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Sep
25

JEJURI KHANDOBA, MAHAKHANDA DASARA - 42 KG SWORD LIFTED BY TEETH. CELEBRATION OF
INDUS SCRIPT CORPORA CATALOGUS CATALOGORUM OF METALWORK.

Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/qe3nxu9

Deepmala at Jejuri is a skambha, Fiery pillar of light (as Atharva Veda
explains)

Each tongue of the flame is to hold a lamp.

History is all around us. Nobody noticed the postman enter the building where
the crime was committed, notes GK Chesterton in his detective narratives of
Father Brown. But in India, historical memories live long and get celebrated. A
good instance is the celebration of Bali Yatra on Karthik Purnima day
remembering the ancestors who were seafarers and who participated in Hinduised
States of the Far East. Historic narratives remembered and cherished date back
to Vedic times.

Aniconic skambha form of sivalinga in Dholavira finds its continuum in Hindu
tradition of Khandoba with narratives relating Khandoba as Martanda Bhairava.
These narratives remembered and cherished generation after generation evoke the
memories of Indus Script Corpora as catalogus catalogorum of metalwork.. The
word Khandoba is derived from khaṁḍa -- m. ʻswordʼ (Prakritam). In the annual
festivities of Khandoba, a 42 kg. sword is lifted by teeth by participants of a
contest celebrating the excellence of metalwork of their ancestors. Sayana
traces the name Malhari to Taittiriya Samhita, Malhari is explained as enemy
(ari) of Malha (Prajapati) - an epithet of Rudra, who is considered a rival to
deity Prajapati. Prajapati is त्वष्टृ tvāṣṭra.

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/09/skambha-sivalinga-temple-in-dholavira.html

SKAMBHA (SIVALINGA) TEMPLE IN DHOLAVIRA CONSISTENT WITH DECIPHERED INDUS SCRIPT
SIGN BOARD. EVIDENCE FOR SIVA WORSHIP.

See:
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/09/tvastra-artisans-divinity-of-fire.html त्वष्टृ
tvāṣṭra artisans divinity of fire viśvakarman worshipped as creator by ancient
kāru,'smiths' who produced Indus Script Corpora. These narratives are remembered
memories of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization documented in Indus Script Corpora.

KHANDOBA IS WORSHIPPED IN ANICONIC FORM AS LINGAM, KNOWN AS MARTANDA BHAIRAVA, A
COMBINATION OF THE SOLAR DEITY MARTANDA AND SHIVA'S FIERCE
FORM BHAIRAVA. MALHARI MAHATMYA (MALLARI MAHATMYA) FROM THE
CHAPTER KSHETRA-KANDA OF THE SANSKRIT TEXT BRAHMANDA PURANA, RECORDS MARTANDA
BHAIRAVA, PLEASED WITH THE BRAVERY OF MALLA, TAKES THE NAME "MALLARI" (THE ENEMY
OF MALLA) SONTHEIMER, GÜNTHER-DIETZ (1989). "BETWEEN GHOST AND GOD: FOLK DEITY
OF THE DECCAN". IN ALF HILTEBEITEL. CRIMINAL GODS AND DEMON DEVOTEES: ESSAYS ON
THE GUARDIANS OF POPULAR HINDUISM, P.314.

Khandoba temple, Jejuri, Maharashtra.

R.C. Dhere and Sontheimer suggests that the Sanskrit Mahatmya was composed
around 1460-1510 AD, mostly by a Deshastha Brahmin, to whom Khandoba is the
family deity. A version is also available in Marathi by Siddhapal Kesasri
(1585). "The Deshastha Brahmins, Chandraseniya Kayastha Prabhus,[37] as well as
the royal families like Gaikwads and Holkars worship Khandoba as their Kuldevta.
He is also worshipped by Jains and Lingayats. He is viewed as a "king" of his
followers...Sayana traces the name Malhari to Taittiriya Samhita, Malhari is
explained as enemy (ari) of Malha (Prajapati) - an epithet of Rudra, who is
considered a rival to deity Prajapati." (Sontheimer, Günther-Dietz (1990). "God
as King for All: The Sanskrit Malhari Mahatmya and its conext In Hans
Bakker. The History of Sacred Places in India as Reflected in Traditional
Literature. pp.104-7).Other sources include the later texts of Jayadri Mahatmya
and Martanda Vijaya by Gangadhara (1821)[Sontheimer, Günther-Dietz (1989).
"Between Ghost and God: Folk Deity of the Deccan". In Alf Hiltebeitel. Criminal
Gods and Demon Devotees: Essays on the Guardians of Popular Hinduism, p.330] and
the oral stories of the Vaghyas, bards of the god.[ibid. pp. 272, 393].

Khandoba with his two chief wives: Mhalsa and Banai.

Khandoba (center) in his four armed form, the two metal images depict him
with Mhalsa (Parvati) and Banai (Ganga). The sanctum of the
newer Jejuri temple. Khandoba, (Marathi: खंडोबा Kannada: ಖಂಡೋಬಾ, Telugu:ఖండోబా
Khaṇḍobā) also known as Martanda Bhairava and Malhari, with attributes of
Shiva, Bhairava, Surya and Karttikeya (Skanda). He is depicted either in the
form of a Lingam, or as an image of a warrior riding on a bull or a horse. The
foremost centre of Khandoba worship is Jejuri in Maharashtra. The legends of
Khandoba, found in the text Malhari Mahatmya and also narrated in folk songs,
revolve around his victory over demons Mani-malla. "Mhalsa was born as the
daughter of a rich merchant in Newase called Tirmarsheth. She was married to
Khandoba on Pausha Pournima(the full moon day of Hindu calendar month of Paush)
in Pali(Pembar). Two shivlingas appeared on this occasion. An annual festival
marking this event is celebrated in Pali every Paush Pournima...Mallana
(Mallikaarjuna) of Andhra Pradesh and Mailara of Karnataka are sometimes
identified with Khandoba (Mallari, Malhari, Mairaj)...Another traditional
narrative identifies Kartikeya (Skanda) with Khandoba." (Cf. two skambhas in
Dholavira ceremonial parade ground). "Copper figurines of Khandoba riding on a
horse (sometimes with Mhalsa) are worshipped by devotees on a daily basis in the
household shrine."

There are over 600 temples dedicated to Khandoba in the Deccan. His temples
stretch from Nasik, Maharashtra in the north to Hubli, Karnataka in the
south, Konkan, Maharashtra in the west to western Andhra Pradesh in the
east. [Stanley, John M. (Nov 1977). "Special Time, Special Power: The Fluidity
of Power in a Popular Hindu Festival". The Journal of Asian Studies (Association
for Asian Studies) 37 (1): 27–43]. A six-day festival, from the first to sixth
lunar day of the bright fortnight of the Hindu month of Margashirsha, Champa
Shashti (same as Skanda Shashti), in honour of Khandoba is celebrated at Jejuri
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khandoba

FRIDAY, OCTOBER 26, 2012

JEJURI MAHAKHANDA DASARA - 42 KG SWORD LIFTED BY TEETH.

http://puputupu.blogspot.in/2012/10/jejuri-mahakhanda-dasara-42-kg-sword.html#.VgVAUlSqqko

The Jejuri temple of Khandoba. Mani is seen worshipped as a red figure

For worship of Khandoba in the form of a lingam and possible identification with
Shiva based on that, see: Mate, M. S. (1988). Temples and Legends of
Maharashtra. Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, p. 176.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khandoba

khaḍgá2 m. ʻ sword ʼ MBh. [Cf. *khaṇḍaka -- 3]Pa. Pk. khagga -- m. ʻ sword ʼ,
B. khāg, Si. kaga. (CDIAL 3787) *khaṇḍaka3 ʻ sword ʼ. [Perh. of same non --
Aryan origin as khaḍgá -- 2] Pk. khaṁḍa -- m. ʻ sword ʼ (→ Tam. kaṇṭam), Gy.
SEeur. xai̦o, eur. xanro, xarno, xanlo, wel. xenlī f., S. khano m.,
P. khaṇḍā m., Ku. gng. khã̄ṛ, N. khã̄ṛo,khũṛo (X churi < kṣurá -- );
A. khāṇḍā ʻ heavy knife ʼ; B. khã̄rā ʻ large sacrificial knife ʼ; Or. khaṇḍā ʻ
sword ʼ, H. khã̄ṛā, G. khã̄ḍũ n., M. khã̄ḍā m., Si.kaḍuva.(CDIAL 3793)

खंडा [ khaṇḍā ] m A sort of sword. It is straight and two-edged. खांडेकरी (p.
203) [ khāṇḍēkarī ] m A man armed with the sword called खांडा. खांडा (p. 202) [
khāṇḍā ] m A kind of sword, straight, broad-bladed, two-edged, and round-ended.
2 A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). 3 A rough
furrow, ravine, gully. खांडाईत (p. 202) [ khāṇḍāīta ] a Armed with the sword
called खांडा.

