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ABOUT HOOVER
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1. JAY BHATTACHARYA
Senior Fellow
Jay Bhattacharya, M.D., is a senior fellow (courtesy) at the Hoover
Institution. Previously, he was a research fellow at the Hoover Institution.
He is a professor at Stanford University Medical School.
2. THOMAS HAZLETT
Visiting Fellow
RESEARCH
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1. Read More Essays
HISTORICAL CONTEXT: AN ERA OF TENUOUS MAJORITIES CONTINUES
The United States is currently experiencing a historically unprecedented
period of electoral instability. Describing this period, Fiorina shows how
it contrasts with earlier periods in American electoral history and explains
how the sorting of the two major political parties into ideologically
opposing organizations does not well represent the larger
electorate—resulting in the inability of either party to forge lasting
majorities.
September 24, 2024 by Morris P. Fiorina
2. Read More News/Press
APPLY NOW: W. GLENN CAMPBELL AND RITA RICARDO-CAMPBELL NATIONAL FELLOWS
PROGRAM
Applications now open for the W. Glenn Campbell and Rita Ricardo-Campbell
National Fellows Program. The Hoover Institution Glenn Campbell and Rita
Ricardo-Campbell National Fellows Program allows outstanding scholars from
colleges, universities, and institutions around the world to be freed from
academic and professional responsibilities to devote one year to
unrestricted, creative research and publication.
September 20, 2024
COMMENTARY
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WINSTON CHURCHILL – THE 150TH ANNIVERSARY
For his 150th birthday, Winston Churchill’s biographer Andrew Roberts joins
Matthew d’Ancona to reveal this towering figure of world history in his full
complexity.
November 28, 2024 featuring Andrew Roberts
2. Read More Articles
A SHORT VERBAL FRIENDSHIP ... AND A QUICK, SAD ENDING
Hoover Institution fellow Cole Bunzel's book, "Wahhabism" is cited in this
article.
November 9, 2024 citing Cole Bunzel
LIBRARY & ARCHIVES
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1. NEWLY CATALOGUED LIBRARY MATERIALS SUMMER 2024
Librarians at the Hoover Institution Library & Archives catalog hundreds of
materials on a monthly basis. Here is a curated list of newly cataloged
items. To view more information and to request access to these materials,
follow the links below to SearchWorks, the Stanford University Libraries
online catalog. Image Author: Russia. Generalʹnyĭ shtab. Glavnoe
upravlenie Title: Sbornik Glavnago upravlenīi︠a︡ Generalʹnago shtaba
[Сборникъ Главнаго управленія Генеральнаго штаба] Published: S-Peterburg,
Voennai︠a︡ tipografīi︠a︡, 1909-1918 The publication represents periodically
created reports for the General Staff of the Russian Imperial Army,
published from 1909 to 1918. These reports mainly focused on foreign armies
and their military capabilities. The reports provided information about the
organization and locations of foreign military units, army training,
readiness, and the general population's military training level. They
included a military-historical section, a military-political section, and
reviews of publications on military topics. The Hoover Institution Library &
Archives holds all issues from January 1910 to the first month of WWI in
1914, followed by an Index of articles [Ukazatelʹ stateĭ, pomi͡eshchennykhʺ
vʺ Sborniki͡e Glavnago Upravlenīi͡a Generalʹnago Shtaba], published in 1914
for the period from 1909 to 1913. HILA copies (v.20-v.62) feature bookplates
with the inscription "From the Library of the Crown Prince and Heir Apparent
Aleksei Nikolaevich." Image Author: Wilhelm Heine Title: Reis om de wereld
naar Japan Published: [Rotterdam], [H. Nijgh], [1856] This 1856 publication
is a Dutch translation of Reise um die Erde nach Japan an Bord der
Expeditions-Escadre unter Commodore M.C. Perry. It charts the 1852/1855
United States Naval Expedition to Japan, which was led by Commodore Matthew
Perry, and it includes a chapter on the Sandwich Islands (Hawaii). It has a
beautiful and intricate frontispiece illustration and illustrated leaves of
plates throughout. Image Author: Ria Cooreman & Evelyn McMillan Title:
Belgian war lace 1914–1918 Published: [Ghent], Snoeck ; Brussels, Royal
Museums of Art and History, [2024] This richly illustrated publication
documents the Royal Museums of Art and History's collection of war lace,
specifically the lace made in Belgium during World War I, known as "war
