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NEO-NAZIS AND THE FAR RIGHT ARE ON THE MARCH IN UKRAINE

FIVE YEARS AFTER THE MAIDAN UPRISING, ANTI-SEMITISM AND FASCIST-INFLECTED
ULTRANATIONALISM ARE RAMPANT.

BY LEV GOLINKIN

FEBRUARY 22, 2019

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February 22, 2019

A march of the Azov Battalian, Svoboda, and other far-right radical groups in
Kiev, October 14, 2017. (Reuters / Gleb Garanich)

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Five years ago, Ukraine’s Maidan uprising ousted President Viktor Yanukovych, to
the cheers and support of the West. Politicians and analysts in the United
States and Europe not only celebrated the uprising as a triumph of democracy,
but denied reports of Maidan’s ultranationalism, smearing those who warned about
the dark side of the uprising as Moscow puppets and useful idiots. Freedom was
on the march in Ukraine.

Today, increasing reports of far-right violence, ultranationalism, and erosion
of basic freedoms are giving the lie to the West’s initial euphoria. There are
neo-Nazi pogroms against the Roma, rampant attacks on feminists and LGBT groups,
book bans, and state-sponsored glorification of Nazi collaborators.

These stories of Ukraine’s dark nationalism aren’t coming out of Moscow; they’re
being filed by Western media, including US-funded Radio Free Europe (RFE);
Jewish organizations such as the World Jewish Congress and the Simon Wiesenthal
Center; and watchdogs like Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and
Freedom House, which issued a joint report warning that Kiev is losing the
monopoly on the use of force in the country as far-right gangs operate with
impunity.

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Five years after Maidan, the beacon of democracy is looking more like a
torchlight march.

THE OBSESSION WITH JUSSIE SMOLLETT’S ‘HOAX’ IS OBSCURING THE REAL THREAT OF
RACIST VIOLENCE

Joan Walsh

A NEO-NAZI BATTALION IN THE HEART OF EUROPE

“Volunteer Ukrainian Unit Includes Nazis.”—USA Today, March 10, 2015

The DC establishment’s standard defense of Kiev is to point out that Ukraine’s
far right has a smaller percentage of seats in the parliament than their
counterparts in places like France. That’s a spurious argument: What Ukraine’s
far right lacks in polls numbers, it makes up for with things Marine Le Pen
could only dream of—paramilitary units and free rein on the streets.

Post-Maidan Ukraine is the world’s only nation to have a neo-Nazi formation in
its armed forces. The Azov Battalion was initially formed out of the neo-Nazi
gang Patriot of Ukraine. Andriy Biletsky, the gang’s leader who became Azov’s
commander, once wrote that Ukraine’s mission is to “lead the White Races of the
world in a final crusade…against the Semite-led Untermenschen.” Biletsky is now
a deputy in Ukraine’s parliament.

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In the fall of 2014, Azov—which is accused of human-rights abuses, including
torture, by Human Rights Watch and the United Nations—was incorporated into
Ukraine’s National Guard.

While the group officially denies any neo-Nazi connections, Azov’s nature has
been confirmed by multiple Western outlets: The New York Times called the
battalion “openly neo-Nazi,” while USA Today, The Daily Beast, The Telegraph,
and Haaretz documented group members’ proclivity for swastikas, salutes, and
other Nazi symbols, and individual fighters have also acknowledged being
neo-Nazis.

In January 2018, Azov rolled out its National Druzhina street patrol unit whose
members swore personal fealty to Biletsky and pledged to “restore Ukrainian
order” to the streets. The Druzhina quickly distinguished itself by carrying out
pogroms against the Roma and LGBT organizations and storming a municipal
council. Earlier this year, Kiev announced the neo-Nazi unit will be monitoring
polls in next month’s presidential election.

In 2017, Congressman Ro Khanna led the effort to ban Azov from receiving U.S.
arms and training. But the damage has already been done: The research group
Bellingcat proved that Azov had already received access to American grenade
launchers, while a Daily Beast investigation showed that US trainers are unable
to prevent aid from reaching white supremacists. And Azov itself had proudly
posted a video of the unit welcoming NATO representatives.

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(Azov isn’t the only far-right formation to get Western affirmation. In December
2014, Amnesty International accused the Dnipro-1 battalion of potential war
crimes, including “using starvation of civilians as a method of warfare.” Six
months later, Senator John McCain visited and praised the battalion.)

Particularly concerning is Azov’s campaign to transform Ukraine into a hub for
transnational white supremacy. The unit has recruited neo-Nazis from Germany,
the UK, Brazil, Sweden, and America; last October, the FBI arrested four
California white supremacists who had allegedly received training from Azov.
This is a classic example of blowback: US support of radicals abroad ricocheting
to hit America.

