.000
(0.000; 0.000)Child sex (reference: boy)Girl——0.12* (0.01; 0.24)0.13* (0.02;
0.24)0.06 (−0.04; 0.15)0.05 (−0.05; 0.14)Age of household head (y) (centered at
43 y)−0.02 (−0.05; 0.01)−0.03* (−0.06; −0.01)0.01* (0.00; 0.01)0.00 (0.00;
0.01)0.01** (0.00; 0.01)0.00* (0.00; 0.01)Season (reference: not
hunger)Hunger—−2.59** (−4.22; −0.97)—−0.37** (−0.61; −0.12)—−0.05 (−0.24;
0.14)Intercept17.45*** (17.05; 17.84)20.54*** (18.05; 23.03)−2.00*** (−2.11;
−1.89)−1.54*** (−1.92; −1.15)0.11* (0.02; 0.20)0.16 (−0.13; 0.45)Random effects
varianceCons—8.18—0.17—0.09Residual—39.43—2.09—1.56

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†
P < 0.1, *P < 0.05, **P < 0.01, and **P < 0.001. Statistically significant
estimates at P < 0.1 are in bold.
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However, there is a clear tendency for relatively polygynous villages and ethnic
groups (particularly the Maasai) to have poor food security and child health
(Fig. 1) (see ref. 34 for a comphensive analysis of ethnic differences in food
security and child health). Accounting for this variance by including a random
effect for village demonstrates that neither food security nor child health are
significantly associated with polygyny when contrasted within villages (food
security: β = 0.26, 95% CI = −0.47; 0.98, P > 0.1; HAZ: β = −0.07, 95% CI =
−0.20; 0.06, P > 0.1; WHZ: β = 0.00, 95% CI = −0.12; 0.11, P > 0.1; Table S3).
As such, multilevel analysis reveals a Simpson’s paradox (27), i.e.,
village-level differences obscure underlying relationships between polygyny,
food security, and child health within villages.
Fig. 1.
Child height-for-age by village sorted by polygyny prevalence. There is strong
ethnic and village-level variation in child health. Relatively monogamous Meru
villages tend to have relatively good child health, whereas relatively
polygynous Maasai villages tend to have relatively poor child health. The dashed
line represents the WHO cutoff for chronic malnutrition. Ethnicity is coded as
the majority ethnic group residing in each village. Error bars represent 95%
CIs. Red circle, Maasai; green diamond, Sukuma; orange triangle, Rangi; blue
square, Meru; white diamond, other ethnicity.Open in viewer
Polygynous men generally resided with their first wife (SI Text), and in only
10% of male-headed polygynous households did multiple wives coreside (most
commonly among the Sukuma, where 17% of polygynously married male household
heads lived with multiple wives). Second or later cowives and their children
typically lived in separate, but often adjacent, dwellings to their husbands.
Distinguishing between these household types reveals that male-headed polygynous
households have significantly higher food security than monogamous households
within villages (β = 0.86, 95% CI = 0.01; 1.70, P < 0.05). Stratified analysis
confirms that a trend toward higher food security for male-headed polygynous
households is present in all three ethnic groups with a substantial prevalence
of polygyny (Fig. 2), although this is only statistically significant in the
Sukuma (β = 2.00, 95% CI = 0.68; 3.32, P < 0.01). Furthermore, in both the
Sukuma and Rangi, children in male-headed polygynous households also had higher
WHZ (Sukuma: β = 0.21, 95% CI = 0.03; 0.39, P < 0.05, Rangi: β = 0.33, 95% CI =
−0.01; 0.67, P = 0.06). Overall, female-headed polygynous households had lower
food security than monogamous households within the same village (β = −1.16, 95%
CI = −2.34; 0.01, P = 0.05), although this pattern did not approach statistical
significance in stratified analyses (Fig. 2 and Tables S3 and S4).
Fig. 2.
Food security and child health by household type. Within villages polygyny is
associated with relatively high food security when households are headed by a
male and relatively low food security when headed by a female (typically later
wife households). Stratified analysis confirms higher food security in the
Sukuma and relatively improved child weight-for-height in both the Sukuma and
Rangi, for male-headed polygynous households. The reference category (dashed
line) is male-headed monogamous households (Table S4 for full model output). +P
< 0.1, *P < 0.05, **P < 0.01, and ***P < 0.001.Open in viewer
Table S4.
Multilevel regressions predicting household food insecurity, HAZ, and WHZ
stratified by ethnic group

Independent variableFood security [β (95% CIs)]Height-for-age Z-score [β (95%
CIs)]Weight-for-height Z-score [β (95% CIs)]Sukuma (n = 426)Maasai (n =
358)Rangi (n = 191)Sukuma (n = 829)Maasai (n = 500)Rangi (n = 272)Sukuma (n =
832)Maasai (n = 506)Rangi (n = 269)Household type (reference: monogamous
male-headed)Polygynous male-headed2.00** (0.68; 3.32)1.05 (−1.12; 3.21)0.43
(−1.86; 2.73)−0.01 (−0.22; 0.20)−0.11 (−0.53; 0.30)−0.13 (−0.54; 0.28)0.21*
(0.03; 0.39)−0.15 (−0.51; 0.20)0.33† (−0.01; 0.67)Polygynous female-headed0.38
(−2.16; 2.92)−0.58 (−2.67; 1.51)2.07 (−3.56; 7.71)−0.16 (−0.57; 0.24)0.11
(−0.29; 0.50)−0.67 (−2.15; 0.81)0.15 (−0.20; 0.50)−0.03 (−0.38; 0.32)0.04
(−1.15; 1.23)Monogamous female-headed−2.37 (−7.64; 2.90)−0.39 (−3.17; 2.39)0.07
(−4.53; 4.67)−0.51 (−1.45; 0.43)0.32 (−0.22; 0.86)−0.40 (−1.26; 0.45)−0.09
(−0.90; 0.72)0.26 (−0.20; 0.73)0.10 (−0.59; 0.79)Child age (mo) (centered at 30
mo)———−0.08*** (−0.10; −0.06)−0.06** (−0.09; −0.02)−0.11*** (−0.15; −0.08)−0.01
(−0.03; 0.01)−0.07*** (−0.10; −0.03)−0.01 (−0.04; 0.01)Child age squared (mo2)
(centered at 30 mo2)———0.001*** (0.001; 0.002)0.001* (0.000; 0.001)0.002***
(0.001; 0.002)0.000 (0.000; 0.000)0.001* (0.000; 0.001)0.000 (−0.001;
0.000)Child sex (reference: boy)————0.09 (−0.09; 0.27)−0.03 (−0.34; 0.27)0.21
(0.10; 0.51)−0.01 (−0.17; 0.15)0.17 (−0.09; 0.43)−0.17 (−0.42; 0.08)Age of
household head (y) (centered at 43 y)0.00 (−0.05; 0.04)−0.05 (−0.12; 0.02)0.02
(−0.05; 0.09)0.00 (−0.01; 0.00)0.02** (0.01; 0.03)0.00 (−0.02; 0.01)0.00* (0.00;
0.01)0.01† (0.00; 0.02)−0.01† (−0.02; 0.00)Season (reference: not
hunger)Hunger−1.96** (−3.40; −0.51)−1.37 (−4.47; 1.74)−1.16 (−3.26; 0.95)0.00
(−0.23; 0.22)−0.44* (−0.85; −0.04)−0.20 (−0.60; 0.19)0.01 (−0.15; 0.17)−0.08
(−0.55; 0.39)−0.09 (−0.51; 0.32)Intercept20.42*** (18.17; 22.66)14.45*** (9.02;
19.88)17.95*** (15.21; 20.70)−1.73*** (−2.10; −1.35)−1.58*** (−2.32;
−0.84)−2.13*** (−2.68; −1.58)0.29* (0.02; 0.57)−0.15 (−0.99; 0.69)0.18 (−0.42;
0.77)Random effects
varianceCons0.746.110.260.010.050.000.000.130.05Residual34.6657.3831.561.762.991.611.332.241.02

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†
P < 0.1, *P < 0.05, **P < 0.01, and ***P < 0.001. Statistically significant
estimates at P < 0.1 are in bold.
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POLYGYNY AND WEALTH.