lace". It showcases the work of several lace makers, their distinctive
designs, and their efforts to preserve this national art form during the
deprivations of war. The publication features a poster titled "Belgian lace
is not a luxury" held by HILA, painted by Sterne Stevens for the Commission
for Relief in Belgium, which appears on page [1] of the publication. The
book also highlights the lace given to the Hoovers in appreciation of their
relief efforts on behalf of lace workers. One of the authors, Evelyn
McMillan, is a Librarian Emerita at Stanford University. Image Author:
Gilbert de Chambertrand Title: Les causes cosmiques de la guerre de 1939
Published: Paris, Adyar, 1946 This rare book attempts to chart the origins
and causes of World War II through astrology. It includes several
astrological charts, including natal charts, relating to Adolf Hitler, his
family, the establishment of the Nazi party, and the German invasion of
Poland. It also includes a chapter dedicated to Benito Mussolini’s
astrology. Image Title: Baraban [Барабан] Published: Petrograd: Izd-vo
t-vo "Novyĭ Satirikon", 1917-1918 The satirical journal "Baraban" was
published in Russia during the turbulent years of 1917 and 1918, ceasing
publishing in the spring of 1918. The journal's caricatures, some in color,
were followed by short stories and spoofs about current events. Its texts
aimed to ridicule and were equally critical of both the right and the left,
accusing them of threats to democracy (Tsentr Sotsialno-politicheskoi
Istorii). In addition to addressing political figures and events in
revolutionary Russia, the journal also commented on world events, including
WWI enemies and allies.
September 4, 2024 by Marissa
2. HOOVER ACQUIRES THE MANN RANDOLPH PAGE AND JOHN ARCHBOLD HUFTY AMERICA FIRST
COMMITTEE COLLECTION
The Hoover Institution Library & Archives has acquired the papers of Mann
Randolph Page Hufty, a Washington DC-born insurance executive and financier
who also served as the national director of organization for the America
First Committee (AFC), an organization that encouraged American
non-intervention in European affairs before the bombing of Pearl Harbor
brought America into World War II. The collection includes correspondence,
newsletters, office files, artwork, and cartoons pertaining to the
isolationist movement in America in 1940-41. Hoover Archives also houses the
organizational records of the America First Committee and the papers of its
founder, Robert Douglas Stuart, Jr., who was a lifelong friend of Mr. Hufty.
Born on July 6, 1907, Mann Randolph Page Hufty, who went by “Page,” was an
entrepreneur and noted athlete at an early age. As a champion golfer in his
youth he became the youngest golfer ever to win the esteemed North-South
amateur golf tournament in Pinehurst, North Carolina. Hufty won the
competition in 1926 at the age of eighteen; only one other golfer, a young
Jack Nicklaus in 1959, has ever since won the tournament as a teenager.
While in his early twenties, Hufty founded Page Hufty Inc., a successful
insurance firm that later became part of the Corroon & Black insurance
brokerage house. Over the ensuing years Hufty would become the director of
dozens of other companies, splitting his time between Washington DC and Palm
Beach, Florida. During the years of intense debate over American involvement
in European military matters at the end of the 1930s, Hufty came to believe
that US intervention abroad would be a costly mistake in terms of money and
lives. He joined the America First Committee and worked tirelessly as its
director of national organizing, overseeing recruiting of committee members,
a speakers bureau that would organize 126 public addresses and rallies in 32
states, the publishing of newsletters and position papers, the creation of
advertisements, the launching of mail campaigns, and managing congressional
liaison efforts. Though the America First Committee would be
short-lived—established in September 1940 and disbanded in December 1941
after the bombing of Pearl Harbor—it nonetheless exerted a significant and
forceful influence on American political debate, largely due to its
effective organization of mass communication. The papers of Page Hufty were
donated to Hoover by Hufty’s eldest son, John “Jack” Archbold Hufty, a
resident of West Palm Beach, Florida. The contents of the collection serve
as one of the most important tools available to date for the study of the
interventionist/non-interventionist debate that dominated American political
conversation during 1940-41.