FAR RIGHT TIES TO GOVERNMENT

“Ukrainian police declare admiration for Nazi collaborators”—RFE, February 13,
2019

Speaker of Parliament Andriy Parubiy cofounded and led two neo-Nazi
organizations: the Social-National Party of Ukraine (later renamed Svoboda), and
Patriot of Ukraine, whose members would eventually form the core of Azov.

Although Parubiy left the far right in the early 2000’s, he hasn’t rejected his
past. When asked about it in a 2016 interview, Parubiy replied that his “values”
haven’t changed. Parubiy, whose autobiography shows him marching with the
neo-Nazi wolfsangel symbol used by Aryan Nations, regularly meets with
Washington think tanks and politicians; his neo-Nazi background is ignored or
outright denied.

Even more disturbing is the far right’s penetration of law enforcement. Shortly
after Maidan, the US equipped and trained the newly founded National Police, in
what was intended to be a hallmark program buttressing Ukrainian democracy.

The deputy minister of the Interior—which controls the National Police—is Vadim
Troyan, a veteran of Azov and Patriot of Ukraine. In 2014, when Troyan was being
considered for police chief of Kiev, Ukrainian Jewish leaders were appalled by
his neo-Nazi background. Today, he’s deputy of the department running US-trained
law enforcement in the entire nation.

Earlier this month, RFE reported on National Police leadership admiring Stepan
Bandera—a Nazi collaborator and Fascist whose troops participated in the
Holocaust—on social media.

The fact that Ukraine’s police is peppered with far-right supporters explains
why neo-Nazis operate with impunity on the streets.

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STATE-SPONSORED GLORIFICATION OF NAZI COLLABORATORS

“Ukrainian extremists celebrate Ukrainian Nazi SS divisions…in the middle of a
major Ukrainian city”—Anti-Defamation League Director of European Affairs, April
28, 2018

It’s not just the military and street gangs: Ukraine’s far right has
successfully hijacked the post-Maidan government to impose an intolerant and
ultranationalist culture over the land.

In 2015, the Ukrainian parliament passed legislation making two WWII
paramilitaries—the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the
Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA)—heroes of Ukraine, and made it a criminal offense
to deny their heroism. The OUN had collaborated with the Nazis and participated
in the Holocaust, while the UPA slaughtered thousands of Jews and 70,000-100,000
Poles on their own volition.

The government-funded Ukrainian Institute of National Memory is
institutionalizing the whitewashing of Nazi collaborators. Last summer, the
Ukrainian parliament featured an exhibit commemorating the OUN’s 1941
proclamation of cooperation with the Third Reich (imagine the French government
installing an exhibit celebrating the Vichy state!).

Torchlight marches in honor of OUN/UPA leaders like Roman Shukhevych (a
commander in a Third Reich auxiliary battalion) are a regular feature of the new
Ukraine. The recuperation even extends to SS Galichina, a Ukrainian division of
the Waffen-SS; the director of the Institute of National Memory proclaimed that
the SS fighters were “war victims.” The government’s embrace of Bandera is not
only deplorable, but also extremely divisive, considering the OUN/UPA are
reviled in eastern Ukraine.

Predictably, the celebration of Nazi collaborators has accompanied a rise in
outright anti-Semitism.

“Jews Out!” chanted thousands during a January 2017 march honoring OUN leader
Bandera. (The next day the police denied hearing anything anti-Semitic.) That
summer, a three-day festival celebrating the Nazi collaborator Shukhevych capped
off with the firebombing of a synagogue. In November 2017, RFE reported Nazi
salutes as 20,000 marched in honor of the UPA. And last April, hundreds marched
in L’viv with coordinated Nazi salutes honoring SS Galichina; the march was
promoted by the L’viv regional government.

The Holocaust revisionism is a multi-pronged effort, ranging from
government-funded seminars, brochures, and board games, to the proliferation of
plaques, statues, and streets renamed after butchers of Jews, to far-right
children camps, where youth are inculcated with ultranationalist ideology.

Within several years, an entire generation will be indoctrinated to worship
Holocaust perpetrators as national heroes.

BOOK BANS

“No state should be allowed to interfere in the writing of history.”—British
historian Antony Beevor, after his award-winning book was banned in Ukraine, The
Telegraph, January 23, 2018

Ukraine’s State Committee for Television and Radio Broadcasting is enforcing the
glorification of Ukraine’s new heroes by banning “anti-Ukrainian” literature
that goes against the government narrative. This ideological censorship includes
acclaimed books by Western authors.