खंडोबा [ khaṇḍōbā ] m A familiar appellation of the god खंडेराव. सोळा गुणांचा
खं0 A term for a person or animal full of vices, tricks, and bad
qualities. खंडोबाचा कुत्रा [ khaṇḍōbācā kutrā ] m (Dog of खंडोबा. From his being
devoted to the temple.) A term for the वाघ्या or male devotee of खंडोबा.खंडोबाची
काठी [ khaṇḍōbācī kāṭhī ] f The pole of खंडोबा. It belongs to the temples of
this god, is taken and presented, in pilgrimages, at the visited shrines, is
carried about in processions &c. It is covered with cloth (red and blue), and
has a plume (generally from the peacock's tail) waving from its top. वाघा (p.
742) [vāghā] m Commonly
वाघ्या. वाघ्या (p. 743) [ vāghyā ] m (वाघी Bag of tiger's skin in which they
keep bhanḍár or turmeric-powder.) A class or an individual of it. They are males
dedicated at birth to खंडोबा, or subsequently self-constituted devotees of that
god, and are mendicants in his name.

A painting depicts Khandoba riding a white horse with Mhalsa, accompanied with a
dog and attendants including a Waghya dancing before him.

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/smithy-is-temple-of-bronze-age-stambha_14.html

Smithy is the temple of Bronze Age: stambha, thãbharā fiery pillar of light,
Sivalinga. Rebus-metonymy layered Indus script cipher signifies: tamba, tã̄bṛā,
tambira 'copper'

See: three stumps on Sit Shamshi bronze, a multi-tiered tower with six plates of
offerings in front, flanked by 8 round balls, two sivalinka skambhas, a temple
on a terrace, two persons offering water oblations to the Sun, Middle-Elamite
(15th to 12th century BCE)

[kūpa -- 2, stambha -- ] G. kuvātham m. ʻ mast of a ship ʼ.(CDIAL 3403) *ṭhōmba
-- . 1. G. ṭhobrũ ʻ ugly, clumsy ʼ.2. M. ṭhõb m. ʻ bare trunk, boor, childless
man ʼ, thõbā m. ʻ boor, short stout stick ʼ (LM 340 < stambha -- ).(CDIAL 5514)
Rebus: tamba, 'copper' (Meluhha. Indian sprachbund) Numeral three: kolmo 'three'
Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. The entire message of Sit Shamshi is bronze is
worship of the sun. The message signifies copper metalwork. It is significant
that one of the meanings to the Meluhha gloss sūrya is: copper: சூரியன்
cūriyaṉ , n. < sūrya. Mountain containing copper; செம்புமலை. (W.)

Two sivalingas are shown in front of the dagoba (dhatu garbha) or ziggurat,
comparable to the two skambha in Dholavira.

"The texts mention the "temples of the grove," cave sanctuaries where ceremonies
related to the daily renewal of nature were accompanied by deposition of
offerings, sacrifice and libations. The Sit Shamshi is perhaps a representation.
It is also possible that this object is a commemoration of the funeral
ceremonies after the disappearance of the sovereign. Indeed, this model was
found near a cave, and bears an inscription in Elamite where Shilhak-Inshushinak
remember his loyalty to the lord of Susa, Inshushinak. The text gives the name
of the monument, the Sit Shamshi, Sunrise, which refers to the time of day
during which the ceremony takes place."
Source: http://www.3dsrc.com/antiquiteslouvre/index.php?rub=img&img=236&cat=10

Atharva Veda (X.8.2) declares that Heaven and Earth stand fast being pillared
apart by the pillar. Like the pillar, twilight of the dawn and dusk split apart
the originally fused Heaven and Earth.

Light of dawn ‘divorces the coterminous regions – Sky and Earth – and makes
manifest the several worlds. (RV VII.80; cf. VI.32.2, SBr. IV 6.7.9).
‘Sun is spac, for it is only when it rises that the world is seen’ (Jaiminiya
Upanishad Brahmana I.25.1-2). When the sun sets, space returns into the void
(JUB III.1.1-2).

Indra supports heavn and earth by ‘opening the shadows with the dawn and the
sun’. (RV I.62.5). He ‘extends heaven by the sun; and the sun is the prp whereby
he struts it.’ (RV X.111.5).

‘He who knows the Brahman in man knows the Supreme Being and he who knows the
Supreme Brahman knows the Stambha’. (AV X. 7.17).

Linga-Purana (I.17.5-52; 19.8 ff.) provides a narrative. Siva appeared before
Brahma and Vishnu as a fiery linga with thousands of flames. As a Goose, Brahma
attempted to fly to the apex of the column; Vishnu as a Boar plunged through the
earth to find the foot of the blazing column. Even after a thousand years, they
couldn’t reach the destination, bow in homage to the Pillar of the Universe as
the Paramaatman.
He is the ‘Pillar supporting the kindreds, that is, gods and men’. (RV
I.59.1-2). He is the standard (ketu) of the yajna (equivalent of the dawn), the
standard which supports heaven in the East at daybreak. (RV I.113.19; III.8.8).

The same spectra of meanings abound in Bauddham, as a symbolic continuum. So it
is, the Buddha is a fiery pillar, comprising adorants at the feet marked with
the Wheel of Dharma and the apex marked by a S’rivatsa (pair of fishes tied
together by a thread, read as hieroglyph composition: ayira (metath. ariya)
dhama, mandating norms of social, interpersonal conduct). Just as Agni awakens
at dawn, the Buddha is the awakened.

Worshippers of a fiery pillar, Amaravati stupa.
Naga worshippers of fiery pillar, Amaravati stupa. Sit-Shamshi (Musée du
Louvre, París). Tabla de bronce que parece resumir sabiamente el ritual del
antiguo Elam. Los zigurats recuerdan el arte mesopotámico, el bosque sagrado
alude a la devoción semita por el árbol verde, la tinaja trae a la mente el “mar
de bronce”. Los dos hombres en cuclillas hacen su ablución para celebrar la
salida del Sol. Una inscripción, que lleva el nombre del rey
Silhak-in-Shushinak, permite fijar su datación en el siglo XII a.C.

m1429 Prism tablet with Indus inscriptions on 3 sides.Indus inscription Fired
clay L.4.6 cm W. 1.2 cm Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization. Mohenjo-daro,MD 602,
Harappan,ca 2600 -1900 B.CE Islamabad Museum, Islamabad NMP 1384, Pakistan.

Side B: bagalo = an Arabian merchant vessel (Gujarati) bagala = an Arab boat of
a particular description (Ka.); bagalā (M.); bagarige, bagarage = a kind of
vessel (Kannada) Rebus: bangala = kumpaṭi = angāra śakaṭī = a chafing dish a
portable stove a goldsmith’s portable furnace (Telugu) cf. bangaru bangaramu =
gold (Telugu)

karaṇḍa ‘duck’ (Sanskrit) karaṛa ‘a very large aquatic bird’ (Sindhi) Rebus:
करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi)

A pair of birds కారండవము [ kāraṇḍavamu ] n. A sort of duck. కారండవము [
kāraṇḍavamu ] kāraṇḍavamu. [Skt.] n. A sort of duck. कारंडव [kāraṇḍava ] m S A
drake or sort of duck. कारंडवी f S The female. karandava [ kârandava ] m. kind
of duck. कारण्ड a sort of duck R. vii , 31 , 21 கரண்டம் karaṇṭam, n. Rebus:
karaḍa 'hard alloy (metal)'. tamar ‘palm’ (Hebrew) Rebus: tam(b)ra ‘copper’
(Santali) dula ‘pair’ Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’ (Santali)

stambha m. ʻ pillar, post ʼ Kāṭh., °aka -- m. Mahāvy.[√stambh]Pa. thambha -- m.
ʻ pillar ʼ, Aś.rum. thabhe loc., top. thaṁbhe, ru. ṭha(ṁ)bhasi, Pk. thaṁbha --
, °aya -- , taṁbha -- , ṭhaṁbha -- m.; Wg. štɔ̈̄ma ʻ stem, tree ʼ, Kt. štom,
Pr. üštyobu; Bshk. "ṭam" ʻ tree ʼ NTS xviii 124, Tor. thām; K. tham m. ʻ pillar,
post ʼ, S. thambhu m.; L. thamm, thammā m. ʻ prop ʼ, (Ju.)tham, °mā, awāṇ. tham,
khet. thambā; P. thamb(h), thamm(h) ʻ pillar, post ʼ, Ku. N. B. thām,
Or. thamba; Bi. mar -- thamh ʻ upright post of oil -- mill ʼ;
H. thã̄bh, thām, thambā ʻ prop, pillar, stem of plantain tree ʼ; OMarw. thāma m.
ʻ pillar ʼ, Si. ṭäm̆ba; Md. tambu, tabu ʻ pillar, post ʼ; -- ext. -- ḍ -- :
S.thambhiṛī f. ʻ inside peg of yoke ʼ; N. thāṅro ʻ prop ʼ; Aw.lakh. thãbharā ʻ
post ʼ; H. thamṛā ʻ thick, corpulent ʼ; -- -- ll -- ; G. thã̄bhlɔ, thã̄blɔ m. ʻ
post, pillar ʼ. -- X sthūˊṇā -- q.v. S.kcch.
thambhlo m. ʻ pillar ʼ, A. thām, Md. tan̆bu.