Wealth was measured by an asset-based household wealth index (SI Text), a
generic measure favored by large-scale surveys and used across rural and urban
contexts (35). This measure indicates minimal differences in wealth between
monogamous and polygynous households. However, livelihood-specific measures of
wealth reveal that polygynous households, particularly when male-headed, both
cultivate more land (β = 0.22, 95% CI = 0.14; 0.31, P < 0.001) and own more
livestock (β = 0.49, 95% CI = 0.36; 0.62, P < 0.001) than monogamous households
(Fig. 3). These differences are apparent in all major ethnic groups in
stratified analyses and are robust to statistical adjustment for the number of
adults and young dependents in the household (Tables S5 and S6). Thus,
consistent with the polygyny threshold model, higher wealth presents a strong
candidate mechanism for superior food security and child nutrition in
male-headed polygynous households.
Fig. 3.
Wealth index, land cultivated, and livestock owned by household type. Within
villages polygynous households, particularly when headed by males, cultivate
more land and own more livestock than monogamous households. The reference
category (dashed line) is male-headed monogamous households (Table S6 for full
model output). +P < 0.1, *P < 0.05, **P < 0.01, and ***P < 0.001.Open in viewer
Table S5.
Multilevel regressions predicting household wealth index, land cultivated, and
livestock owned

Model set A: Without adjustment for number of adults and dependents in
householdWealth index logged (n = 1,721) [β (95% CIs)]Acres cultivated logged (n
= 1,546) [β (95% CIs)]Tropical livestock units logged (n = 1,292) [β (95%
CIs)]Household type (reference: monogamous male-headed)Polygynous
male-headed0.02 (−0.03; 0.07)0.22*** (0.14; 0.31)0.49*** (0.36; 0.62)Polygynous
female-headed−0.06 (−0.13; 0.03)0.15* (0.03; 0.28)0.26** (0.09; 0.43)Monogamous
female-headed−0.05 (−0.14; 0.03)0.00 (−0.15; 0.16)−0.01 (−0.23; 0.21)Age of
household head (y) (centered at 43 y)0.002** (0.001; 0.004)0.01*** (0.01;
0.01)0.01*** (0.01; 0.01)Season (reference: not hunger)Hunger−0.12† (−0.25;
0.01)−0.15 (−0.34; 0.05)0.08 (−0.12; 0.29)Intercept1.54*** (1.33; 1.74)1.73***
(1.43; 2.03)1.25*** (0.94; 1.57)Random effects
varianceCons0.060.120.12Residual0.140.340.70Model Set B: With adjustment for
number adults and dependents in householdWealth index logged (n = 1,657) [β (95%
CIs)]Acres cultivated logged (n = 1,494) [β (95% CIs)]Tropical livestock units
logged (n = 1,239) [β (95% CIs)]Household type (reference: monogamous
male-headed)Polygynous male-headed0.01 (−0.04; 0.06)0.21*** (0.13; 0.29)0.47***
(0.34; 0.59)Polygynous female-headed−0.07* (−0.14; 0.00)0.10 (−0.03; 0.22)0.21*
(0.04; 0.37)Monogamous female-headed−0.07† (−0.16; 0.01)−0.02 (−0.16; 0.13)0.00
(−0.22; 0.22)Age of household head (y) (centered at 43 y)−0.002 (−0.002;
0.001)0.002 (−0.001; 0.004)0.005* (0.001; 0.009)Number of adults in household
(15+ y) (centered on three persons)0.06*** (0.04; 0.07)0.11*** (0.09;
0.13)0.08*** (0.05; 0.12)Number of dependents in household (<15 y) (centered on
four persons)0.01 (0.00; 0.02)0.05*** (0.03; 0.07)0.06*** (0.03; 0.09)Season
(reference: not hunger)Hunger−0.11 (−0.24; 0.02)−0.13 (−0.31; 0.05)0.12 (−0.09;
0.32)Intercept1.53*** (1.33; 1.73)1.73*** (1.46; 2.00)1.22*** (0.90; 1.53)Random
effects varianceCons0.060.100.12Residual0.130.300.66

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†
P < 0.1, *P < 0.05, **P < 0.01, and ***P < 0.001. Statistically significant
estimates at P < 0.1 are in bold.
Open in viewer
Table S6.
Multilevel regressions predicting household wealth index, land cultivated, and
livestock owned stratified by ethnic group

Model Set A: Without adjustment for number of adults and dependents in
householdWealth index logged [β (95% CIs)]Acres cultivated logged [β (95%
CIs)]Tropical livestock units logged [β (95% CIs)]Sukuma (n = 422)Maasai (n =
340)Rangi (n = 190)Sukuma (n = 420)Maasai (n = 216)Rangi (n = 185)Sukuma (n =
296)Maasai (n = 338)Rangi (n = 99)Household type (reference: monogamous
male-headed)Polygynous male-headed0.07† (0.00; 0.15)0.06 (−0.07; 0.18)0.05
(−0.07; 0.17)0.21** (0.06; 0.35)0.31* (0.07; 0.55)0.12 (−0.10; 0.35)0.39**
(0.12; 0.65)0.65*** (0.40; 0.90)0.40* (0.02; 0.78)Polygynous female-headed−0.02
(−0.17; 0.13)−0.13* (−0.25; 0.00)−0.01 (−0.30; 0.29)0.27† (0.00; 0.54)0.09
(−0.13; 0.31)0.03 (−0.51; 0.56)0.33 (−0.18; 0.83)0.15 (−0.09; 0.39)0.17 (−0.57;
0.92)Monogamous female-headed−0.13 (−0.44; 0.17)−0.16† (−0.32; 0.00)0.04 (−0.20;
0.29)−0.27 (−0.84; 0.30)−0.15 (−0.46; 0.16)0.03 (−0.42; 0.47)−0.53 (−1.95;
0.89)−0.11 (−0.43; 0.21)−0.39 (−1.42; 0.64)Age of household head (y) (centered
at 43 y)0.00 (0.00; 0.00)0.03 (−0.00; 0.01)0.005** (0.001; 0.009)0.01*** (0.01;
0.02)0.00 (0.00; 0.01)0.01*** (0.01; 0.02)0.02*** (0.01; 0.03)0.00 (−0.01;
0.00)0.02** (0.01; 0.03)Season (reference: not hunger)Hunger0.07 (−0.04;
0.18)−0.08 (−0.28; 0.12)−0.03 (−0.14; 0.08)0.03 (−0.28; 0.33)−0.31† (−0.67;
0.05)−0.12 (−0.48; 0.24)0.24 (−0.08; 0.56)0.06 (−0.29; 0.41)−0.24 (−0.85;
0.37)Intercept1.23*** (1.06; 1.40)1.23*** (0.88; 1.57)1.46*** (1.32;
1.60)1.73*** (1.25; 2.20)1.91*** (1.27; 2.54)1.87*** (1.37; 2.38)1.24*** (0.75;
1.72)1.28*** (0.67; 1.89)1.49*** (0.68; 2.30)Random effects
varianceCons0.010.030.000.080.080.060.040.070.12Residual0.110.180.090.390.380.281.010.730.50Model
set B: With adjustment for number adults and dependents in householdSukuma (n =
417)Maasai (n = 315)Rangi (n = 186)Sukuma (n = 415)Maasai (n = 202)Rangi (n =
181)Sukuma (n = 292)Maasai (n = 313)Rangi (n = 98)Household type (reference:
monogamous male-headed)Polygynous male-headed0.05 (−0.02; 0.13)0.04 (−0.09;
0.17)0.06 (−0.06; 0.17)0.17** (0.04; 0.29)0.28* (0.04; 0.52)0.07 (−0.15;
0.28)0.35** (0.10; 0.61)0.58*** (0.33; 0.83)0.33† (0.05; 0.72)Polygynous
female-headed−0.07 (−0.21; 0.07)−0.13* (−0.27; 0.00)−0.05 (−0.24; 0.33)0.13
(0.10; 0.37)0.02 (−0.22; 0.25)0.22 (−0.29; 0.72)0.19 (−0.28; 0.67)0.14 (−0.12;
0.40)0.46 (−0.31; 1.23)Monogamous female-headed−0.16 (−0.44; 0.13)−0.19* (−0.36;
0.03)0.07 (−0.16; 0.30)−0.31 (−0.80; 0.18)−0.18 (−0.49; 0.12)0.05 (−0.36;
0.46)−0.53 (−1.86; 0.80)−0.12 (−0.45; 0.21)−0.39 (−1.41; 0.64)Age of household
head (y) (centered at 43 y)0.00 (0.00; 0.00)0.00 (0.00; 0.00)0.00 (0.00;
0.01)0.00 (0.00; 0.00)0.00 (−0.01; 0.01)0.01* (0.00; 0.01)0.01* (0.00;
0.02)−0.01 (−0.01; 0.00)0.02** (0.01; 0.03)Number of adults in household (15+ y)
(centered on three persons)0.06*** (0.04; 0.08)0.06** (0.02; 0.11)0.08*** (0.05;
0.12)0.16*** (0.13; 0.19)0.08* (0.01; 0.15)0.11*** (0.05; 0.16)0.14*** (0.08;
0.20)0.03 (−0.06; 0.12)0.05 (−0.07; 0.17)Number of dependents in household (<15
y) (centered on four persons)0.00 (−0.01; 0.02)0.02 (−0.01; 0.05)0.02 (−0.01;
0.05)0.04 ** (0.01; 0.07)0.06* (0.00; 0.11)0.10*** (0.05; 0.16)0.06* (0.01;
0.11)0.04 (−0.02; 0.10)0.11* (0.00; 0.22)Season (reference: not
hunger)Hunger0.09 (−0.03; 0.21)−0.05 (−0.22; 0.13)−0.01 (−0.11; 0.10)0.05
(−0.20; 0.29)−0.29 (−0.65; 0.07)−0.12 (−0.50; 0.25)0.22 (−0.11; 0.56)0.07
(−0.29; 0.43)−0.14 (−0.74; 0.45)Intercept1.19*** (1.01; 1.37)1.20*** (0.91;
1.50)1.46*** (1.33; 1.60)1.62*** (1.24; 2.00)1.92*** (1.29; 2.54)1.94*** (1.40;
2.47)1.10*** (0.60; 1.61)1.29*** (0.68; 1.90)1.40*** (0.62; 2.18)Random effects
varianceCons0.010.020.000.050.080.080.050.080.10Residual0.100.180.080.290.350.240.880.700.49