In January 2018, Ukraine made international headlines by banning Stalingrad by
award-winning British historian Antony Beevor because of a single paragraph
about a Ukrainian unit massacring 90 Jewish children during World War II. In
December, Kiev banned The Book Thieves by Swedish author Anders Rydell (which,
ironically, is about the Nazis’ suppression of literature) because he mentioned
troops loyal to Symon Petliura (an early 20th-century nationalist leader) had
slaughtered Jews.

This month, the Ukrainian embassy in Washington exported this intolerance to
America by brazenly demanding the United States ban a Russian movie from
American theaters. Apparently, the billions Washington invested in promoting
democracy in Ukraine have failed to teach Kiev basic concepts of free speech.

ANTI-SEMITISM

“I’m telling you one more time—go to hell, kikes. The Ukrainian people have had
it to here with you.”—Security services reserve general Vasily Vovk, May 11,
2017

Unsurprisingly, government-led glorification of Holocaust perpetrators was a
green light for other forms of anti-Semitism. The past three years saw an
explosion of swastikas and SS runes on city streets, death threats, and
vandalism of Holocaust memorials, Jewish centers, cemeteries, tombs, and places
of worship, all of which led Israel to take the unusual step of publicly urging
Kiev to address the epidemic.

Public officials make anti-Semitic threats with no repercussions. These include:
a security services general promising to eliminate the zhidi (a slur equivalent
to ‘kikes’); a parliament deputy going off on an anti-Semitic rant on
television; a far-right politician lamenting Hitler didn’t finish off the Jews;
and an ultranationalist leader vowing to cleanse Odessa of zhidi.

For the first few years after Maidan, Jewish organizations largely refrained
from criticizing Ukraine, perhaps in the hope Kiev would address the issue on
its own. But by 2018, the increasing frequency of anti-Semitic incidents led
Jewish groups to break their silence.

Last year, the Israeli government’s annual report on anti-Semitism heavily
featured Ukraine, which had more incidents than all post-Soviet states combined.
The World Jewish Congress, the US Holocaust Memorial Museum, and 57 members of
the US Congress all vociferously condemned Kiev’s Nazi glorification and the
concomitant anti-Semitism.

Ukrainian Jewish leaders are also speaking out. In 2017, the director of one of
Ukraine’s largest Jewish organizations published a New York Times op-ed urging
the West to address Kiev’s whitewashing. Last year, 41 Ukrainian Jewish leaders
denounced the growth of anti-Semitism. That’s especially telling, given that
many Ukrainian Jewish leaders supported the Maidan uprising.

None of these concerns have been addressed in any meaningful way.

ROMA POGROMS

“‘They wanted to kill us’: masked neo-fascists strike fear into Ukraine’s Roma.”
—The Guardian, August 27, 2018

Ukraine’s far right has resisted carrying out outright attacks on Jews; other
vulnerable groups haven’t been so lucky.

Last spring, a lethal wave of anti-Roma pogroms swept through Ukraine, with at
least six attacks in two months. Footage from the pogroms evokes the 1930s:
Armed thugs attack women and children while razing their camps. At least one man
was killed, while others, including a child, were stabbed.

Two gangs behind the attacks—C14 and the National Druzhina—felt comfortable
enough to proudly post pogrom videos on social media. That’s not surprising,
considering that the National Druzhina is part of Azov, while the neo-Nazi C14
receives government funding for “educational” programs. Last October, C14 leader
Serhiy Bondar was welcomed at America House Kyiv, a center run by the US
government.

Appeals from international organizations and the US embassy fell on deaf ears:
Months after the United Nations demanded Kiev end “systematic persecution” of
the Roma, a human-rights group reported C14 were allegedly intimidating Roma in
a joint patrol with the Kiev police.

LGBT AND WOMEN’S-RIGHTS GROUPS

“‘It’s even worse than before’: How the ‘Revolution of Dignity’ Failed LGBT
Ukrainians.”—RFE, November 21, 2018

In 2016, after pressure from the US Congress, the Kiev government began
providing security for the annual Kiev Pride parade. However, this increasingly
looks like a Potemkin affair: two hours of protection, with widespread attacks
on LGBT individuals and gatherings during the rest of the year. Nationalist
groups have targeted LGBT meetings with impunity, going so far as to shut down
an event hosted by Amnesty International as well as assault a Western journalist
at a transgender rights rally. Women’s-rights marches have also been targeted,
including brazen attacks in March.