Hieroglyphs signifying pillars of light: tã̄bṛā, tambira (Prakritam)
Rebus: tamba, 'copper' (Meluhha. Indian sprachbund)

TAMAR ‘PALM’ (HEBREW) REBUS: TAM(B)RA ‘COPPER’ (SANTALI)

Rebus readings of the other 2 sides of the Mohenjo-daro tablet:

Side A: kāru a wild crocodile or alligator (Telugu) ghariyal id. (Hindi)
kāru 'crocodile' (Telugu) கராம் karām, n. prob. grāha. 1. A species of
alligator; முதலைவகை. முதலையு மிடங்கருங் கராமும் (குறிஞ்சிப். 257). 2. Male
alligator; ஆண் முதலை. (திவா.) కారుమొసలి a wild crocodile or alligator. (Telugu)
Rebus: kāru ‘artisan’ (Marathi) kāruvu 'artisan' (Telugu) khār 'blacksmith'
(Kashmiri)

[fish = aya (G.); crocodile = kāru (Telugu)] Rebus: ayakāra ‘ironsmith’ (Pali)
khār 1 खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is
khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a
blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi,
17); a farrier (El.)

SIDE C: TEXT 3246 ON THE THIRD SIDE OF THE PRISM. KĀḌ काड् ‘, THE STATURE OF A
MAN’ REBUS: खडा [ KHAḌĀ ] M A SMALL STONE, A PEBBLE (MARATHI) DULA ‘PAIR’ REBUS:
DUL ‘CAST (METAL)’SHAPES OBJECTS ON A LATHE’ (GUJARATI) KANKA, KARṆAKA ‘RIM OF
JAR’ REBUS: KARṆAKA ‘ACCOUNT SCRIBE’. KĀRṆĪ M. ʻSUPER CARGO OF A SHIP
ʼ(MARATHI)

Alloy ingots

A pair of ingots with notches in-fixed as ligatures.

ḍhālako ‘large ingot’. खोट [khōṭa] ‘ingot, wedge’; A mass of metal (unwrought or
of old metal melted down)(Marathi) khoṭ f ʻalloy (Lahnda) Thus the pair of
ligatured oval glyphs read: khoṭ ḍhālako ‘alloy ingots’ PLUS dula 'pair' Rebus:
dul 'cast metal'.

Forge: stone, minerals, gemstones

ढाळा [ ḍhāḷā ] m A small leafy branch, sprng.

A PLANT OF GRAM, SOMETIMES OF वाटाणा, OR OF लांक. ढाळी [ ḌHĀḶĪ ] F A BRANCH OR
BOUGH.

(Marathi) Rebus: ढाळ [ ḍhāḷa Cast, mould, form (as ofmetal vessels, trinkets
&c.) (Marathi)

KHAḌĀ ‘CIRCUMSCRIBE’ (M.); REBS: KHAḌĀ ‘NODULE (ORE), STONE’ (M.) KOLOM ‘COB’;
REBUS: KOLMO ‘SEEDLING, RICE (PADDY) PLANT’ (MUNDA.) KOLMA HOṚO = A VARIETY OF
THE PADDY PLANT (DESI)(SANTALI.) KOLMO ‘RICE PLANT’ (MU.)
REBUS: KOLAMI ‘FURNACE,SMITHY’ (TELUGU) THUS, THE LIGATURED GLYPH READS: KHAḌĀ
‘STONE-ORE NODULE’KOLAMI ‘FURNACE,SMITHY’. ALTERNATIVES: 1. KOṚUŊ YOUNG SHOOT
(PA.) (DEDR 2149)

Rebus: kol iron, working in iron, blacksmith (Tamil) kollan blacksmith,
artificer (Malayalam) kolhali to forge.(DEDR 2133).2. kaṇḍe A head or ear of
millet or maize (Telugu) Rebus: kaṇḍa ‘stone (ore)(Gadba)’ Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ, (S.)
kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil) stone (DEDR 1298).

kolmo ‘three’ Rebus: kolami ‘furnace,smithy’. Thus, the pair of glyphs may
denote lapidary work – working with stone, mineral, gemstones.

ayo ‘fish’ Rebus: ayas ‘metal’. kāru ‘crocodile’ Rebus: kāru ‘artisan’. Thus,
together read rebus: ayakara ‘metalsmith’.

kanka 'rim of jar' (Santali) karṇika id. (Samskritam) Rebus: kārṇī m. ʻsuper
cargo of a ship ʼ(Marathi)

meḍ ‘body’, ‘dance’ (Santali) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.)
kāḍ काड् ‘, the stature of a man’ Rebus: खडा [ khaḍā ] m A small stone, a
pebble khaḍā ‘nodule (ore), stone’(Marathi) <khadan> {N} ``a ^mine, place where
earth is ^excavated for roads, buildings, etc.''. @2417. #13731.(Munda)

khaḍaka ʻ *erect ʼ, m. ʻ bolt, post ʼ KātyŚr. 2. *khaḍati ʻ stands ʼ. 3.
*khāḍayati ʻ makes stand ʼ. [Cf. khadáti ʻ is firm ʼ Dhātup.] and *khalati2 1.
K. khoru ʻ standing ʼ, ḍoḍ. khaṛo ʻ up ʼ, pog. khaṛkhuṛ ʻ erect ʼ; S. khaṛo ʻ
standing erect ʼ, P. khaṛā, WPah. paṅ. khaṛā, bhad. khaṛo, Or. B.khāṛā,
H. khaṛā (→ N. khaṛā), Marw. khaṛo, G. khaṛũ; M. khaḍā ʻ standing, constant ʼ.
2. K. pog. khaṛnu ʻ to stand ʼ, rām. khaṛōnu, ḍoḍ. khaṛōnō; WPah. bhal.
caus. khaṛēṇu ʻ to fix ʼ; -- G. khaṛakvũ ʻ to make a heap ʼ.3. K. khārun ʻ to
make ascend, lift up ʼWPah.kṭg. khɔ́ṛɔ ʻ erect, upright ʼ; khɔ́ṛhnõ,
kc. khɔṛiṇo ʻ to stand, rise ʼ, J. khaṛuwṇu.(CDIAL 3784) So<gAri>(Z) {V(liJ)}
``to be ^level, to stand ^upright''. Nom. <g[An]Ari>.(Munda)

The vernacular in ancient India was Meluhha also called Mleccha. Hundreds of
words of this language in Indus-Meluhha writing represented metal-/stone-work
hieroglyphs. This was the linear ancestral language of most Indians. It later
was known as Deśi or Prākṛts.

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/smithy-is-temple-of-bronze-age-stambha_14.html <tamba>(ZA) {N}
``^copper''. *Or. #33740.<ta~ba> {N}
``^copper''. *De.<tama>(M),,<tamba>(G). @N0527. #23581.tāmrá ʻ dark red,
copper -- coloured ʼ VS., n. ʻ copper ʼ Kauś., tāmraka -- n. Yājñ. [Cf. tamrá --
. -- √tam?] Pa. tamba -- ʻ red ʼ, n. ʻ copper ʼ, Pk. taṁba -- adj. and n.;
Dm. trāmba -- ʻ red ʼ (in trāmba -- lac̣uk ʻ raspberry ʼ NTS xii 192);
Bshk. lām ʻ copper, piece of bad pine -- wood (< ʻ *red wood ʼ?); Phal. tāmba ʻ
copper ʼ (→ Sh.koh. tāmbā), K. trām m. (→ Sh.gil. gur. trām m.), S. ṭrāmo m.,
L. trāmā, (Ju.)tarāmã̄ m., P. tāmbā m., WPah. bhad. ṭḷām n., kiũth. cāmbā,
sod. cambo, jaun. tã̄bō, Ku. N. tāmo (pl. ʻ young bamboo shoots ʼ), A. tām,
B. tã̄bā, tāmā, Or.tambā, Bi tã̄bā, Mth. tām, tāmā, Bhoj. tāmā, H. tām in
cmpds., tã̄bā, tāmā m., G. trã̄bũ, tã̄bũ n.;M. tã̄bẽ n. ʻ copper ʼ, tã̄b f. ʻ
rust, redness of sky ʼ; Ko.tāmbe n. ʻ copper ʼ; Si. tam̆ba adj. ʻ reddish ʼ, sb.
ʻ copper ʼ, (SigGr) tam, tama. -- Ext. -- ira -- : Pk. taṁbira -- ʻ
coppercoloured, red ʼ, L. tāmrā ʻ copper -- coloured (of pigeons) ʼ; -- with
-- ḍa -- : S. ṭrāmiṛo m. ʻ a kind of cooking pot ʼ, ṭrāmiṛī ʻ sunburnt, red with
anger ʼ, f. ʻ copper pot ʼ; Bhoj. tāmrā ʻ copper vessel ʼ; H. tã̄bṛā, tāmṛā ʻ
coppercoloured, dark red ʼ, m. ʻ stone resembling a ruby ʼ;
G. tã̄baṛ n., trã̄bṛī, tã̄bṛī f. ʻ copper pot ʼ; OM. tāṁbaḍā ʻ red ʼ. --
X trápu -- q.v. tāmrá -- [< IE. *tomró -- T. Burrow BSOAS xxxviii 65]
S.kcch. trāmo,
tām(b)o m. ʻ copper ʼ, trāmbhyo m. ʻ an old copper coin ʼ; WPah.kc. cambo m. ʻ
copper ʼ, J. cāmbā m., kṭg. (kc.) tambɔ m. (← P. or H. Him.I 89),
Garh. tāmu, tã̄bu. (CDIAL 5779)