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†
P < 0.1, *P < 0.05, **P < 0.01, and ***P < 0.001. Statistically significant
estimates at P < 0.1 are in bold.
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CONTRASTING MONOGAMOUS AND POLYGYNOUS VILLAGES.

We next consider how village characteristics predict individual measures of food
security and child health using multilevel regression including village-level
random and fixed effects (SI Text and Table S7). Independently of individual
marital status, each 10% increase in the proportion of polygynous households
sampled per village is associated with an estimated −1.52 unit decrease in food
security (β = −1.52, 95% CI = −2.09; −0.95, P < 0.001), a −0.15 reduction in
child HAZ (β = −0.15, 95% CI = −0.25; −0.05, P < 0.001), and a −0.07 reduction
in child WHZ (β = −0.07, 95% CI = −0.15; 0.01, P < 0.1). However, once we adjust
analyses for village-level proxies for ecological vulnerability (annual
rainfall) and socioeconomic marginalization (distance to district capital and
the proportion of household heads with nonzero education), these associations
dramatically attenuate and become statistically nonsignificant in the case of
food security and child HAZ, whereas the proportion of polygynous households in
a village becomes positively associated with child WHZ (β = 0.08, 95% CI =
−0.01; 0.18, P = 0.09; Fig. 4). As such, our analyses do not support the idea
that polygyny has negative group-level consequences on well-being.
Fig. 4.
Village differences in food security and child health by polygyny prevalence.
Predicted village intercepts before (A) and after (B) adjustment for
village-level differences in ecological vulnerability (annual rainfall) and
socioeconomic marginalization (distance to district capital and proportion of
household heads with nonzero education). After adjustment, polygyny prevalence
is unrelated to food security and HAZ, and positively predicts WHZ. Intercepts
are mean/mode centered for household characteristics. See text for estimated
coefficients and Table S7 for corresponding model output. Red circle, Maasai
village; green diamond, Sukuma village; orange triangle, Rangi village; blue
square, Meru village; white diamond, other ethnicity village.Open in viewer
Table S7.
Multilevel regressions predicting household food security, HAZ, and WHZ

Independent variableFood security (n = 1,745) [β (95% CIs)]Height-for-age
Z-score (n = 2,704) [β (95% CIs)]Weight-for-height Z-score (n = 2,711) [β (95%
CIs)]Model 1Model 2Model 1Model 2Model 1Model 2Household type (reference:
monogamous male-headed)Polygynous male-headed1.05* (0.20; 1.90)1.04* (0.19;
1.89)−0.06 (−0.21; 0.10)−0.05 (−0.20; 0.10)0.03 (−0.10; 0.16)0.03 (−0.10;
0.16)Polygynous female-headed−0.85 (−2.03; 0.33)−0.74 (−1.92; 0.44)−0.02 (−0.25;
0.20)−0.01 (−0.24; 0.21)0.05 (−0.15; 0.24)0.06 (−0.14; 0.25)Monogamous
female-headed−0.16 (−1.60; 1.29)−0.10 (−1.54; 1.34)−0.07 (−0.35; 0.20)−0.07
(−0.34; 0.21)0.20† (−0.03; 0.43)0.22+ (−0.02; 0.45)Child age (mo) (centered at
30 mo)——−0.09*** (−0.10; −0.07)−0.09*** (−0.10; −0.07)−0.02*** (−0.03;
−0.01)−0.02*** (−0.03; −0.01)Child age squared (mo2) (centered at 30
mo2)——0.001*** (0.001; 0.002)0.001*** (0.001; 0.002)0.000 (0.000; 0.000)0.000
(0.000; 0.000)Child sex (reference: boy)Girl——0.13* (0.02; 0.24)0.13* (0.02;
0.24)0.05 (−0.05; 0.14)0.04 (−0.05; 0.14)Age of household head (y) (centered at
43 y)−0.03* (−0.06; −0.01)−0.03* (−0.06; −0.01)0.00 (0.00; 0.01)0.00 (0.00;
0.01)0.00* (0.00; 0.01)0.00† (0.00; 0.01)Season (reference: not
hunger)Hunger−1.39† (−2.80; 0.02)−1.75** (−2.81; −0.69)−0.25* (−0.50;
−0.01)−0.32** (−0.53; −0.11)0.00 (−0.19; 0.19)−0.03 (−0.18; 0.13)Polygyny
prevalence (per 10%) (centered at 22%)−1.52*** (−2.09; −0.95)−0.02 (−0.68;
0.64)−0.15** (−0.25; −0.05)0.04 (−0.09; 0.17)−0.07† (−0.15; 0.01)0.08† (−0.01;
0.18)Annual rainfall (per 100 mm3) (centered at 780 mm3)—0.58** (0.24;
0.91)—0.07* (0.01; 0.14)—0.09*** (0.04; 0.14)Percent nonzero education (per 10%)
(centered at 64%)—1.08*** (0.66; 1.49)—0.13** (0.05; 0.21)—0.11*** (0.05;
0.17)Distance to capital (per 10 km) (centered at 33 km)—0.03 (−0.26;
0.32)—−0.06† (−0.11; 0.00)—0.04† (0.00; 0.08)Intercept18.57*** (16.39;
20.75)19.26*** (17.61; 20.91)−1.73*** (−2.11; −1.34)−1.61*** (−1.94; −1.28)0.07
(−0.23; 0.38)0.13 (−0.12; −0.38)Random effects
varianceCons5.122.230.150.090.090.04Residual39.4039.402.082.081.561.56

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†
P < 0.1, *P < 0.05, **P < 0.01, and ***P < 0.001. Statistically significant
estimates at P < 0.1 are in bold.
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DISCUSSION