ATTACKS ON PRESS

“The Committee to Protect Journalists condemns a Ukrainian law enforcement raid
at the Kiev offices of Media Holding Vesti…more than a dozen masked officers
ripped open doors with crowbars, seized property, and fired tear gas in the
offices.”—The Committee to Protect Journalists, February 9, 2018

In May 2016, Myrotvorets, an ultranationalist website with links to the
government, published the personal data of thousands of journalists who had
obtained accreditation from Russia-backed rebels in eastern Ukraine. Myrotvorets
labeled the journalists “terrorist collaborators.”

A government-tied website declaring open season on journalists would be
dangerous anywhere, but it is especially so in Ukraine, which has a disturbing
track record of journalist assassinations. This includes Oles Buzina, gunned
down in 2015, and Pavel Sheremet, assassinated by car bomb a year later.

The Myrotvorets doxing was denounced by Western reporters, the Committee to
Protect Journalists, and ambassadors from the G7 nations. In response, Kiev
officials, including Interior Minister Arsen Avakov, praised the site: “This is
your choice to cooperate with occupying forces,” Avakov told journalists, while
posting “I Support Myrotvorets” on Facebook. Myrotvorets remains operational
today.

Last fall brought another attack on the media, this time using the courts. The
Prosecutor General’s office was granted a warrant to seize records of RFE
anti-corruption reporter Natalie Sedletska. An RFE spokeswoman warned that
Kiev’s actions created “a chilling atmosphere for journalists,” while parliament
deputy Mustafa Nayyem called it “an example of creeping dictatorship.”

LANGUAGE LAWS

“[Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk] also made a personal appeal to
Russian-speaking Ukrainians, pledging to support…a special status to the Russian
language.”—US Secretary of State John Kerry, April 24, 2014

Ukraine is extraordinarily multilingual: In addition to the millions of
Russian-speaking eastern Ukrainians, there are areas where Hungarian, Romanian,
and other tongues are prevalent. These languages were protected by a 2012
regional-language law.

The post-Maidan government alarmed Russian-speaking Ukrainians by attempting to
annul that law. The US State Department and Secretary of State John Kerry sought
to assuage fears in 2014 by pledging that Kiev would protect the status of
Russian. Those promises came to naught.

A 2017 law mandated that secondary education be conducted strictly in Ukrainian,
which infuriated Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, and Greece. Several regions passed
legislation banning the use of Russian in public life. Quotas enforce Ukrainian
usage on TV and radio. (This would be akin to Washington forcing
Spanish-language media to broadcast mostly in English.)

And in February 2018, Ukraine’s supreme court struck down the 2012 regional
language law—the one Kerry promised eastern Ukrainians would stay in effect.

Currently, Kiev is preparing to pass a draconian law that would mandate the use
of Ukrainian in most aspects of public life. It’s another example of Kiev
alienating millions of its own citizens, while claiming to embrace Western
values.

THE PRICE OF WILLFUL BLINDNESS

These examples are only a tiny fraction of Ukraine’s slide toward intolerance,
but they should be enough to point out the obvious: Washington’s decision to
ignore the proliferation of armed neo-Nazi groups in a highly unstable nation
only led to them gaining more power.

This easily predictable outcome is in marked contrast to Washington’s enthusiasm
over the “Revolution of Dignity.” “Nationalism is exactly what Ukraine needs,”
proclaimed a New Republic article by historian Anne Applebaum, whose celebration
of nationalism came out right around the time that Ukraine green-lighted the
formation of white-supremacist paramilitaries. A mere four months after
Applebaum’s essay, Newsweek ran an article titled “Ukrainian nationalist
volunteers committing ‘ISIS-style’ war crimes.”

In essay after essay, DC foreign-policy heads have denied or celebrated the
influence of Ukraine’s far right. (Curiously, the same analysts vociferously
denounce rising nationalism in Hungary, Poland, and Italy as highly dangerous.)
Perhaps think-tankers deluded themselves into thinking Kiev’s far-right phase
would tucker itself out. More likely, they simply embraced DC’s go-to strategy
of “my enemy’s enemy is my friend.” Either way, the ramifications stretch far
beyond Ukraine.

America’s backing of the Maidan uprising, along with the billions DC sinks into
post-Maidan Kiev, make it clear: Starting February 2014, Ukraine became
Washington’s latest democracy-spreading project. What we permit in Ukraine sends
a green light to others.

By tolerating neo-Nazi gangs and battalions, state-led Holocaust distortion, and
attacks on LGBT and the Roma, the United States is telling the rest of Europe:
“We’re fine with this.” The implications—especially at a time of a global
far-right revival—are profoundly disturbing.

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