tāmrakāra m. ʻ coppersmith ʼ lex. [tāmrá -- , kāra -- 1]Or. tāmbarā ʻ id.
ʼ.(CDIAL 5780)

tāmrakuṭṭa m. ʻ coppersmith ʼ R. [tāmrá -- , kuṭṭa -- ] N. tamauṭe, tamoṭe ʻ
id. ʼ.Garh. ṭamoṭu ʻ coppersmith ʼ; Ko. tāmṭi. (CDIAL 5781)

*tāmraghaṭa ʻ copper pot ʼ. [tāmrá -- , ghaṭa -- 1] Bi. tamheṛī ʻ round copper
vessel ʼ; -- tamheṛā ʻ brassfounder ʼ der. *tamheṛ ʻ copper pot ʼ or <
next?(CDIAL 5782)

*tāmraghaṭaka ʻ copper -- worker ʼ. [tāmrá -- , ghaṭa -- 2] Bi. tamheṛā ʻ brass
-- founder ʼ or der. fr. *tamheṛ see prec.(CDIAL 5783)

tāmracūḍa ʻ red -- crested ʼ MBh., m. ʻ cock ʼ Suśr. [tāmrá -- ,
cūˊḍa -- 1]Pa. tambacūḷa -- m. ʻ cock ʼ, Pk. taṁbacūla -- m.; --
Si. tam̆basiluvā ʻ cock ʼ (EGS 61) either a later cmpd. (as in Pk.) or ←
Pa.(CDIAL 5784)

*tāmradhāka ʻ copper receptacle ʼ. [tāmrá -- , dhāká -- ] Bi. tamahā ʻ drinking
vessel made of a red alloy ʼ.(CDIAL 5785)

tāmrapaṭṭa m. ʻ copper plate (for inscribing) ʼ Yājñ. [Cf. tāmrapattra -- . --
tāmrá -- , paṭṭa -- 1] M. tã̄boṭī f. ʻ piece of copper of shape and size of a
brick ʼ.(CDIAL 5786)

tāmrapattra n. ʻ copper plate (for inscribing) ʼ lex. [Cf. tāmrapaṭṭa -- . --
tāmrá -- , páttra -- ] Ku.gng. tamoti ʻ copper plate ʼ.(CDIAL 5787)

tāmrapātra n. ʻ copper vessel ʼ MBh. [tāmrá -- , pāˊtra -- ] Ku.gng. tamoi ʻ
copper vessel for water ʼ.(CDIAL 5788)

*tāmrabhāṇḍa ʻ copper vessel ʼ. [tāmrá -- , bhāṇḍa -- 1] Bhoj. tāmaṛā, tāmṛā ʻ
copper vessel ʼ; G. tarbhāṇũ n. ʻ copper dish used in religious ceremonies ʼ (<
*taramhã̄ḍũ).(CDIAL 5789)

tāmravarṇa ʻ copper -- coloured ʼ TĀr. [tāmrá -- , várṇa -- 1] Si. tam̆bavan ʻ
copper -- coloured, dark red ʼ (EGS 61) prob. a Si. cmpd.(CDIAL 5790)

tāmrākṣa ʻ red -- eyed ʼ MBh. [tāmrá -- , ákṣi -- ]Pa. tambakkhin -- ;
P. tamak f. ʻ anger ʼ; Bhoj. tamakhal ʻ to be angry ʼ; H. tamaknā ʻ to become
red in the face, be angry ʼ.(CDIAL 5791)

tāmrika ʻ coppery ʼ Mn. [tāmrá -- ] Pk. taṁbiya -- n. ʻ an article of an
ascetic's equipment (a copper vessel?) ʼ; L. trāmī f. ʻ large open vessel for
kneading bread ʼ, poṭh. trāmbī f. ʻ brass plate for kneading on ʼ;
Ku.gng. tāmi ʻ copper plate ʼ; A. tāmi ʻ copper vessel used in worship ʼ;
B. tāmī, tamiyā ʻ large brass vessel for cooking pulses at marriages and other
ceremonies ʼ; H. tambiyā m. ʻ copper or brass vessel ʼ.(CDIAL 5792)
skabha 13638 *skabha ʻ post, peg ʼ. [√skambh]
Kal. Kho. iskow ʻ peg ʼ BelvalkarVol 86 with (?).
SKAMBH ʻ make firm ʼ: *skabdha -- , skambhá -- 1, skámbhana -- ; -- √*chambh.

skambhá 13639 skambhá1 m. ʻ prop, pillar ʼ RV. 2. ʻ *pit ʼ (semant. cf. kūˊpa
-- 1). [√skambh]1. Pa. khambha -- m. ʻ prop ʼ; Pk. khaṁbha -- m. ʻ post, pillar
ʼ; Pr. iškyöp, üšköb ʻ bridge ʼ NTS xv 251; L. (Ju.) khabbā m., mult. khambbā m.
ʻ stake forming fulcrum for oar ʼ; P. khambh, khambhā, khammhā m. ʻ wooden prop,
post ʼ; WPah.bhal. kham m. ʻ a part of the yoke of a plough ʼ, (Joshi)khāmbā m.
ʻ beam, pier ʼ; Ku. khāmo ʻ a support ʼ, gng. khām ʻ pillar (of wood or bricks)
ʼ; N. khã̄bo ʻ pillar, post ʼ, B. khām, khāmbā; Or. khamba ʻ post, stake ʼ;
Bi. khāmā ʻ post of brick -- crushing machine ʼ, khāmhī ʻ support of betel --
cage roof ʼ, khamhiyā ʻ wooden pillar supporting roof ʼ; Mth. khāmh,khāmhī ʻ
pillar, post ʼ, khamhā ʻ rudder -- post ʼ; Bhoj. khambhā ʻ pillar ʼ, khambhiyā ʻ
prop ʼ; OAw. khāṁbhe m. pl. ʻ pillars ʼ, lakh. khambhā; H. khāmm. ʻ post,
pillar, mast ʼ, khambh f. ʻ pillar, pole ʼ; G. khām m. ʻ pillar
ʼ, khã̄bhi, °bi f. ʻ post ʼ, M. khã̄b m., Ko. khāmbho, °bo, Si. kap (< *kab); --
Xgambhīra -- , sthāṇú -- , sthūˊṇā -- qq.v.2. K. khambürü f. ʻ hollow left in a
heap of grain when some is removed ʼ; Or. khamā ʻ long pit, hole in the earth
ʼ, khamiā ʻ small hole ʼ; Marw. khã̄baṛoʻ hole ʼ; G. khã̄bhũ n. ʻ pit for
sweepings and manure ʼ. Garh. khambu ʻ pillar ʼ.

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
September 25, 2015

Posted 25th September 2015 by kalyan97
Labels: Hindu indian ocean community Indus Script Meluhha Sarasvati Soma

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1. AnonymousMarch 22, 2016 at 10:56 PM

Beautiful and very informative blog. India is full of famous historical
places, and there are various places around Pune famous among tourists,
Jejuri is one of them.There are many places to visit in Jejuri but it is
famous for the main temple of Lord Khandoba. It can be reached by Road or
Rail from Pune and is also famous for lime deposits.

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1. Oct
4

INDUS SCRIPT HIEROGLYPH SIGN 169 MAY SIGNIFY KOR̤U 'SPROUT' REBUS: 'BAR OF
METAL' OR TÃ̄BĀ 'BAMBOO SHOOT'; REBUS: TAṀBIYA, TÃ̄BĀḶA 'COPPER SALVER'

https://tinyurl.com/havex36c
Copper cooking pan from Dholavira, Gujarat. Looks just like we use today.
Integration period. Dated: 2500-1900 B.C.E.

