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Home Research & Publications Commentaries Seven pointers for the new EUSR for
Central Asia
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3667 - No. 46


SEVEN POINTERS FOR THE NEW EUSR FOR CENTRAL ASIA

EUCAM commentary No. 46

By
Jos Boonstra
-
June 22, 2021
0
2389

Download “Seven pointers for the new EUSR for Central Asia”
EUCAM-Commentary-46_2021.pdf – Downloaded 152 times – 236 KB

The position of European Union Special Representative (EUSR) for Central Asia is
key for EU-Central Asia relations. The EU’s visibility in the region remains
modest, and the EUSR plays a central role, not only as the primary point of
contact between the Central Asian countries and EU institutions, but also as the
embodiment of and main driving force behind the EU’s strategy for the region.
Over the last six years, Peter Burian (a Slovak national) and his rotating team
fulfilled this mandate in a noticeably active, compelling, and effective manner,
leaving a positive legacy. Ambassador Burian was a regular traveller to the
region and trusted listener to official and civil society concerns alike, both
in Central Asia and in Europe. Arguably, his biggest achievement was guiding the
process of developing a new EU strategy for Central Asia that replaced the
initial 2007 document. 

The new EUSR, Ambassador Terhi Hakala (a Finnish diplomat with broad experience
in Eastern Europe and Central Asia), will have the opportunity to set her own
priorities within the parameters of the mandate and the EU’s strategy. The EU
has come a long way over the past 15 years – since the creation of the mandate
of EUSR for Central Asia in 2005 and the launch of the first EU strategy for
Central Asia in 2007 – in strengthening relations with Central Asian countries.
However, now that cooperation mechanisms are up and running, and the fact that
Central Asia is not a priority for the EU, there is a risk of complacency and
inactivity. For the EU to capitalise on the time and funding invested to date,
it needs to grasp the opportunities that occasionally come along (such as the
opening of Uzbekistan) and react more actively to worrying trends that are
gaining momentum (such as Kyrgyzstan’s rising authoritarianism and Kyrgyz-Tajik
borderland tensions). The new EUSR’s role will be instrumental in spearheading
these approaches on behalf of the EU.

In order to help the new EUSR get up to speed, we have taken the liberty to
briefly outline seven matters that Ambassador Hakala might want to consider in
the fulfilment of her mandate:

First, be a coordinator inside the EU to assure effective coordination between
delegations in the region and Brussels, as well as between the European
Commission and the European External Action Service. Especially in the case of
the latter, there is room to improve the precarious balance between the EU’s
foreign policy and development aid. Whereas the EUSR might not have a direct say
over these matters, she can help rally officials around common interests and
ideas.

Second, inform national capitals about the EU’s activities in Central Asia, and
more importantly, try to spark interest from EU member states and other European
countries, foremost Norway, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. Overall,
European interest in Central Asia is low, and European countries are happy to
have their affairs in Central Asia managed by Brussels (possibly excluding
economic interests in Kazakhstan), but they are also keen to be kept informed
about what the EU does, and they are occasionally willing to make (modest)
national contributions. So, EUSR (virtual) travel should include Madrid and
Warsaw next to Dushanbe and Tashkent. 

Third, focus primarily on Europe and Central Asia, but do not lose touch with
other important actors in the region. Direct cooperation with so-called
non-like-minded actors, such as China and Russia, may not be likely to
materialise in the short term, but dialogue and exchange of information with
these actors makes sense, not least to defuse geopolitical tensions and inspire
a more cooperative environment in and around the region. Meanwhile, cooperation
with the ‘like-minded’ United States is also modest, as Brussels and Washington
both attach little priority to the region. Be aware that geopolitical actors
involved in Central Asia continuously risk being played off by each other and by
Central Asian leaders. 