September 4, 2024 by Marissa
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1. Read More NEWS/PRESS
HOOVER INSTITUTION WELCOMES SUPPORTERS TO THE 2024 SPRING RETREAT IN ARIZONA
The Hoover Institution gathered its supporters in Scottsdale, Arizona, April
25‒27 for its annual spring retreat, where Director Condoleezza Rice
apprised attendees of a variety of new programs underway to aid Hoover in
the advancement of research-based policy ideas for a dynamic, free, and
prosperous America.
April 30, 2024
2. Read More NEWS/PRESS
HOOVER’S MICHAEL HARTNEY WINS THE AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION’S
AWARD FOR BEST BOOK ON EDUCATION POLITICS AND POLICY
Michael Hartney, the Bruni Family Fellow at the Hoover Institution, is the
2024 recipient of the American Political Science Association (APSA) prize
for the best book on education politics, a prize awarded annually by APSA’s
Education Politics and Policy Section.
September 10, 2024 by featuring Michael T. Hartney
Articles
ISLAMISM AND IMMIGRATION IN GERMANY AND THE EUROPEAN CONTEXT
Large scale immigration has led to important changes in political discourse
across much of Europe. The lack of successful integration policies has put
pressure on government services, thereby weakening social cohesion and,
unsurprisingly, producing a vocal and sometimes violent backlash.
Tuesday, September 17, 2024 5 min read By: Russell A. Berman, Research Team:
Middle East and the Islamic World Working Group, Military History in
Contemporary Conflict Working Group,
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ISLAMISM AND IMMIGRATION IN GERMANY AND THE EUROPEAN CONTEXT
By: Russell A. Berman
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Media master==
The Caravan Hoover Daily Report Issues Affecting American Democracy: Election
2024
Issue 2244 Tuesday, September 17, 2024
Large scale immigration has led to important changes in political discourse
across much of Europe. The lack of successful integration policies has put
pressure on government services, thereby weakening social cohesion and,
unsurprisingly, producing a vocal and sometimes violent backlash. The
anti-immigrant Rassemblement National received the most votes in the recent snap
election in France, while the even more radically nativist Alternative für
Deutschland did well in the June European elections and is positioned to do
equally well or better in regional elections in Eastern Germany in September.
Since these parties also tend to be critical of the traditional Atlantic
alliance, the potential political shifts fueled by anti-immigration sentiment
are directly relevant to American national interest. If these parties eventually
enter governing coalitions–not imminent, but not unimaginable–traditional
Atlanticist commitments will be called into question. U.S. policy makers should
be paying attention.
There is a second piece to the puzzle. In contemporary European discourse, the
challenges of immigration are inextricably tied to questions of Islam and
Islamism. Of course not all immigrants come from Muslim majority countries–many
more are Christians from Ukraine. Nor are all Muslim immigrants Islamists, i.e.
advocates of radical political views shaped by particular strains of Islam.
Nonetheless, the dissemination of Islamism in Europe overlaps significantly with
immigration patterns. The responses to both issues–immigration and Islamism–
connect them to each other, so that immigrants are wrongly assumed to hail
primarily from the Muslim Middle East, and Muslims are, equally wrongly, assumed
all to be Islamist. With these caveats in mind, it is important to recognize how
Europe has not succeeded in integrating the Middle Eastern immigrant population,
elements of which cling to Islamist viewpoints incompatible with liberal Western
societies.