We challenge the widespread notion that polygyny is harmful to children.
Consistent with prior studies (4–8), polygyny is predictive of relatively low
food security and poor child health in aggregated data. However, such
associations are driven entirely by the tendency of polygyny to be more common
in marginalized and ecologically vulnerable villages and ethnic groups. Within
villages, polygynous households, at least those headed by males, often had
higher food security and better child outcomes than monogamous households.
Polygynous households were also wealthier in terms of livelihood-specific forms
of wealth (land and livestock), although not in asset ownership, which is the
foundation of wealth indices favored by national demographic surveys (35). These
findings are consistent with classic evolutionary and economic models suggesting
that sharing a husband can be in a woman’s strategic interest, at least in
contexts where women depend on men for resources, by enabling access to equal or
greater wealth than could be achieved by opting for monogamy (17, 18). Our
results also highlight the inherent weaknesses of highly aggregated samples such
as the DHS, the primary data source for population scientists studying family
structure and health in sub-Saharan Africa (36).
That polygyny is associated with better outcomes for specifically male-headed
households indicates that cowives resident with their husband are most likely to
benefit from polygyny. Female-headed polygynous households in contrast may often
lose cowife conflicts over shared resources. We found that female-headed
polygynous households had lower food security than monogamous households when
considering the sample as a whole, although child health did not differ (Fig.
2). In this context, first wives are most often coresident with their husband.
Advantages to first wives have been reported elsewhere (13, 24). In rural
Ethiopia, Gibson and Mace (13) found first wives were in better physical health
and had more surviving offspring than monogamously married women and that
relatively poor child health was only associated with polygyny for second or
later cowives. This result may reflect selection effects, i.e., women of good
health/social standing are less likely to enter polygynous marriages as later
wives, such that differences in child outcomes, or indeed food security, cannot
be seen as consequences of polygyny itself (13, 16). Alternatively, first wives
may benefit from exclusivity before sharing their husband and subsequent
seniority over later wives. Thus, to the extent that deficits in child health or
food security are unequally portioned among wives, we note that polygyny may, in
some instances, be considered harmful.
We demonstrate ethnic variation in the relationship between polygyny and health.
Findings from prior small-scale studies suggest such variation, but comparing
results across studies is hampered by methodological differences (25).
Specifically, we detect an advantage of being raised in male-headed polygynous
households for the Sukuma (the largest ethnic group in Tanzania) and the Rangi,
but not for the Maasai. Although our stratified analyses here have relatively
low statistical power, at least two factors may account for these differences:
low status of Maasai women and the relative poverty of this ethnic group.
Previous studies emphasize low female status in the Maasai (37), restricting
women’s control over their marital arrangements (including divorce and the
addition of cowives) and/or preventing women from effectively allocating
household resources to children (38). The Maasai also suffered the greatest
burden of food insecurity and poor health in our study (34). Borgerhoff Mulder
(39, 40) found that polygyny was negatively associated with child survival only
in the poorest households in Kenyan Kipsigis. Strassmann (22) observed negative
associations between polygyny and child health in the Dogon of Mali in all but
one “exceptionally large and wealthy village” (p. 10,897). Thus, it might be
that polygyny fails to provide better circumstances in conditions of relative
resource scarcity where children are most vulnerable to biased intrahousehold
resource allocation, accounting for the differences between the Maasai and
neighboring ethnic groups.
Our analyses do not support the assertion that polygyny has group-wide costs on
child health (28). Instead, it seems parsimonious that highly polygynous,
predominantly Maasai, villages do poorly not because of polygyny, but because of
vulnerability to drought, low service provision, and broader sociopolitical
disadvantages. Highly monogamous, predominantly Meru, villages on the other hand
occupy the relatively high rainfall, fertile slopes of Mount Meru close to
Arusha city, benefiting from improved health care and education infrastructure
(34). It is possible that polygyny has negative group-level consequences on
unmeasured aspects of well-being. However, we are skeptical of the theoretical
foundation of such arguments. Recent reformulations of sexual selection theory
emphasize facultative responses to partner availability, predicting that the
more common sex will cater to the preferences of the rarer sex to acquire and
retain mates. As such when polygyny leads unmarried women to be in relatively
short supply we might expect higher not lower levels of paternal investment (30,
41). Consistent with this perspective, our adjusted analyses found that child
WHZ was marginally higher in the most polygynous villages (Fig. 4).
If polygyny does not bestow group-level costs on women and children, as
suggested by Henrich et al. (28), how can we account for observed transitions to
socially imposed monogamy with economic development? In Tanzania, the spread of
both Islam and Christianity have clearly influenced marital norms. Missionary
influence may be partially responsible for the ubiquity of monogamy among the
Meru (42). However, explanations based solely on religion are unsatisfactory
because religious prescriptions and marriage patterns most likely coevolve,
constrained to some extent by systems of production (43). Fortunato and Archetti
(44) propose that monogamy evolves via the maximization of individual, not group
benefits, and is best understood as an inheritance strategy favored when
intergenerational resource transfers are critical to descendant success.
Monogamy may thus be beneficial to both men and women when returns to parental
investment favor offspring quality over quantity. In line with this account, the
Meru were early adopters of relatively intensified agriculture (42), where
productivity is limited by land inheritance, as opposed to low intensity
agriculture and pastoralism, which may be relatively labor limited. The Meru
also have the highest educational attainment (34), which is associated with
transitions to low fertility. Once individuals opt for smaller family sizes, a
pattern best understood as motivated by economic rather than reproductive
success (45), the reproductive advantages of polygyny are likely outweighed by
novel opportunities to invest more per child, e.g., via formal education.
Although we make important methodological advancements, our study shares several
limitations with prior studies of polygyny. Our use of the standard demographic
household definition (SI Text) often cleaves polygynous families into distinct
survey units, preventing direct contrasts of children of first and later wives
sharing the same husband. Cross-sectional data also limit our ability to infer
causality, preventing explicit consideration of the impact of additional wives
on previously monogamous women and their children. A recent retrospective study
in Bolivia reports that, although women in polygynous marriages had lower
fertility than women in monogamous marriages overall, the addition of a second
wife did not impact on the fertility of the first wife in intraindividual
analyses (16). Self-selection may thus be responsible for reported effects of
polygyny in some cross-sectional studies (13). We also caution that the
relatively small number of female-headed polygynous households (at least for the
Sukuma and Rangi; Table S1) in our study may have resulted from disagreement
between the village register sampling frame and household definition used by
enumerators on the ground. If unsampled and sampled households systematically
differ this may bias our estimates. The common use of rigid household
definitions is coming under increasing criticism for obscuring the measurement
of complex demographic phenomena, and we support recent calls (46) for
experimentation with alternative survey methodologies that more accurately cater
to the reality of African family structure.
Our study concerns food security and child health and cannot tell us about the
wider potential of polygyny to cause harm. Other aspects of physical and mental
well-being may be influenced by polygyny (47). Recent studies counter simple
intuition. Polygyny is associated with lower HIV prevalence at both national and
regional levels across Africa. Reniers and colleagues (48) suggest polygyny
increases individual exposure, but selective recruitment of HIV-positive women
into polygynous marriages where coital frequency is lower isolates transmission
risks from the wider population. A recent study in Tanzania also found no
evidence for an association between polygyny and maternal anxiety and depression
(49). Whatever the outcome, we do not anticipate universal relationships between
polygyny and well-being. We have demonstrated variation in the estimated
consequences of polygyny both between women (by coresidence with husband) and
between ethnic groups. Moreover, the vital insight of both economic and
anthropological theory is that cultural diversity in marriage practices stems in
large part from context-dependency in the pay-offs to alternative behavioral
strategies (50). As anthropologists have long emphasized, polygyny itself is
also a diverse institution with considerable cultural variation in associated
norms of spousal recruitment and residence (51).
We particularly advocate that policy makers distinguish low female autonomy from
polygyny rather than treat the latter as a definitive indicator of the former.
Where women have control over marital placements, we do not anticipate costs to
polygyny. Indeed, if there are large differences in male wealth, prohibiting
polygyny may be disadvantageous to women by restricting marital options.
Levirate marriage or widow inheritance, whereby a women marries the close male
relative of her deceased spouse as a polygynous bride, is also likely to offer
women and their children substantially better prospects than living as a single
widow in many contexts (52). On the other hand, if female autonomy is low,
and/or when polygyny is not associated with differences in male wealth, marital
placements may logically be prone to negative impacts of male coercion. We also
recommend future research prioritizes data analysis at the level of social
groups (i.e., villages, neighborhoods). Institutions for marriage and
child-raising are rapidly changing across the globe, and their gendered impacts
are increasingly taking center stage in discussions of international development
(1). Policy analysts concerned with these transformations need to consider
appropriate comparison groups, selection effects, and broader community
confounds. Only by making meaningful contrasts, which capture alternatives
readily available to individuals, and by taking into account the distribution of
specific traditions across different communities and ecologies, can we expect to
achieve a true understanding of the health implications of cultural practices.