Source: Excavations at Dholavira (1989-1990 to 2004-2005) RS Bisht,
2015.Meluhha identifier: tāmrika ʻ coppery ʼ Mn. [tāmrá -- ]Pk. taṁbiya --
n. ʻ an article of an ascetic's equipment (a copper vessel?) ʼ; L. trāmī f.
ʻ large open vessel for kneading bread ʼ, poṭh. trāmbī f. ʻ brass plate for
kneading on ʼ; Ku.gng. tāmi ʻ copper plate ʼ; A. tāmi ʻ copper vessel used
in worship ʼ; B. tāmī, tamiyā ʻ large brass vessel for cooking pulses at
marriages and other ceremonies ʼ; H. tambiyā m. ʻ copper or brass vessel
ʼ(CDIAL 5792) தாம்பாளம் tāmpāḷam , n. [T. tāmbāḷamu, K. tāmbāḷa.] Salver of
a large size; ஒருவகைத் தட்டு. தளிகை காளாஞ்சி தாம்பாளம் (பிரபோத. 11, 31).

Hieroglyph: Rebus reading 1: kor̤u 'sprout' rebus: kor̤u 'bar of metal'

Hieroglyph: Rebus reading 2: Ku. N. tāmo (pl. ʻ young bamboo shoots ʼ), A.
tām, B. tã̄bā, tāmā, Or. tambā, Bi tã̄bā, Mth. tām, tāmā, Bhoj. tāmā, H.
tām in cmpds., tã̄bā, tāmā m. (CDIAL 5779)

Hieroglyph: tāmarasá n. ʻ red lotus ʼ MBh., ʻ copper ʼ lex. Pk. tāmarasa --
n. ʻ lotus ʼ; Si. tam̆bara ʻ red lotus ʼ, Md. taburu.(CDIAL 5774)Ta.
tāmarai lotus, Nelumbium speciosum; tammi lotus. Ma. tāmara id. Ka. tāmare,
tāvare id. Koḍ. ta·vare id. Tu. tāmarè lotus flower, Nymphaea pubescens.
Te. tāmara,tammi lotus. Pa. tāmar id. Go. (Ko.) tāmar sp. lotus; ? (SR.)
dāmerā flower (Voc. 1705). Kuwi (Su.) tāmel bonḍa lotus bud; (S.) tamberi
lotus. / Cf. Skt. tāmarasa- id.(DEDR 3163)

Posted 5 hours ago by kalyan97
Labels: archaeology Indus Script Itihāsa linguistics Meluhha

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2. Oct
2

THE MANISH MADAN METHOD (M3) OF STOCKTON UNIVERSITY -- NARAYANAN KOMERATH

The Manish Madan Method (M3) of Stockton University

STOCKTON ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR MANISH MADAN'S METHOD SHOWS THAT YOU WERE
84.63 TIMES MORE LIKELY TO BE SEXUALLY ASSAULTED IN HARVEY KESSELMAN'S
STOCKTON THAN IN NARENDRA MODI'S INDIA.

Rabindranath Tagore dreamt in his Gitanjali of being

“Where the mind is without fear and the head is held high
Where knowledge is free
Where the world has not been broken up into fragments
By narrow domestic walls
Where words come out from the depth of truth
Where tireless striving stretches its arms towards perfection
Where the clear stream of reason has not lost its way
Into the dreary desert sand of dead habit…”

Now imagine spending your money sending your child to spend the most
critical 4 years of their life, to a place..

where her mind is terrified at the unreasoning hate directed at her..

where the walls were built by chained slaves under the lash of the whip and
curses..

where she is 84.62 (eightyfive) times as likely to get assaulted and raped
as in India..

where knowledge sure ain’t free.. though there’s little enough being
imparted..

where relentless hate-mongering stretches its bloodstained claws and rips
up the truth towards destruction of all positive effort..

where narrow-minded hate-filled bigots and lechers are teachers and
administrators..

where words come out from the depths of insincerity, ignorance, hatred and
malice..

where the President gets exposed as a not-so-good real estate dealer and is
replaced by… something better? Really?

where the Dean has a total of 2.5 co-authored publications to be a full
Professor making over $200K/yr…

where plagiarism is fine as long as it is the Administrators plagiarizing….

where terrorist-apologists presume to “advise” the voters of a friendly
democracy…..

where faculty have forgotten the meaning of the word “Namak Haraam”.

Inspiring Leadership

Stockton University is big on advertising. Anything for Name Recognition.
Here we are inspired by their academic stars, from President to Dean to
Associate Professors.

President Holloway’s predecessor was a Philosophy Professor paid $310K/yr,
credited with being “An Authority on the (Spanish author) George
Santayana”. . Reminds me of the cartoon which showed a President saying: “I
have learned a great many things in my sixty-five years. But all of them
are about Aluminum”. Of course that’s what “philosophy professors” do. But
he DID original things. And good things. Unfortunately, the old saying may
have applied: ” the good things were not original, and the original things
were not good.” Exit reason was discreetly described as “real estate ..
related to a gambling property”. Given New Jersey’s long history and
current excellence in Leadership in Mob Activities, let’s leave it there.

Dr. Jonathan Holloway is described as the first African American President
of Stockton. Who was Stockton? A slave-owner. So the original “college” was
a product of ill-gotten wealth, perhaps the walls were put up by forced
labor, accompanied by the clanging of chains, the screams of abused humans
and wailing of their abused children drowned out by the loud choirs of
“Amazing Grace”, whiplashes and racist bigoted curses by people lacking in
basic skills of any sort except brutality. Judging by the quality of their
research publications and campus ambience, this tradition still continues
in intent at least. Think of that as you sit in one of their classrooms or
lecture halls.

The Dean of General Studies, who sent Stockton’s monumentally stupid, rude,
and plagiarized response to community concerns about Stockton University
support and sponsorship of the ill-fated “Dismantling Global Hindutva”
circus, exemplifies Stockton excellence. His CV, kindly posted on the web,
stunned me. He is listed as “going to work on” or “working on” or maybe
thinking of thinking of planning to work on, so many things. I searched for
what he is publicly known to have actually done.

There is a concept called “publications” in academia, that some misguided
universities use in evaluating credentials for hiring, reappointment,
promotion and tenure. They seem to believe that objective evaluation of
“Merit” has some place in an educational institution! Their criterion is
“published or at least accepted”, not “going to write”. I checked “Google
Scholar”. I found a grand total of…. 1. An essay on Corruption among Police
in.. BOMBAY, New York and London. From 1865, the year the Civil War ended
in the USA, to 1925. But with diehard diligence I found the Encyclopedia
mentioned on his CV, co-authored with two other people. Clearly I am not
looking at the criteria that Stockton uses to hire and promote.

Stockton Professor of Economics and Expert-On-White-Privilege Ramya Vijaya
and Western Washington University Professor of Political Science Bidisha
Biswas have just come out with a gem of which any Monk Parakeet with
linguistic credentials could be justly proud. They have declared that
Religion Must Not Be Excluded From Political Discourse (as their way to
fight for(?) Secularism). Biswas’ claim to eminence is that she has
provided Advice to the US State Department, on South Asia, partly
explaining their recent achievements. I always wondered where the State
Department’s South Asia Experts got their degrees, not to mention advice.

So YESS! Whenever one mentions the USA or UK or France or Spain or Italy
where officials swear on the Bible of Christutva when they promise to steal
and plunder less than their predecessors and try to keep their lengthening
noses off the cover, one must remember the statistics that show that one
out of 3 Priests must now be presumed to be a child molester. Greet
Presidente Macron with “Bonjour M. Macron! Comment allez les Crusaades
Albigensianes?” Or the Prime Minister of Spain with “Buenos Dias, Senor
Sanchez! How is the Inquisition doing? Gouged out any eyes today?” Or the
Italian PM (if s(he) is out of jail) with “How’s the Vatican doing? Any
more Bishops caught being naughty behind choir boys this morning? Cardinals
behind Bishops? Many nuns in the Obstetrics Ward today?” Or Prime Ministeur
Trudeau of Canada with “Dug up any more mass graves of Injun children this
morning, Justin?“ And the Governor of (mob-infested) New Jersey with: “I
got another good story for you, Governor! A Stockton University professor
told me to tell you!

But now let us get to Stockton’s stellar “research” and “publication”.

Manish Madan, Board Member of the Pakistan Journal of Criminology

Dr. Manish Madan is a Board Member of the Pakistan Journal of Criminology.
You know.. where little children are sentenced to lashings and jail for
accidentally dropping a book. Or an 8-year-old boy can be sentenced to
death for Blasphemy in 2021. Where a high school girl who posts on the web
is shot through the head for it. And these are not crimes but… proper legal
responses to Blasphemy. Totally halal per the Blasphemy and Truth and
Accountability Court. Under Dr. Madan’s Board Advice Pakistan has entered
the Guinness Book Of Records in August 2021: the Youngest Person Ever
Sentenced To Death. A (Hindu) child of 8 (EIGHT) years of age. Wow!
Awesome! Should we expect to hear of executing a TWO-year old soon – like
they did some 20 years ago? At Kaluchak in 2002: “The age of the children
killed ranged from four to 10 years”. Executed, Shot at point-blank range
with machine guns. The 4-year-old in her mother’s arms. Ever had a
discussion on these things in your Advice to the terrorist Criminals
Journal? Celebrate them, maybe, like your buddies at the Guardian did?

