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TRUMP’S CLAIM THAT BIDEN LOST 88,000 CHILDREN, WITH MANY NOW ‘DEAD’

The former president’s incendiary claim is undercut by the fact that under the
same metric, his administration “lost” 54,000 children.

Analysis by Glenn Kessler
The Fact Checker
June 10, 2024 at 6:00 a.m. EDT

(Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post)

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“Millions and millions of children have been separated from their families and
pushed into the hands of the coyotes and the cartels. … 88,000 children are
missing. … And unfortunately, many of those children are dead, just like many of
the hostages held by Hamas.”


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— Former president Donald Trump, at a town hall in Phoenix, June 6



“You know, we have 88,000 missing children now. Can you imagine if that were
Trump that had 88,000 missing children, 88,000? That’s a holocaust. That’s as
bad as, I mean, think of it.”

— Trump, in an interview with Dr. Phil, June 6

One of Trump’s signature moves is to turn a criticism of him into an attack on
his opponents. When Trump was president, he implemented a “zero tolerance”
policy at the border that resulted in children being separated from their
families. The policy was widely condemned before Trump reversed course.
President Biden, calling it “a moral failure,” made it a major issue in the 2020
presidential campaign. After Biden took office, he formed a task force to
identify about 5,000 children who had been separated from their families.

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So it’s no surprise that Trump would accuse Biden of doing something similar.
It’s also no surprise that he would wildly exaggerate the meaning of a number
based on fact. The children aren’t missing — and they aren’t dead. In effect,
they haven’t responded to phone calls from a government agency.

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But Trump has a point that there might be more outrage if he were president.
When a similar statistic emerged during his presidency — though a much lower
number of 1,475 — Democrats in 2018 such as Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.) decried
“1,500 lost children,” and The Washington Post published an article about the
uproar, which included reference to a #WhereAreTheChildren campaign.

Both the number cited by Trump and the one by Kaine refer to children who
crossed the border without an adult guardian and whom the federal government is
supposed to assist. But, confusingly, they are calculated with different metrics
and reflect much different time periods.

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Let’s dig into these figures and explore what they really mean.

THE FACTS

A complicated system of laws and court cases govern the treatment of children
who arrive at the border without an accompanying adult.

A legal agreement known as the “Flores settlement,” struck by President Bill
Clinton’s administration in 1997, requires the federal government to release,
rather than detain, undocumented immigrant children — first to their parents if
possible, to other adult relatives if not and to licensed programs willing to
accept custody if no relatives are available. Then, a law signed by President
George W. Bush, the William Wilberforce Trafficking Victims Protection
Reauthorization Act of 2008, said unaccompanied children are exempt from prompt
return to their home country, unless they come from Mexico or Canada. The fear
was that otherwise the children might be stuck across the border, where they
could be trafficked.

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Separately, when the Immigration and Naturalization Service was dismantled and
the Department of Homeland Security was created in 2002, responsibility for the
care and placement of those children was given to an arm of the Health and Human
Services Department — the Office of Refugee Resettlement. That means Homeland
Security, which encountered the children, must refer them to HHS within 72 hours
after border agents detain and process them at the border. As part of the
refugee office’s protocol, case managers are supposed to try three times to
check on the status of a child between 30 and 37 days after release to a
sponsor, preferably by having a conversation with the child in addition to the
sponsor.

But it’s not a legal requirement for HHS to make the calls — and it’s not
required that children or the sponsor answer. Trump administration officials
made that point when they came under fire for the 1,500 “lost” children.

“We are not in custody of the children at that point,” Steven Wagner, the acting
assistant secretary of the Administration for Children and Families at HHS, told
reporters in 2018. “If you call a friend and they don’t answer the phone, you
don’t assume that they’ve been kidnapped.”

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The refugee agency was especially overwhelmed when a surge of unaccompanied
children flooded across the border early in the Biden presidency. The number of
referrals of undocumented children from DHS to HHS averaged just over 50,000
annually in the three fiscal years before the pandemic, compared to nearly
125,000 annually in the first three years of the Biden administration, though
the numbers have decreased in the past six months.