MATERIALS AND METHODS

Data (Dataset S1) were collected between 2009 and 2011 as part of the Whole
Village Project (WVP), coordinated by Savannas Forever Tanzania, the University
of Minnesota (UM), and the Tanzanian National Institute of Medical Research
(NIMR). The WVP received ethical approval from the UM Institutional Review Board
(code 0905S65241) and NIMR. Between 60–75 households were randomly selected from
56 villages (Fig. S1), leading to a sample of 3,584 households, 2,268 of which
contained children under 5 y of age. Nearly half (45%) provided anthropometric
data on more than one child (two children, 35%; three or more children, 10%).
Four ethnicities, the Maasai, Sukuma, Rangi, and Meru, make up 65% of
households. Maasai are traditionally seminomadic pastoralists but have recently
diversified into cultivation. Sukuma, Rangi, and Meru are all characterized as
agro-pastoralists. Rangi and Meru primarily identify as Muslims and Protestants,
respectively. Sukuma and Maasai identify with either Christian or indigenous
religions (34). Our analysis is limited to households with a married head of at
least 16 y, bringing our working sample to 1,764 households, containing 2,833
children (averaging 32 households and 51 children per village). The Household
Food Insecurity Access Scale assesses food insecurity during the last month on a
27-point scale. We reversed this measure so that a higher score indicates
greater food security (mean: 16.9; SD: 7.0). Anthropometrics were WHO
standardized. HAZ assesses chronic malnourishment (mean: −1.6; SD: 1.6) and WHZ
assesses acute malnourishment (mean: 0.2; SD:1.3). Z-scores less than −2.0
indicate stunting and wasting, respectively. Relatedness data are available for
villages 15–56 only: 80% of children were biological children of the head, 14%
were grandchildren, 6% were other relatives. A wealth index was calculated by
principal component analysis applied to the ownership of 37 assets. Acres
cultivated and livestock units were recorded separately. Wealth measures were
transformed (log x + 1) to approximate normal distributions. Village mapping was
used to compute distance to district capital and estimated annual rainfall. SI
Text provides further information on child, household, and village data.
Regressions were fit using maximum likelihood estimation and include controls
for child age and sex, age of household head, and hunger season (for details,
see SI Text and Tables S3–S7).


SI TEXT


HARMFUL CULTURAL PRACTICES.

The terms “harmful cultural practice” and “harmful traditional practice” are
used interchangeably by the international development and human rights community
to refer to nonwestern cultural practices deemed detrimental to individual
well-being, most often with regard to women and children. The concept was
initially developed by the United Nations (UN) to name and combat ostensibly
blatant forms of male domination of women, culminating in a 1995 UN Fact sheet
devoted to the issue (53). We avoid the more commonly used term harmful
traditional practice in our text following concern that “traditional” falsely
implies that modern/western practices are exempt from potential to cause harm
and that cultural subordination of women is limited to traditional populations
(53). There is no single universally agreed list of harmful cultural practices,
but the concept is most frequently used in reference to female genital cutting,
gendered violence, child, early, and forced marriage, and polygynous marriage.
Attention on harmful cultural practices has grown in recent years, in line with
an increased focus on gender in all spheres of international development (1).
For further discussion of current and historical negative characterizations of
polygynous marriage from both human rights and theological perspectives, see
refs. 2, 54, and 55.


METHODOLOGICAL LIMITATIONS OF PRIOR RESEARCH ON POLYGYNY AND CHILD HEALTH.

Our study overcomes important limitations of prior research, combining
methodological strengths of prior small-scale anthropological and large-scale
demographic studies. The main limitations of small-scale anthropological
studies, particularly from the perspective of public health, is that sample
sizes are generally extremely small (often n < 100). Furthermore, we can’t
directly contrast results across small-scale studies to compare specific
cultural and ecological contexts because of idiosyncratic variation in
statistical methodology and study design (e.g., differences in sampling,
definition, and use of independent and dependent variables, inclusion of
controls for potential confounders). Our study provides a large sample more
characteristic of large-scale demographic studies. Indeed, our initial sample (n
= 3,584 households) surpasses the Tanzania DHS for the same regions (31, 34).
Using parallel sampling and analysis methods across multiple ethnic groups, our
study also enables effective estimation of context dependency in relationships
between polygyny, food security, and child health. However, we caution that,
although our study site encompasses a large area of northern Tanzania, our
results cannot be taken as nationally representative. Rather, our findings
should only be treated as representative of our specific study villages (Fig.
S1). Most notably we sampled a high proportion of Maasai households. Our study
site contains 22% Maasai households compared with the 1996 Tanzanian DHS, which
included only 2% Maasai households (34). The Maasai are exceptional for
primarily relying on pastoralism as opposed to agriculture, high levels of
polygyny relative to other Tanzanian ethnic groups, and for experiencing high
levels of socioeconomic marginalization (34).
In contrast to small-scale anthropological studies, the primary concern with
large-scale demographic studies is their inherent vulnerability to confounding
between ecological and individual determinants of health (i.e., vulnerability to
the “ecological fallacy”). Previous studies of DHS data have attempted to deal
with this problem in various ways we believe are largely unsatisfactory. First,
several studies have included random effects to adjust for hierarchical
clustering at the national level only (e.g., ref. 4). Second, other studies have
incorporated random effects at the subnational regional level (e.g., ref. 6).
National or subnational clusters are likely to only crudely map spatial
covariance in marriage and health outcomes. Subnational regions are an
improvement but still aggregate data across much structured diversity in both
health and cultural practices. For example, in our case, Maasai and Meru
villages are often directly adjacent but offer the most extreme comparisons in
terms of both polygyny prevalence and health outcomes (Fig. S1) (34). Finally,
Wagner and Rieger (5) incorporate random effects at the level of primary
sampling units (PSUs). Although PSUs offer higher resolution, their value is
questionable. We question the value of including random effects for PSU for two
reasons. The first reason is that very few households are surveyed per PSU by
most DHS [e.g., only 16–22 households in Tanzania (ref. 31, p. 10)], and among
those sampled, sample size per PSU cluster is further reduced by data
restrictions (most obviously in this case many households will not contain
children < 5 y old). Small cluster size can lead to estimation problems,
particularly when analysis rests on the estimation of many parameters that may
vary to differing degrees within each cluster. The second reason is that PSUs
are usually based on census enumeration areas, which do not necessarily
correspond with specific villages or cohesive communities (including, for
example, adjacent urban zones within towns and cities), which means they are not
ideal for contextual analysis. For this reason previous studies have avoided the
incorporation of PSUs as a random effect (ref. 6, p. 347). Our study has the
advantage of using clearly defined village units as random effects with
relatively high-density sampling per cluster (averaging 32 households and 51
children per village included in our final analyses).
Interestingly, Wagner and Rieger (5), who adjust for PSUs as a random effect in
a mixed urban and rural sample of 26 African DHS surveys, estimate that, whereas
in the majority of countries there was a negative relationship between polygyny
and child anthropometrics, a positive and nonsignificant relationship was
estimated for Tanzania (ref. 5, p. 17). As we have noted, our study site is not
representative of Tanzania as a whole and therefore direct comparisons of effect
estimates should be avoided. However, this finding could be seen as consistent
with our conclusion that, once low-level spatial clusters are adjusted for,
polygyny is no longer predictive of child health for Tanzanian families.
Unfortunately, Wagner and Reiger (5) do not report country-specific estimates
both with and without adjustment for PSUs, so we cannot infer from this study
whether or not adjusting for PSU specifically modifies their effect estimates
compared with more aggregated analyses. We are skeptical of the use of PSUs as
random effects for the reasons outlined above, but advocate future researchers
explore alternative methods for dealing with spatial clustering with DHS data.
Ultimately the adequacy of using PSUs as clusters will depend on the specific
number of cases per cluster, the nature of the sample (e.g., rural vs. urban),
and the specific analysis methodology implemented.
The final major advantage of our study is the utilization of additional
household-level data generally not incorporated into large-scale demographic
studies of polygyny and child health. Previous studies of the DHS have used a
standardized household wealth index to measure wealth. We use an equivalent
measure based on the distribution of asset-based wealth in our population, but
also livelihood specific forms of wealth in the form of the acres of land
cultivated and amount of livestock owned (see below). As our results
demonstrate, these measures reveal wealth differences between households
obscured when relying on generic wealth indices alone. We also incorporate data
on ethnicity. With the exception of Gyimah (8), no DHS study of polygyny and
child health has adjusted or stratified estimates by ethnicity. However,
ethnicity covaries strongly with both culturally shared marital norms and
broader social and ecological determinants of child health. As such there is
considerable margin for error in the interpretation of large-scale DHS analyses
neglecting ethnicity. This issue is particularly salient to Tanzania, where
ethnicity data have not been made available for DHS data for almost two decades.
Five DHSs have thus far been conducted in Tanzania (1991/2, 1996, 1999, 2004/5,
and 2010), and to our knowledge, only the 1991/2 and 1996 DHS provide ethnicity
data.