But we digress. Dr. Madan is also an Associate Professor of Criminology at
Stockton “university”. Probably their most famous researcher, being in the
news all the time in the best traditions of Drs. Fleishman and Pons et al
of the U. Utah. Nearly six journal publications!

It is not for me to criticize, but to accept his work for its credibility,
be inspired by it, and adopt his method to draw some conclusions of my own.

Dr. Madan won much publicity for a study that he did of Sexual Harassment
in Public Spaces – In India, not in Pakistan where he is a Member of the
Board of the Pakistan Journal of Criminology. In Pakistan sexual harassment
is unthinkable: the very thought of sex, consensual or otherwise, would be
punished with lobotomy, which explains much about Pakistani researchers. I
found this most inspiring, and accept his numbers without question, after
all they are peer-reviewed.

Dr. Manish Madan’s Linked-In Profile states that: “Research interests
include Sexual Assault on College Campuses, Sexual Harassment in Public
Spaces, Gender Empowerment, Spousal Abuse, Media Narrative..” And as we
read below, we may understand with an “Aha!” Tubelight Moment, why this
great researcher chose to work at Stockton University.

His paper in International Criminal Justice Review cites his research
method as “The study’s methodology relies on using multistage cluster and
quota sampling technique, where we interviewed nearly 1,387 respondents
(both men and women) from the capital city of India, New Delhi. (How can
one “interview NEARLY 1387” I wonder. Interviewed only 1386.97? Or 0.3957
of the number ran away? But OK, I am here to learn). This study finds an
overall congruence between perceived likelihood of female sexual harassment
victimization and actual self-reported victimization in most public
transportation modes, but there is a significant gap between these two
indicators for occurrences that take place in certain transportation modes,
such as taxis and auto-rickshaws. There are statistically significant
gender differences in the seriousness ratings of various behaviors that
constitute sexual harassment to women. Policy implications include adoption
of a zero-tolerance policy toward any form of sexual harassment in public
spaces.”

“Researchers (Madan and Nalla) found that 40 per cent of female respondents
were sexually harassed in the past year and 58 per cent were sexually
harassed at least once during their lifetime.”

Wow! I could not have guessed any of Dr. Madan’s conclusions or
recommendations without reading his research, could YOU?

The paper was published in 2016, which means the “research” was timed to
take maximum advantage of the widely publicized 2012 atrocity where a gang
of 4 (One community) “men” brutalized and murdered a young woman of
(Another Community). The prime and vastly most brutal Accused, as I
remember, was considered a “minor” and hence could not be hanged, unlike
the rest of the gang. The publication of the paper was immediately pumped
to the sensationalist English-language rags in India such as Deccan
Chronicle and India Today as if a great Truth had been revealed. The usual
organized campaign to throw mud at India.

Indian law does not permit identifying communities since it might Offend
the Sensibilities of (One Community), esp if that is a “Minority
Community”. But it may be reasonably assumed that the brave victim was a
Hindu. Soon after the Delhi attack and attendant anti-India hate campaign,
a brilliantly perceptive and surely merit-promoted German woman professor
responded to an Indian student applicant to graduate school that she was
not going to admit Indian men students because they were all rapists. Karma
has taught many brutal lessons in Germany since then.

An Opinion

Might I venture an opinion? Was Dr. Manish Madan, Member of the Board of
the Pakistan Journal of Criminology, and employed at the slave-owner-named
Stockton “university”, taking advantage and amplifying the hate campaign
against India being whipped up by the Nirbhaya incident to score cheap
points? “Dig where it is wet” or “make hay while the sun shines” comes to
mind here. But so does “pour gasoline on fires”. Mischief. Hate. What
Pakistanis call “Lifafa”. This is not based on just the paper in question,
but on an objective view of the whole “portfolio” of his visible
activities.

Documenting Prof. Manish Madan’s heroic 41-hour, 1,281 mile journey to
collect data. From Madan, Manish, and Mahesh K. Nalla. “Exploring citizen
satisfaction with police in India: The role of procedural justice, police
performance, professionalism, and integrity.” Policing: An International
Journal of Police Strategies & Management (2015). And. What. A. Journal.
“Simplicity. Easy, secure payment gateways. Pay via credit card: We accept
Visa, MasterCard, American Express, Diners Club, and Discover, and have
partnered with two payment gateways—PayPal and CC Avenue. Pay via bank
transfer: You can make payments directly into our bank account and email
the bank wire transfer receipt to us.”

One of Dr. Madan’s most famous creations is a survey that he did on a
“41-hour, 1,281 miles traveling from the northern part to the southern part
of the country and return via Indian Railways”. That’s what I call “walking
the talk”, talking to people all over a vast region. About Citizen
Satisfaction With The Police. Courageous, if nothing else. “Hey dude! What
ya think of dem Fuzz?” It turns out that it was an express train that was
doing the miles, and most of the people were on board for the duration
(i.e., same people). Indian express trains have vestibules connecting
sleeper cars and chair cars, so his “walking” was scooting between
compartments. The train staff strongly discourage this except for trips to
the Dining Car – this is how a lot of theft and attacks occur. But perhaps
Prof. Madan, from Stockton, USA and Pakistan Journal of Criminology, does
not believe in obeying Indians laws. Note: In my undergraduate days, some
fellow passengers saw this as a way to evade the Ticket Examiner.. no
implications implied! But I digress.

Dr. Manish Madan, we see is also an accomplished expert on Farming. He
hosted a “press conference” in January 2021, seen here on FaceBook. This is
most interesting because the same Facebook Page also has a header which
appears to be from the text of the Indian Citizenship Act (Amended). If I
looked in more depth I bet I could find stuff on Kashmir there too.

Now the portfolio of expertise is pretty complete. It is very similar to
the portfolio of the Pakistani-funded entities described in my earlier post
here. The “Farmers Agitation” is now very clearly seen to be a cooked-up
riot funded by Pakistan- and Canadian based “Khalistan” Punjabi terrorists,
trying to stoke up their extremely violent secessionist campaign. In the
1970s-80s, Pakistan sought “revenge for 1971” (The liberation of Bangla
Desh and the ignominious surrender of Pakistan’s 90,000 rapists) by funding
and training these terrorists to “break away Punjab in retaliation for East
Pakistan”. They murdered over 20,000 people, including 382 on a Boeing 747
from Canada and 2 ground crewmen at Narita airport, Japan when an
airliner-bound suitcase bomb exploded. In 1984 the terrorists also murdered
India’s Prime Minister Indira Gandhi who ordered the massive defeat of
Pakistan’s genocidal army in 1971. It was a horrible chapter of Indian
history. As I remember, Director General of Police in Punjab, the late
Kanwar Pal Singh Gill, himself a Sikh, a Punjabi, a professional and most
of all an Indian patriot, put it bluntly in the first page of his
book: “Terrorism in the Punjab did not end because The People Got Tired Of
Terrorism. The people never wanted or supported terrorism. Terrorism in the
Punjab ended because We Killed The Terrorists”.

Today Pakistan is again stirring up trouble, but they have become more
sophisticated in their payment systems than in the days when Syed Ghulam
Nabi Fai was in the ISI’s direct pay, leading the US Government to award
him a few years of involuntary hospitality. Nowadays one route is through
appointments to various posts in Pakistan. Several of the Panelists in the
“DGH” also can be traced to strange posts in the Pakistani establishment.

My Research Inspired By the Manish Madan Method (M3)

Inspired by Dr. Madan and his Thesis Advisor, I too undertook a long and
arduous journey for this research. In fact it was conducted during
a 126,105,407.3 kilometer one-way trip, over 176,463 seconds. Through Space
around the Sun, braving asteroids, hypersonic dust and cosmic rays. Not
counting the 392 trips to the pantry to visit the cookies/peanuts/raisins
jar, resulting in a gain of 31.3473 Newtons of weight. During this research
I conducted approximately 1037 telephonic interviews with callers offering
great deals on Extended Warranties for my 1972 Pontiac Catalina luxury
vehicle, credit card Balance transfers, and computer disk security fixes. I
was commended on Outstanding warrants in my name at the Police, IRS and
Social Security Administration. I also queried them regarding the
uncertainty in their parentage, and regarding their attitudes towards where
they should stick their heads relative to their own or their Matriarchal
musharrafs. I received over 5,000 emails in my SPAM folder including offers
from top officers of the Nigerian military based in Pakistan. And speaking
of pakistan I did make several visits to my Endowed American Standard
Throne there.

The Clery Act

I also used an Authoritative Publication. The Clery Act Report of the
Stockton Police Force. Indians may not know about the Clery Act. But I have
seen far too many Clery Act messages come through my official email in the
past.