The specific character of the combination of the two–Islamism and
immigration–varies from country to country. Some countries in Central Europe,
like Hungary, have adamantly refused to accept Muslim immigrant communities,
while Poland, the Baltics and Finland face weaponized immigration from Belarus
and Russia. Countries in the European South, like Italy, are in the front-lines
of cross-Mediterranean human trafficking so that immigration has shifted
politics to the right and induced tensions with the European Union. The United
Kingdom opted for Brexit in part to reduce immigration, but successive
governments have failed to do so: anti-immigrant civil unrest, evidenced in this
summer’s riots, has ensued.
Germany is a particularly instructive case in point. It is the dominant
political force in the European Union with the largest economy. It is also the
country with, in absolute terms, the largest foreign-born population, as it has
long been an attractive destination for immigrants, whether from other EU
countries or from outside the EU. Today about one in five residents was born
outside Germany, and of those born outside the EU, most come from Muslim
majority countries, especially Turkey and Syria. Many Muslim immigrants
integrate successfully–some even pursue prominent political careers–but many
others bring with them cultural inclinations that make integration difficult.
This cultural baggage from their home countries includes generalized grievances
against “the West,” emphatically patriarchal expectations hostile to gender
equality, and an uncompromising animosity toward Israel indistinguishable from
antisemitism.
Unlike England and France, Germany does not have a history as a colonial power
in the Middle East. One might therefore expect an easier path toward
integration. Yet post-war Germany also has a history of facing up to its Nazi
past, accepting responsibility for the Holocaust, and therefore articulating
consistent support for Israel. Former Chancellor Angela Merkel phrased this
commitment famously by insisting that Israeli security is part of Germany’s
“raison d’état.” In addition, much of the German public remains acutely
concerned about expressions of antisemitism. There are exceptions, to be sure,
especially in the academic and cultural sector where antisemitism has become
embarrassingly pronounced: more education is no guarantor against bigotry, as
the United States witnessed at our own elite universities during the past year.
However German public opinion in general still rejects the outbursts of
antisemitism that have multiplied in the wake of the October 7, 2023 Hamas
attacks. Unfortunately, that same revulsion against antisemitism does not hold
for the Islamist faction among immigrants into Germany.
The post-war efforts to “come to terms with the Nazi past” and to reject the
legacy of antisemitism represent one of the main features of modern Germany’s
path toward liberal democracy. Yet precisely this German refusal of antisemitism
has become a point of conflict with Muslim immigration and assimilation. Many
immigrants arrive from countries where antisemitic attitudes are widespread, and
these attitudes have fueled some of the anti-Israel protests in Germany. One
consequence is a dramatic spike in insecurity in Germany’s Jewish population who
have faced physical assaults, as synagogues operate only under armed police
protection. A further consequence is a more general sharpening of debates around
immigration and the rule of law, moving the Overton window toward the political
right. This transformation of the political landscape may ultimately have an
impact on US-German bilateral relations and transatlantic cooperation more
broadly.
Immigration into Germany is hardly new. There is a long history of immigration,
including the arrival of the Protestant Huguenots from seventeenth-century
France who found a degree of religious tolerance in Prussia; the many Russians
who fled the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 to settle in Berlin; and the waves of
foreign workers, starting in the 1950s who built the “Wirtschaftswunder,” the
economic miracle, through which West Germany recovered after the devastation of
the Second World War. Assimilation was not always seamless, but immigrants often
ultimately succeeded in integrating, as they viewed their arrival in Germany as
a gateway to opportunity.
However, for the large-scale immigration, especially from the Middle East, of
the early twenty-first century, different attitudes and circumstances have made
integration more difficult to achieve. Among the immigrants, various strands of
neo-traditionalism in the Muslim communities have contributed to a preference
for separatism and the development of “parallel societies,” hostile to modern
social norms. The expectation to identity with and enter into German mainstream
culture, a Leitkultur, has come to be denounced as an illegitimate imposition.