SAMPLING AND ETHNICITY.

Overall, 56 villages were sampled by the WVP, between mid-2009 and mid-2011,
across the northern and central Tanzanian regions of Arusha (19 villages),
Manyara (11 villages), Dodoma (7 villages), Singida (5 villages), Shinyanga (8
villages), Mwanza (3 villages), and Mara (3 villages). The sampling of villages
was based in part on the priorities of development agency partners and the
permission of government leaders, although effort was made to randomize village
sampling where possible and to ensure a wide geographic spread. Fig. S1 shows
the location of each village, color coded by the majority ethnic group (recorded
at the household level), in relation to major settlements, main roads, national
parks, and game reserves. Lawson et al. (34) provide information on the exact
number of households and children sampled by village, district, and region.
Maasai, Sukuma, Meru, and Rangi were the most common ethnic groups sampled,
collectively accounting for 60.4% of households sampled. Other ethnic groups
were also sampled at relatively low frequency. These groups include the Arusha
(6.4%), the Wanda (4.7%), the Iraqw (4.3%), the Turu (3.0%), the Mbugwe (2.9%),
the Gogo (2.0%), and a large number of ethnic groups each accounting for <2% of
the sampled households.
Within each village, between 60 and 75 households were randomly selected for
participation from a list provided by village administrators, leading to a total
of 3,584 surveyed households. Household head marital status is used to contrast
monogamous and polygynous family settings. Heads were identified as the person
responsible for household upkeep and households defined as “a group of persons
who live together in the same house or compound, share the same house-keeping
arrangments, and eat together as one unit.” Informed oral consent was obtained
from participants, and all individual data were anonymized before analysis.
Anthropometric measurements were taken for all resident children under 5 y of
age. Of 3,584 sampled households, 2,268 (63%) contributed child anthropometric
data, and just under half of those households provided data on more than one
child (two children: 35%; three or more children: 10%), leading to a total of
3,586 surveyed children. The sample for our current analysis is limited to
households with a verified currently married head of at least 16 y, bringing our
working sample to 1,764 households, containing 2,833 children.


CHILD, HOUSEHOLD, AND VILLAGE DATA.

CHILD ANTHROPOMETRICS.

The mean age of sampled children was 28.9 mo, with roughly even sampling across
the age range of zero to 60 mo and evenly split by sex (34). Child weight was
measured to the nearest 100 g using a Salter-type spring hanging scale for
infants and electronic scales for children able to stand. Child height was
measured to the nearest millimeter using a measuring board for young children
and using a stadiometer for children of 2 y or older. All measurements were made
once and immediately entered into a database. Children were measured by
different field staff depending on the village sampled, but training of
enumerators by United Nations Children’s Fund staff and oversight of
anthropometric sessions by the Tanzanian National Institute of Medical Research
personnel ensured high levels of interrater reliability before data collection.
Three anthropometric indicators were derived using WHO age- and sex-specific
growth standards (56). HAZ serves as an indicator of long-term effects of
malnutrition. A child with a HAZ of <−2 SDs from the WHO reference is considered
stunted, i.e., chronically malnourished, which reflects failure to receive
adequate nutrition over a long period and is influenced by recurrent and chronic
illness. Weight-for-height Z-scores (WHZ) measure body mass in relation to body
height/length and describes current nutritional status. A child with a WHZ <−2
SDs is considered acutely malnourished (i.e., wasted), which represents the
failure to achieve adequate nutrition in the period immediately preceding
measurement and may result from inadequate food intake or illness. HAZ and WHZ
scores were derived in IBM SPSS v.20 using WHO-supplied syntax, which
automatically removes extreme cases, including those likely to have resulted
from measurement error, i.e., incorrect recorded child age, height, or weight.
HAZ scores of <−6 or >6 are removed, and WHZ scores of <−5 or >5 are removed.
Applying these criteria reduces our sample of child anthropometric data from
2,833 to 2,704 and 2,711 valid HAZ and WHZ scores, respectively. The mean HAZ
score is −1.61 with an SD of 1.56, with 40.5% categorized as stunted. The mean
WHZ score is 0.17 with a SD of 1.33, with 4.1% categorized as wasted.
The use of WHO standardized growth scores is ubiquitous in both the demographic
and anthropological literature on polygyny and child health, and we have chosen
to use these measurement standards to enhance comparability with prior research.
We caution that the application of WHO reference standards to an ethnically and
socio-ecologically diverse sample cannot take into account differing genetic
capacity for growth and the potential for environmental variation to modify the
local health significance of growth indicators. However, we have previously (34)
confirmed that differences in child anthropometric indicators between ethnic
groups closely map onto differences in subjective ratings of child health,
recorded illnesses, food insecurity, and recent food consumption at this site.
In all cases, Maasai households, particularly when primarily reliant on
pastoralism, appear substantially disadvantaged. This result suggests that
differences in child anthropometry between ethnic groups make appropriate
proxies for health. The alternative of making Z-scores specific to each ethnic
group is not feasible because (i) the “Other” ethnic group category contains
many ethnic groups with no clear point of internal reference, and (ii) our
sample is composed of children from 0 to 60 mo with relatively few cases for
each age and sex combination to make robust age- and sex-specific estimates.

HOUSEHOLD FOOD SECURITY.

The Household Food Insecurity Access Scale (HFIAS) was used to measure food
security (57). It is a brief survey instrument developed by the US Agency for
International Development (USAID) funded Food and Nutrition Technical Assistance
(FANTA) Project to improve the measurement of food security and ultimately
better target interventions to the most vulnerable households. The scale is
based on a household’s reported experience of problems regarding three domains
of food insecurity argued to be universal across cultures: (i) feelings of
uncertainty or anxiety about household food supplies; (ii) perceptions that
household food is of insufficient quality (including variety and food type
preference); and (iii) insufficient food intake and its physical consequences.
The HFIAS is composed of nine questions recording the occurrence and frequency
of specific problems along these domains. Responses were scored so that “never”
received a score of 0, “rarely” scored 1, “sometimes” scored 2 and “often”
scored 3, so that when summed, the lowest possible score was 0 and the highest
27. This measure was then reversed for our study so that a higher value
represents higher food security rather than food insecurity. For our sample of
1,764 households, complete responses were available for all but 19 households.
For the 1,745 households with complete data, the mean food security score was
16.91 with an SD of 7.04. A categorical measure can also be computed on the
basis of the HFIAS questions. By this measure, 46% of all sampled households can
be categorized as severely food insecure (34), meaning they cut back on meal
size or number of meals often and/or experience any of the three most severe
conditions (running out of food, going to bed hungry, or going a whole day and
night without eating) at least once a month (57).

HOUSEHOLD TYPE.

We categorized households by the sex and marital status of the household head.
Out of our working sample of 1,764 households, 69% of households were headed by
a monogamously married male, 17% were headed by a polygynously married male, 9%
by a polygynously married female, and 5% by a monogamously married female. Table
S1 provides household descriptive data by household type and ethnicity for the
working sample. Formal data on wife rank were not collected, but field
observations confirmed that male-headed polygynous households typically
consisted of a husband, his first wife, and their shared children, whereas
female-headed polygynous households typically consisted of later cowives and her
children living separately. In only a small proportion of cases was more than
one wife coresident in a male-headed polygynous household (17% in the Sukuma, 7%
in Maasai, 6% in the Rangi, 0% in the Meru, and 8% in the other ethnicity
group.) We did not collect data linking households containing cowives for the
same husband. This limitation prevents us from making contrasts between children
of different mothers sharing the same father.

HOUSEHOLD WEALTH.

Table S2 provides supporting data on household soioeconomic characteristics. A
Household Wealth Index was calculated on the basis of a principal components
analysis (PCA). The PCA was applied to a total of 37 dichotomous variables
representing ownership of assets and characteristics of assets at the household
level. Owning a particular asset or a better asset increases the value of the
index by different amounts determined by the household’s score for the first
principal component. The index is scaled so that its minimum is zero, i.e., by
construction the poorest household has a score of zero. The following assets
were included: drinking water source, household flooring type, household roofing
type, type of toilet, owns land, house, cart, hoe, motorcycle, bicycle, plow,
sewing machine, lantern, wheelbarrow, computer, radio, water tank, video, chair,
sofa, bed, cupboard, chest, dining set, car, cell phone, solar panel, watch or
clock, and drum. Note the index does include land ownership (yes/no) and items
relating to farming such as a plow or hoe but does not include livestock
ownership, despite cattle having a clear economic value. Therefore, it should be
interpreted as a non-livestock wealth index. Based on household surveys, we were
able to complete a wealth index for 3,480/3,584 (97.1%) of surveyed households.
Livestock ownership was measured separately in tropical livestock units with the
following conversion rates: cattle (0.7 units); goats and sheep (0.1 units);
pigs (0.2 units); and donkey/horses/mules (0.5 units).