Back in 1986 Jeanne Clery was a student at Lehigh University – one of the
arrogant sponsors of the DGH Poo-Throwing Show of September 10,11 and 12,
2021, that contributed several heroic “signors” of the Letter of Support
for said Show. Until she was raped and murdered in her university residence
hall. Ms. Clery’s shattered parents did what they could to make something
positive from their nightmare. It is a dirty open secret of American
campuses that they are often surrounded by areas that make Pakistan look
safe and peaceful: many predators looking at the naive young students as
easy targets. (However, with Stockton or Ohio State, there is no need to
look outside campus to see the perps..) Universities as a matter of policy,
were capable of exerting great pressure even on local TV and newspapers to
suppress any news of tragedies and crimes on campus. The Clerys ran a
determined public campaign, so that the US Congress adopted the Jeanne
Clery Disclosure of Campus Security Policy and Campus Crime Statistics Act,
PL101-542. It ordered universities and colleges to publish, promptly, every
crime report on their campus and in their neighborhoods, so that people
could at least be forewarned. Every year they have to publish a Clery Act
Report, so that prospective students and their parents can be forewarned.

Method of Approach

We are inspired by Dr. Manish Madan’s statistics-based methods. My method,
beyond the cursory explanation given above, is the well-established and
highly respected Investigatus Googlus Cucinotorious (ICC) combined with
statistical analysis of complete annual data given by authoritative
sources.

Stockton publishes a Clery Act Report. So does Rutgers. Now this is not a
report that universities inflate, unlike their grading, the credentials of
their Administrators, their entering GRE scores, faculty publication
records and most importantly, funding and Rankings. All institutions would
dearly love to publish a blank Clery Act Report – but cannot do so out of
fear of Federal prosecution. So if anything, the report understates the
problem using classifications on level of complaint registered. For
instance, only “major” sexual assaults are listed. Sexual “harassment”
cases are mostly kept from the Police, so I cannot do statistical analysis
of that.

Here are the raw numbers. Stockton University in 2018 had 11029 people
(13329 in total passed through but some of those were transient). The 2018
Clery Act Report reports 22 major sexual assaults. That’s not “sexual
harassment”. Major sexual assaults. Violent Rape, for instance. The ratio
of assaults to people was 0.00199474. In other words, two out of every
thousand experienced a major sexual assault in just that year. Consider
that Stockton’s graduation records show that it takes the typical student 6
years to complete the 4-year curriculum (partly perhaps due to having to
work part-time, or take semesters off to work and save enough money to pay
fees). So in 6 years, the Stockton student has a 0.012 chance of suffering
a MAJOR sexual assault. 12 out of 1000, or more than 1 out of every 100
students, will suffer such an assault during their studies at Stockton.
Russian Roulette. How many parents are aware of this? But instead of trying
to improve the safety of their own students, Stockton spends its resources
flinging excrement at India! Why do Indians need advice from such entities?

India had roughly 1.4 billion people, and 33,000 sexual assaults in 2018.
That ratio is 2.73E-05 in scientific notation (this is a deep Statistics
paper, remember).

The ratio of Stockton Major Sexual Assault Rate to India Sexual Assault
rate is therefore, 0.00199474 divided by 2.73E-05, which is 84.625.

Now this is based on 2018 data, but there is no reason to believe that the
“university” has become safer, although 2020-21 saw a plunge in on-campus
students so are atypical. One should also consider this grim statistic:
“According to the Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network, 23 percent of
women undergraduates experience rape or sexual assault, but nearly 80
percent don’t report it. “Men are also affected, with about 5 percent of
male undergraduates experiencing sexual assault or rape, the data
show.” The 80% figure is inflated: it is actually only 77% per the US RAINN
(Rape, Abuse, Incest National Network). That is during just the 4 years (6
years is what it takes many Stockton students to complete a 4-year degree
per their graduation records). Extrapolate that to a lifetime and you see
the right statistic to compare with Manish Madan’s statistics for India.
Also consider that very much of what goes on as standard behavior in
American public places, would be considered extreme sexual harassment in
India. Not that this in any way excuses actual harassment, which hinders
people going about their own business in peace and security, but I maintain
that Stockton/Michigan State researchers’ choice of India for such studies
is not at all motivated by the genuine desire to improve life for India,
but to destroy the integrity of India with constant hate attacks. See below
for further pointers.

So, if my arithmetic is correct, what we see in the Clery Reports from
Stockton is only 23 percent of the “rape or sexual assault” occurring at
Stockton University. In other words, in 2018, and presumably every year
before and since, Stockton University had 22/0.23 or 95.65217 rapes, using
the Manish Madan Statistical Method. Stockton should have a National #1
ranking in something, after all!

Now, note that anything bad about India is reported as “In Narendra Modi’s
India” as if the Prime Minister is directly responsible for all crimes.
Hence, fair is fair..what happens at Stockton, happens in “Harvey
Kesselman’s Stockton”.

Shah published a paper titled “A mixed-methods approach to identifying
sexual assault concerns on a university (Stockton?) campus”.
Excerpt: “Among the 2511 survey responses (28.6% response rate), 178 (7.1%)
students reported experience with unwanted physical sexual conduct
(including sexual assault and harassment) at this campus in the past 4
years….Low incident reporting rate and low satisfaction level of the
resolution after reporting suggest an urgent need to improve the reporting
process and wider institutional effort.”

I decided to undertake my own long journey into this question, inspired by
Dr. Manish Madan’s “41 hour 1280 mile roundtrip”. Research after all takes
persistence!

A Google Search for “Stockton Sexual Assault” brought up 7,180,000 hits in
0.66 seconds. See below.

Anecdotal Evidence

This is a departure from the Manish Madan Method of “interviewing” a few
people on trains , but we have to do something original even if it is no
good. Here are some headlines:

1. Man accused of 4th student rape at Stockton University. This was a
news item from mid-2019, not included in our 2018 data set.
2. Here’s one from 2019: The Residence hall Assistant is accused. Talk
about Vulpes Vulpes Canidea guarding pullum cavea.”Former Stockton
student sues university and RA for sexual assault,
negligence”. Excerpt: “In another instance that month, she says the RA
was again heavily intoxicated during a party Oct. 19 in the dormitory
in which they both lived and grabbed her breasts while yelling “equal
rights” when she walked by. That same night, she claims the RA and
another person pushed her into a closet and held the door shut for 10
minutes. When she was released, the plaintiff says, the RA pushed her
against a wall and assaulted her again by rubbing himself against her
repeatedly. She said she immediately left the party and went to her
parents’ home.”
3. Video of N.J. college (Stockton University) student’s rape was posted
on Snapchat, lawsuit claims. This was indeed 2018. Excerpt: “the man
spiked her drink with a date rape drug when she was in the bathroom.
Later that night, after she changed into comfortable clothes to sleep,
the man pulled her in to kiss her, she alleged. The suit said she
remembers kissing him and then “blacked out.” The woman’s suit said
she woke up in her bed, naked and covered with vomit. She saw that he
had posted three Snapchat videos of him sexually assaulting her while
she was incapacitated, the suit said.” (One begins to seriously
consider the wisdom of consulting NASA for Asteroid trajectory
predictions before visiting Stockton..)
4. From Stockton university records: “”Allison, D., Kalibatseva, Z., &
Tyrrell, B. J. (2017). Stockton University Campus Climate Survey
Report. Stockton University. Among survey findings: over 41% of
employee respondents reported that they had personally experienced
exclusionary, intimidating, offensive or hostile behavior at Stockton
within the past year, with 19% reporting that it had interfered with
their work“
5. “Beginning in June 2018, a series of nine individual lawsuits were
brought by Stockton students against the university, claiming
institutional negligence and violations of institutional Title IX
obligations in response to student reports of campus sexual violence
(Hernandez 2020, Kesselman 2018).“
6. “Baker-Tilly conducted an internal audit for the university pertaining
to the suits, for which several members of the Task Force were
interviewed, but the university declined to make the results of the
audit available to the Faculty Senate.” Oh! What happened to their
Dean’s declaration of “Academic Freedom”?
7. And here’s how Stockton University’s Board of Trustees respected
Academic Freedom of students to voice their concerns: with a heavy
Police phalanx.
8. And just when one thought one had seen it all… Emergency Medical
Technicians employed by this “university”? “Stockton EMT accused of
raping student who sought his help: LAWSUIT”
9. But.. Stockton might claim that sexual assault occurs elsewhere… “Lots
of university administrators commit sexual harassment and assault…Even
Title IX staff…”
10. Another Sponsor of the DGH Hate Event was Ohio State University. They
are outdoing Stockton: 2800+ cases about just one employee!

Stockton University students at a sit-in at the Board of Trustees meeting
in 2019, protesting continued inaction from said Board. Source: Press of
Atlantic City. The Board however took their own Security seriously: these
students looked so threatening to them that they had a heavy armed police
presence at the meeting, according to the Faculty Senate.“Sample Slide”
from a 2019 presentation by Prof. MMadan, Manish. 2019. Sexual
Victimization among College Students: What Can We Do? Presentation to
Stockton University Leadership Council, Sept. 2019. From Stockton
University Faculty Senate Task Force Final Report on Sexual and Gender
Based Violence, 2020.