Fourth, build a network in Central Asia on which you can rely in times of
crisis. Of course, the EUSR has access to the EU delegations in Central Asian
capitals, but next to that, she should have her own local network of Central
Asian civil servants, community representatives, opinion-makers, activists, and
researchers. It is also important to have contacts outside of the capitals to be
able to get information quickly in case of emergencies (where the EU might play
a positive role). The case of the conflicts on the border between Kyrgyzstan and
Tajikistan (or ten years ago, the unrest and violence in Osh, Kyrgyzstan) is a
case in point, as there is little European intelligence on what exactly is
happening on the ground; what are the drivers of conflict, who are the
stakeholders, and so on.   

Fifth, engage with the Central Asian leaderships, but do not hesitate to hold
them to account. Do not shy away from advertising the importance of the rule of
law, good governance, and social justice, and advocate human rights as a
non-negotiable bottom line of relations. However, refrain from acting as a
‘teacher’ and treat Central Asian leaders as equal partners. Try to inspire and
support ways for Central Asian countries to develop their own (locally
understood and embedded) models of democracy based on good governance and the
rule of law. In the coming period, the EUSR will need to pay close attention to
Kyrgyzstan. Once praised as an isle of democracy in the region, Kyrgyzstan is
now at severe risk of extreme democratic backsliding following the take-over by
the new president and a hastily pushed through new constitution that turns back
the clock for the mountainous republic.

Sixth, maintain a close partnership with civil society, and more specifically,
continue to include them in the EU’s policies towards the region, both as
stakeholders and as beneficiaries, and help cement cooperation between European
and Central Asia civil society. The initiative by Ambassador Burian to organise
annual civil society fora can be seen as an important achievement and offers
specific opportunities to further strengthen ties with civil society. The 2019
EU strategy for Central Asia highlights civil society’s involvement, with
particular attention to research cooperation. It would be helpful if the EUSR
also contributed to securing European funding for such endeavours by societal
organisations and think tanks from Central Asia and Europe. 

Seventh, within her mandate, the EUSR has leeway to advance specific priorities
for issues that warrant further attention. This allows the EUSR to leave her
mark on the relatively new and modest relationship between both regions. Pierre
Morel (2006-12) did so by putting emphasis on high-level security cooperation,
while Patricia Flor (2012-14) sought to bring gender equality to the EU-Central
Asia agenda, and Peter Burian emphasised the role of civil society. The list of
possible issues is endless, but some prominent examples include boosting EU
support for the development of education, and healthcare. More specifically,
emphasis could be put on the question of how to help protect and empower
vulnerable groups in Central Asia, including women and disabled people. 

With a strong mandate, an ambitious EU strategy for Central Asia and the
guidance of these pointers, the new EUSR for Central Asia should be able to hit
the ground running. Undoubtedly, civil society in Europe and Central Asia is
ready to support these efforts.

Jos Boonstra is senior researcher and EUCAM coordinator at the Centre for
European Security
Studies, the Netherlands


Fabienne Bossuyt is assistant professor at the Centre for EU Studies, Department
of
Political Science, Ghent University, Belgium

Download “Seven pointers for the new EUSR for Central Asia”
EUCAM-Commentary-46_2021.pdf – Downloaded 152 times – 236 KB

Picture: JLogan, via Wikimedia Commons

 * TAGS
 * 2021
 * Brussels
 * central asia
 * civil society
 * Human Rights
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Previous articleDelivering aid ‘uphill’: Discussing development cooperation in
the mountainous regions of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan

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Jos Boonstra
Before joining the Centre for European Security Studies in 2016, Boonstra worked
as senior researcher, and later as head of the Eastern Europe and Central Asia
programme at FRIDE, a think tank with offices in Madrid and Brussels. He
completed MAs in Contemporary History and International Relations at the
University of Groningen. His work focuses on Eurasian and transatlantic security
issues (in particular EU, NATO and OSCE policies) as well as on development
policies and democratisation in Eastern Europe, the South Caucasus and Central
Asia. Boonstra is member of several internal research networks and regularly
comments on international issues in the media.



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