VILLAGE-LEVEL DATA.

Table S2 shows supporting data on the village-level indicators by the majority
ethnic group. Polygyny prevalence and the percentage of heads with nonzero
education are measured as the percentage of sampled households within each
village (using the complete sample of 3,584 households). Annual rainfall data
for each village were derived from the WorldClim climatic data resource as the
mean annual total precipitation over the period covering 1950–2000 at a
resolution of 1 km2 mapped to a central point of each village (34). Distance to
the district capital was calculated for each village using the straight-line
distance between the mean coordinates of all sampled households within each
village and the central point of the district capital in kilometers. Villages
were sampled across an extensive geographic area that straddles two climatic
zones experiencing either bimodal or unimodal rainy seasons, influencing the
timing of so-called hunger or lean seasons. Although annual rainfall patterns
are erratic, the hunger season generally occurs from October to December in the
bimodal zone; whereas in the unimodal zone, an overlapping but longer hunger
season generally falls from November to February. Based on this monthly
categorization, we coded whether or not each village was sampled during in the
hunger season, with all villages from the regions of Arusha, Mara, and Mwanza
considered to be in the bimodal zone and the regions of Shinyanga, Dodoma,
Manyara, and Singida in the unimodal zone. A binary coding of not hunger season
(31 villages) vs. hunger season (25 villages) was included in all models.


ANALYTICAL STRATEGY AND FULL MODEL OUTPUT.

MODEL ESTIMATION.

All models were fit using maximum likelihood estimation in Stata version 13
using the “regress” command for standard linear regression and the “xtmixed’’
command for multilevel linear regression. Models predicting household-level
variables (food security, wealth index, land cultivated, and total livestock
units) adjust for the age of the household head in years (centered at 43 y).
Models predicting child-level outcomes (i.e., HAZ and WHZ) adjust for age of the
household head in years (centered at 43 y), child age, and child age squared in
months (centered at 30 mo). Standard linear regression models aggregate all data
across villages, effectively estimating relationships across the full study area
without consideration for the hierarchical spatial clustering of data.
Multilevel linear regression models include a random intercept for village. Note
that, although child-level outcomes are also clustered within households
(because some households contribute data on more than one child), we do not
include a random effect for household when predicting child anthropometrics.
This strategy is followed because when clusters (i.e., households) are
unbalanced and sparsely populated (i.e., ≤2 cases per level), both fixed and
random effects may be overestimated (58). All multilevel regression models for
both household- and child-level outcome variables also include a village-level
fixed effect for whether or not the village was sampled during a hunger season.

CONTRASTING MONOGAMOUS AND POLYGYNOUS HOUSEHOLDS.

Table S3 shows the results of a set of standard linear vs. multilevel regression
models predicting household food security, child HAZ, and child WHZ, using a
dichotomous coding of polygynous vs. monogamous households. Table S3 also shows
the results of a parallel set of models using a four-category variable for
household type (i.e., male-headed monogamous household, female-headed monogamous
household, male-headed polygynous household, and female-headed polygynous
household). Comparing the results from standard linear and multilevel regression
analyses in these tables demonstrates that adjustment for village-level
differences in food security and child health substantially modifies the
statistical significance and magnitude of effect estimates. Estimates from Table
S3 further demonstrate that the estimated effect of polygyny differs depending
on whether households are male or female headed. Table S4 reports the results of
a stratified analysis with models run for the three main ethnic groups with a
substantial proportion of polygynous households (the Sukuma, the Maasai, and the
Rangi). Contrasts in this analysis have relatively low statistical power due to
reduced sample size. However, they strongly imply context dependency by ethnic
group in the estimated effects of polygyny on food security and child health.
Effect estimates from this stratified analysis are graphically represented in
Fig. 2. Note that very few female-headed polygynous households were sampled in
the Rangi (only four households). Therefore, estimates for the difference
between male-headed monogamous households and female-headed polygynous
households for the Rangi are deemed unreliable and not graphically represented
in Fig. 2.

POLYGYNY AND WEALTH.

Table S5 reports the results of multilevel regression analyses predicting
household wealth index, the number of acres cultivated, and tropical livestock
units. Note for both acres cultivated and tropical livestock units, analyses are
restricted to cases that own at least some land and some cattle, respectively.
Table S6 reports the results of stratified analyses for the same outcomes by
ethnic group. Effect estimates from this stratified analysis are graphically
represented in Fig. 3. Tables S5 and S6 also show estimates adjusted for the
number of adults (i.e., age 15 y and over) and number of dependents (i.e., aged
<15 y) in the household. Data are incomplete for these variables on a small
fraction of cases, leading to a slight change in sample size between models.

CONTRASTING MONOGAMOUS AND POLYGYNOUS VILLAGES.

Finally, Table S7 reports the results of multilevel linear regressions
predicting individual household food insecurity, child HAZ, and child WHZ that
further incorporate village-level fixed effects. These analyses enable us to
determine what influence the proportion of polygynous households in a village
has over and above the marital status of an individual household. Model 1 for
each outcome in Table S7 is identical to the multilevel regression models shown
in Table S3 with the four-category coding of household type, except that they
also include a village-level fixed effect for polygyny prevalence, with each
unit increase representing an additional 10% of sampled households being
polygynous rather than monogamous (centered at 22% prevalence). Model 2 for each
outcome in Table S7 also includes additional village-level fixed effects for
annual rainfall in 100s of cubic millimeters (centered at 780 mm3), the
proportion of sampled household heads with nonzero educational attainment
(centered at 64%), and distance to the district capital in 10s of kilometers
(centered at 33 km). Comparing the results of model 1 and model 2 for each
outcome demonstrates that the effects of polygyny prevalence are substantially
modified by adjusting estimates for independent determinants of village
differences in food security and child health. Fig. 4 graphically represents
this comparison by plotting polygyny prevalence against predicted village
intercepts for each outcome before and after adjustment for annual rainfall,
proportion of household heads with nonzero education, and village distance from
the district capital.


OTHER SUPPORTING INFORMATION FILES

Dataset S1 (XLSX)


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We thank the village residents, C. Packer, D. Levison, K. Hartwig, M. Kaziya, F.
Rabison Msangi, J. Felix, and E. Sandet for contributions to the Whole Village
Project (WVP) and L. Fortunato, M. Grote, C. Moya, R. Sear, G. Stulp, C. Uggla,
and the Human Behavioral Ecology and Cultural Evolution Group at University of
California, Davis, for comments. The WVP was funded by the US Agency for
International Development, Partners for Development, the University of
Minnesota, and the Canadian Foodgrains Bank. The Wellcome Trust supported E.N.,
B.N., and S.G.M.M. during project implementation. D.W.L. is funded by the UK
Medical Research Council and Department for International Development (Grant
MR/K021672/1).


SUPPORTING INFORMATION

Supporting Information (PDF)
Supporting Information
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 * 756.46 KB

pnas.1507151112.sd01.xlsx
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INFORMATION & AUTHORS

InformationAuthors


INFORMATION

PUBLISHED IN

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences
Vol. 112 | No. 45
November 10, 2015
PubMed: 26504213

CLASSIFICATIONS

 1. Biological Sciences
 2. Anthropology
 3. 
 4. Social Sciences
 5. Social Sciences
 6. 

COPYRIGHT

Freely available online through the PNAS open access option.

SUBMISSION HISTORY

Published online: October 26, 2015
Published in issue: November 10, 2015

KEYWORDS

 1. evolutionary anthropology
 2. public health
 3. family structure
 4. child health
 5. food security

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We thank the village residents, C. Packer, D. Levison, K. Hartwig, M. Kaziya, F.
Rabison Msangi, J. Felix, and E. Sandet for contributions to the Whole Village
Project (WVP) and L. Fortunato, M. Grote, C. Moya, R. Sear, G. Stulp, C. Uggla,
and the Human Behavioral Ecology and Cultural Evolution Group at University of
California, Davis, for comments. The WVP was funded by the US Agency for
International Development, Partners for Development, the University of
Minnesota, and the Canadian Foodgrains Bank. The Wellcome Trust supported E.N.,
B.N., and S.G.M.M. during project implementation. D.W.L. is funded by the UK
Medical Research Council and Department for International Development (Grant
MR/K021672/1).