In other words, cultural assimilation is no longer necessarily regarded as an
unquestionable desideratum or an opportunity for improvement. On the contrary,
in April Islamist demonstrators in Hamburg, for example, called for replacing
Germany’s liberal democracy with a “caliphate.” Meanwhile, with regard to the
receiving society, German cultural self-understanding –as in much of the
West–has grown less self-confident. It is now shaped more by the fragmentation
of multiculturalism rather than by a cohesive German national identity. If a
host country is unsure of itself, immigrants may become less eager to integrate
themselves into it. More abstractly: contemporary post-modern societies have
become entropic and decentered, with the result that assimilation becomes
elusive.
As a result of failed integration policies, immigrant-majority neighborhoods
develop, such as Neukölln in Berlin, once a German working-class area, now
largely a Muslim ghetto. Failed integration also contributes to a widespread
perception of greater criminality. The same debate is playing out across the
continent: allegations of higher crime rates among immigrants circulate, in turn
eliciting quick denunciations that these insinuations are only expressions of
prejudice or racism. A secondary debate then follows about the methodology of
crime statistics and, in particular, whether the citizenship status or race of
suspected criminals should even be reported. Progressives argue that such
reporting runs the risk of stigmatizing whole groups, while others counter that
concealing the suspect’s identity feeds conspiracy theories and the populist
allegation that the press and the government are hiding “the truth.” The
controversy is playing out now in Berlin in a symptomatic way. The General
Secretary of the Liberal Party, Bijan Djir-Sarai, has called for transparency
regarding the nationality of criminal suspects, while the head of the Social
Democratic Party’s committee on Migration and Diversity, Aziz Bozkurt, denounces
that proposal as “right-wing populism.” Interestingly the advocates on both
sides of the debate have immigrant backgrounds. Djir-Sarai was born in 1976 in
Tehran to an Iranian-Jewish family, while Bozkurt was born in 1981 in Germany to
an Alawite family from Turkey.
The controversy over reporting the nationality of suspects, which was also the
spark that ignited the recent wave of riots in the U.K., is however just one
piece of a larger social anxiety about the erosion of the rule of law. The law
governing the evaluation of applications for refugee status, for example, has
proven to be a Potemkin village. Individuals whose applications are denied are
generally not deported and instead remain in Germany indefinitely in a legal
limbo, despite Chancellor Scholz’s declaration that “grand scale” deportations
are necessary. The net effect is an erosion of public trust in the
administration of immigration. In addition, regular reports of terrorist plots
linked to ISIS–such as the plan for a suicide bombing at a Taylor Swift concert
in Vienna– further unsettle the public. Doubts about the rule of law are
spreading–whether with regard to crime statistics, immigration management, or
terrorism. Hence the proliferation of calls for more law and order. In July the
Islamic Center in Hamburg was shut down: Interior Minister Nancy Faeser accused
it of promoting extremism, supporting Hezbollah and serving as a front for Iran.
Why should this matter to the United States? In this era of Great Power
Competition, the countries of Europe count as some of America’s most important
allies. Political and social instability there should be of concern, if only
because of the threat they pose to weaken the alliance. In addition, to the
extent that failed integration produces breeding grounds for extremism, it
should not be forgotten that the 9/11 plot was prepared significantly among
radicals in Germany. Islamism in Europe can turn into a terrorist threat to the
American homeland. Finally, the backlash against immigration, especially in
Germany and France, has been carried by political parties whose animosity to
immigrants goes hand in hand with a rejection of the transatlantic alliance of
Western democracies. The crises of immigration and Islamism in Europe are
therefore directly pertinent to American national interests. An astute U.S.
foreign policy would help manage these challenges.
“Here and in all Caravan pieces the views expressed belong solely to the author
and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Working Group on the Middle
East and the Islamic World.”
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