An HHS inspector general report released in February said that in 22 percent of
cases in March and April 2021, the refugee agency failed to make the phone calls
within 38 days after a child was resettled. “For calls that occurred late, the
median length of time before a call was placed was 122 days,” the report said.
“The latest call that occurred for a child in our sample took place 324 days
after this child was released.”

Now let’s unpack the numbers used in this debate.

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The 1,500 figure used in Trump’s term came from a report that studied a
three-month period, October to December 2017, when 7,635 children were resettled
by HHS. The report found that HHS staff reached a sponsor 81 percent of the
time. That meant 19 percent — or 1,475 — were not reached. That number was
rounded up to 1,500 in news reports.

The 88,000 figure used by Trump comes from a harrowing 2023 New York Times
investigation (which won a Pulitzer Prize) about how the flood of undocumented
children across the border has led to sponsors forcing underage children to work
in brutal conditions, with many missing school. (The Biden administration
pledged to fix the problems in response to the articles.)

The New York Times figure, which actually was 85,000, reflects how many children
could not be reached over a two-year calendar period (2021-2022). So the period
of time is longer, but the number also uses a different standard — under the
protocol HHS is supposed to reach both sponsor and child because a sponsor might
mislead HHS about whether the child is working rather than attending school.
Data obtained by the Times showed that in roughly 34 percent of calls, HHS was
not able to reach the child.

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The Times article was carefully written — “the agency could not reach more than
85,000 children” — but that has not stopped Republicans from weaponizing its
number as “lost,” just as Democrats did under Trump.

In response to the Times report, the Biden administration has stressed that in
81 percent of cases, either the child or the sponsor (or both) has been reached
— the same percentage as under Trump. That figure is a subset of the Times
figure, which does not count speaking to a sponsor on behalf of a child as
having reached the child. The administration has not addressed the metric used
by the New York Times, but there’s no indication it has improved in the past
year.

From Biden’s inauguration through last month, roughly 400,000 unaccompanied
children (who are not from Mexico) have come across the border and been referred
to HHS. Using the percentages shown above, that roughly calculates into:

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 * 75,000 — neither a child nor a sponsor could be reached.
 * 135,000 — the child could not be reached.

Applying the same metrics to the first three years of Trump, when about 160,000
unaccompanied children were referred to HHS, calculates into:

 * 30,000 — neither the child nor a sponsor could be reached.
 * 54,000 — the child could not be reached.

In other words, HHS’s ability to reach children or their sponsors isn’t any
better under Biden than it was under Trump. The main difference is that the
numbers coming across the border are so much higher under Biden, so the number
of children who can’t be reached is almost three times as large.

As for Trump’s rhetoric that many of the children are probably dead and that
it’s a “holocaust,” that’s ridiculous. The New York Times tracked down many
children and had interviews with them. By his own logic, Trump could be accused
of losing 54,000 children. A campaign spokesman did not respond to a request for
an explanation.

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“Congressional Republicans and others continue to misuse the data or blatantly
lie,” HHS spokesman Jeff Nesbit said in a statement. “HHS and several other
federal agencies assist and provide services to unaccompanied children who
arrive in the United States. HHS takes custody of a child from DHS and provides
care until the child is released to a vetted sponsor. Following the [child’s]
release to a vetted sponsor, HHS voluntarily places an initial wellbeing call.
In addition, HHS offers post-release services including counseling and support
to help children enroll in schools, as well as facilitating legal assistance at
court hearings. It is erroneous and dangerous for anyone to misrepresent data to
fear monger.”

THE PINOCCHIO TEST

As usual, Trump takes a fact and twists it into an absurdity. The Biden
administration’s inability to reach undocumented children in the United States —
especially in light of the Times reporting — is a serious issue. Indeed, the
85,000 figure in the New York Times is now out of date. Our calculations suggest
it’s now about 135,000.

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But the Trump administration’s performance in reaching children appears to be
not any better — and no one is claiming that the 54,000 children who were “lost”
under Trump are now dead. Trump’s over-the-top rhetoric is in the Four Pinocchio
realm, but unusually, he’s relying on a legitimate news report for his figure.
And his “missing” rhetoric is little different from the way Democrats framed
lower numbers during his administration. So we will award him Three Pinocchios
for the number.

THREE PINOCCHIOS



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