NOTES

This article is a PNAS Direct Submission. J.H.J. is a Guest Editor invited by
the Editorial Board.


AUTHORS

AFFILIATIONSEXPAND ALL

DAVID W. LAWSON1 DAVID.LAWSON@LSHTM.AC.UK

Department of Population Health, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine,
London, WC1E 7HT, United Kingdom;
View all articles by this author

SUSAN JAMES

Savannas Forever Tanzania, Arusha, Tanzania;
View all articles by this author

ESTHER NGADAYA

National Institute for Medical Research, Muhimbili Medical Research Centre, Dar
es Salaam, 11101, Tanzania;
View all articles by this author

BERNARD NGOWI

National Institute for Medical Research, Muhimbili Medical Research Centre, Dar
es Salaam, 11101, Tanzania;
View all articles by this author

SAYOKI G. M. MFINANGA

National Institute for Medical Research, Muhimbili Medical Research Centre, Dar
es Salaam, 11101, Tanzania;
View all articles by this author

MONIQUE BORGERHOFF MULDER

Savannas Forever Tanzania, Arusha, Tanzania;
Department of Anthropology, University of California, Davis, CA 95616
View all articles by this author

NOTES

1
To whom correspondence should be addressed. Email: david.lawson@lshtm.ac.uk.
Author contributions: D.W.L., S.J., E.N., B.N., S.G.M.M., and M.B.M. designed
research; D.W.L. analyzed data; D.W.L. and M.B.M. wrote the paper; and S.J.,
E.N., B.N., and S.G.M.M. collected data.

COMPETING INTERESTS

The authors declare no conflict of interest.


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FiguresTablesOther


FIGURES

Fig. S1.
Location of the 56 study villages included in the Whole Village Project.
Ethnicity is coded as the most common ethnicity in each village. Red circle,
Maasai village; orange triangle, Rangi village; green diamond, Sukuma village;
blue square, Meru village; white diamond, other ethnicity village. Reproduced
from ref. 34.
Go to FigureOpen in Viewer
Fig. 1.
Child height-for-age by village sorted by polygyny prevalence. There is strong
ethnic and village-level variation in child health. Relatively monogamous Meru
villages tend to have relatively good child health, whereas relatively
polygynous Maasai villages tend to have relatively poor child health. The dashed
line represents the WHO cutoff for chronic malnutrition. Ethnicity is coded as
the majority ethnic group residing in each village. Error bars represent 95%
CIs. Red circle, Maasai; green diamond, Sukuma; orange triangle, Rangi; blue
square, Meru; white diamond, other ethnicity.
Go to FigureOpen in Viewer
Fig. 2.
Food security and child health by household type. Within villages polygyny is
associated with relatively high food security when households are headed by a
male and relatively low food security when headed by a female (typically later
wife households). Stratified analysis confirms higher food security in the
Sukuma and relatively improved child weight-for-height in both the Sukuma and
Rangi, for male-headed polygynous households. The reference category (dashed
line) is male-headed monogamous households (Table S4 for full model output). +P
< 0.1, *P < 0.05, **P < 0.01, and ***P < 0.001.
Go to FigureOpen in Viewer
Fig. 3.
Wealth index, land cultivated, and livestock owned by household type. Within
villages polygynous households, particularly when headed by males, cultivate
more land and own more livestock than monogamous households. The reference
category (dashed line) is male-headed monogamous households (Table S6 for full
model output). +P < 0.1, *P < 0.05, **P < 0.01, and ***P < 0.001.
Go to FigureOpen in Viewer
Fig. 4.
Village differences in food security and child health by polygyny prevalence.
Predicted village intercepts before (A) and after (B) adjustment for
village-level differences in ecological vulnerability (annual rainfall) and
socioeconomic marginalization (distance to district capital and proportion of
household heads with nonzero education). After adjustment, polygyny prevalence
is unrelated to food security and HAZ, and positively predicts WHZ. Intercepts
are mean/mode centered for household characteristics. See text for estimated
coefficients and Table S7 for corresponding model output. Red circle, Maasai
village; green diamond, Sukuma village; orange triangle, Rangi village; blue
square, Meru village; white diamond, other ethnicity village.
Go to FigureOpen in Viewer


TABLES

Table S1.
Demographic characteristics by household type and ethnicity for working sample
(n = 1764 households, 2833 children)
Go to TableOpen in Viewer
Table S2.
Household and village characteristics for working sample by ethnicity
Go to TableOpen in Viewer
Table S3.
Linear and multilevel regressions predicting household food security, HAZ, and
WHZ
Go to TableOpen in Viewer
Table S4.
Multilevel regressions predicting household food insecurity, HAZ, and WHZ
stratified by ethnic group
Go to TableOpen in Viewer
Table S5.
Multilevel regressions predicting household wealth index, land cultivated, and
livestock owned
Go to TableOpen in Viewer
Table S6.
Multilevel regressions predicting household wealth index, land cultivated, and
livestock owned stratified by ethnic group
Go to TableOpen in Viewer
Table S7.
Multilevel regressions predicting household food security, HAZ, and WHZ
Go to TableOpen in Viewer


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Now Reading:
No evidence that polygynous marriage is a harmful cultural practice in northern
Tanzania
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FiguresTables
View figure
Fig. S1.
Location of the 56 study villages included in the Whole Village Project.
Ethnicity is coded as the most common ethnicity in each village. Red circle,
Maasai village; orange triangle, Rangi village; green diamond, Sukuma village;
blue square, Meru village; white diamond, other ethnicity village. Reproduced
from ref. 34.
View figure
Fig. 1.
Child height-for-age by village sorted by polygyny prevalence. There is strong
ethnic and village-level variation in child health. Relatively monogamous Meru
villages tend to have relatively good child health, whereas relatively
polygynous Maasai villages tend to have relatively poor child health. The dashed
line represents the WHO cutoff for chronic malnutrition. Ethnicity is coded as
the majority ethnic group residing in each village. Error bars represent 95%
CIs. Red circle, Maasai; green diamond, Sukuma; orange triangle, Rangi; blue
square, Meru; white diamond, other ethnicity.
View figure
Fig. 2.
Food security and child health by household type. Within villages polygyny is
associated with relatively high food security when households are headed by a
male and relatively low food security when headed by a female (typically later
wife households). Stratified analysis confirms higher food security in the
Sukuma and relatively improved child weight-for-height in both the Sukuma and
Rangi, for male-headed polygynous households. The reference category (dashed
line) is male-headed monogamous households (Table S4 for full model output). +P
< 0.1, *P < 0.05, **P < 0.01, and ***P < 0.001.
View figure
Fig. 3.
Wealth index, land cultivated, and livestock owned by household type. Within
villages polygynous households, particularly when headed by males, cultivate
more land and own more livestock than monogamous households. The reference
category (dashed line) is male-headed monogamous households (Table S6 for full
model output). +P < 0.1, *P < 0.05, **P < 0.01, and ***P < 0.001.
View figure
Fig. 4.
Village differences in food security and child health by polygyny prevalence.
Predicted village intercepts before (A) and after (B) adjustment for
village-level differences in ecological vulnerability (annual rainfall) and
socioeconomic marginalization (distance to district capital and proportion of
household heads with nonzero education). After adjustment, polygyny prevalence
is unrelated to food security and HAZ, and positively predicts WHZ. Intercepts
are mean/mode centered for household characteristics. See text for estimated
coefficients and Table S7 for corresponding model output. Red circle, Maasai
village; green diamond, Sukuma village; orange triangle, Rangi village; blue
square, Meru village; white diamond, other ethnicity village.
Table S1.
Demographic characteristics by household type and ethnicity for working sample
(n = 1764 households, 2833 children)
Table S2.
Household and village characteristics for working sample by ethnicity
Table S3.
Linear and multilevel regressions predicting household food security, HAZ, and
WHZ
Table S4.
Multilevel regressions predicting household food insecurity, HAZ, and WHZ
stratified by ethnic group
Table S5.
Multilevel regressions predicting household wealth index, land cultivated, and
livestock owned
Table S6.
Multilevel regressions predicting household wealth index, land cultivated, and
livestock owned stratified by ethnic group
Table S7.
Multilevel regressions predicting household food security, HAZ, and WHZ
Reference #1

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