In all fairness to Professor Manish Madan, he showed objectivity and
perhaps some courage in presenting data collected by a Stockton team on the
realities prevailing on the Stockton campus (see the bar chart above) in
September 2019 A chart that then made it to the Faculty Report to the Board
of Trustees. Readers can compare the percentages given there with those
from the Madan-Malla paper on sexual harassment in public places per
respondents to their New Delhi Survey of 2015. Consider that “lifetime” as
discussed by mostly sheltered university students is about 20 years
average, not Lifetime as discussed by New Delhi commuters. This is not to
be confused with any empathy for India or Indians: just Karma in that 4
years later, his new masters latched on to his claimed expertise and got
him to present the data at home.

DISCUSSION: TRANSFERRED EVIL SYNDROME: OR VOYEURISTIC GHOULISHNESS?

There must be some long Latin name for this syndrome. Let me explain it:
Your boss is a chronic, drunken Spouse Abuser. Wife-Beater. Comes home
every Friday evening with a couple of bottles inside and proceeds to call
his sons “Son Of A Dog!” loud enough for the neighbors to hear, as my
next-door buddy Abdul’s dear Dad used to do regularly. He is also Wanted
for unpaid speeding tickets and for public indecency in the next State. He
realizes that people in the community are beginning to realize that, and
give him strange looks. It’s a bit hard to deny – wife-beating not only
runs in his family, they brag about it. (Note: For the record, what this
Quatari “Scholar” says is exactly what a US-based Endowed Furniture Islamic
professor in the Midwest wrote over 20 years ago, so he can’t be faulted
for inaccuracy in his “technique”.) So he hires a flunky at say, a mediocre
State University, to run a project. The project is to recruit a dupe to do
a “PhD Thesis” on Attitudes Towards Spousal Abuse – in the next State. Or
if that doesn’t work, there is always… (drumbeat) INDIA!! Transferred
guilt. Transferred Evil. Voyeuristic Ghoulishness. Wonder why they call it
“Vicar-ious”. Can it be related to ” as practised in the Ancient western
religious institutions? As the Stockton and West Washington Professors ask,
(my understanding) Can we ever discuss Power Politics and Forced Sex
without Religion in America?

It is a familiar tactic among lowlife in the West. For instance, 2020
brought utter disaster for the vaunted, astronomically overpriced and
self-proclaimed superior American Medical System. Six hundred thousand
(600,000) dead from COVID-19 out of a population of 330 Million. Dead
bodies stacked in trucks in New York, dumped into big mass -burial ditches
on Long Island. Patients on hallway floors. Parking-lot tents.
“Senior-Care” homes leaving old folks to die starving, lying helpless in
their own excrement for weeks.

So what did they do? They declared that the farsighted, far better control
of the pandemic in India was all “faked numbers”, under-reporting. When the
Second Wave with the Delta variant hit in March-April 2021, they sneered
and chortled, with ghoulish videos and images of funeral fires burning
(duh! people have been cremated in India for over 20,000 years it is a much
more Earth-friendly and safe and respectful method of disposing mortal
remains than burial). By July 2021, Karma (and as per any sensible
predictions) had brought the Second Wave to the USA and UQ, with horrible
results. Parents being told: “The only way your child can be admitted to
the Emergency Room is when a bed is vacated as another child dies”.
Australian police beating desperate citizens to pulp for daring to come out
of their apartments. Nations such as Australia banning their own citizens
from their shores. Utter knee-jerk panic.

Silence from these “concerned media”.

This is the very unoriginal theme that pervades much of the “research” that
we see from Stockton, and the larger South Asia “Scholar” community.
“Research for hire” gets an entirely new meaning with these “Scholars”. And
India is their usual and favorite target.

a) Stockton is a center of sexual assault (rape) – so do a study on
Attitudes of People In India About Rape.

b) New Jersey is known for endemic, some say epidemic, corruption: So the
Dean does a paper on Police Corruption in Bombay, India, from 1865 to 1925.

c) Beating women, especially domestic abuse, is epidemic in the Islamic
World from what I now see of numerous “Scholars” over the past 20 years
explaining the Correct Technique (don’t leave marks, it dents re-sale
value) to Beat Women. There is/was a famous Islamic Professor at one of the
schools in the mid-west who wrote his Scholarly Treatise on the above
topic. And so we see a PhD Thesis on.. (drumbeat) Attitudes Towards
Domestic Abuse – in INDIA!! It even starts with an example of an Islamic
man beating one of his wives… but then this is transferred to become
somehow an INDIAN habit. Gets picked up and blared by The Guardian and BBC,
because it is well-known that British women have a 37% higher chance of
getting beaten up every time their dear Partner’s favorite soccer team
loses: And they lose at least half the time.

d) They were “advisors” to the same State Department responsible for the
utter disaster in Afghanistan, handing over the keys and the chains to
enslave women, to the very Pakistani terrorists who used to put out Baskets
of Severed Hands in the early 1990s. Who now lash young women mercilessly
and shoot them dead in the streets for venturing outdoors with toes showing
under their burkhas because they cannot afford shoes. All in the name of
Religion. So what do these Stockton Professors do? Write articles on How To
Confront the voters of India for daring to vote for a government that
guides the nation in steady progress!

Yaaawn!

CONCLUSIONS

1: SO PROF. MANISH MADAN’S METHOD SHOWS THAT YOU WERE 84.63 TIMES
MORE LIKELY TO BE SEXUALLY ASSAULTED IN HARVEY KESSELMAN’S STOCKTON THAN IN
NARENDRA MODI’S INDIA.

This is not some one-off aberration. A similar analysis by the Manish Madan
Method shows that (Conclusion 2):

2: PROF. MANISH MADAN’S METHOD SHOWS THAT YOU WERE 84.848 TIMES MORE LIKELY
TO BE SEXUALLY ASSAULTED IN JONATHAN HOLLOWAY’S RUTGERS NEWARK THAN IN
NARENDRA MODI’S INDIA.

Rutgers’ larger campus in New Brunswick had 64094 people, suffering 26
major sexual assaults. For a ratio of only 4 in 10,000 in one year. That
means:

3: PROF. MANISH MADAN’S METHOD SHOWS THAT YOU WERE 16.989 TIMES MORE LIKELY
TO BE SEXUALLY ASSAULTED IN JONATHAN HOLLOWAY’S RUTGERS NEW BRUNSWICK THAN
IN NARENDRA MODI’S INDIA.

We also checked prison populations in Narendra Modi’s India where, we are
told, Democracy is in grave danger (apparently they check ID at polling
booths and discourage the American ideal of “Vote Early, Vote Often”), and
people’s freedoms are being brutally trampled upon. If you are in New
Jersey (home of Stockton and Rutgers).

4: PROF. MANISH MADAN’S METHOD SHOWS THAT RESIDENTS OF PHIL MURPHY’S NEW
JERSEY ARE 8.891 TIMES MORE LIKELY TO BE INCARCERATED THAN RESIDENTS OF
NARENDRA MODI’S INDIA.

That is much higher than the People’s Republic of China (5.01 times that of
India) but..(violins please!)

5: PROF. MANISH MADAN’S METHOD SHOWS THAT RESIDENTS OF BIDEN/HARRIS’ UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA ARE 22.596 TIMES MORE LIKELY TO BE INCARCERATED THAN
RESIDENTS OF NARENDRA MODI’S INDIA.

6. It is interesting to note that all the reported rapes at Stockton
occurred after the acclaimed publication of Dr. Manish Madan’s New Delhi
Sexual Harassment Survey.

7. There may be a few drunken louts and other creeps who abuse their
spouses, among India’s 1.4 billion humans. But in Manish Madan’s Stockton
the number density of such creeps far exceeds that in India. And in East
Lansing, Michigan where Madan did his PhD Dissertation, it is probably the
prevailing law for a very large percentage of the population. With
Techniques prescribed by their Scholars both local and from Holy Qatar,
co-sponsors of the ISIS. And in Pakistan, where Manish Madan is a Member of
the Board of the Pakistan Journal of Criminology, it is probably The ONLY
recognized law.

8. But you are not likely to read someone like Madan or Ramya Vijaya
writing those truths. They are Stockton University faculty after all.
Expectations to live down to. Sponsors to satisfy. Karma to stick tongues
out at.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

For these conclusions I once again thank Stockton University Associate
Professor and Pakistan Journal of Criminology Board Member Dr. Manish
Madan, for his inspiring research that led to such revelations on Harvey
Kesselman’s Stockton, Jonathan Holloway’s Rutgers, and Phil Murphy’s New
Jersey and Joe Biden’s USA.

Which triggers a thought? Could Prof. Manish Madan in fact be a
(shudder!!!) “Trumpee”? Something for the South Asia faculty at Stockton
and Rutgers to ponder. We are already very shaken by the performance of the
Stanford Reliance-Dhirubhai Ambani Throne Squatter at Stanford, and M.
Christophe Jaffrelot at the recent “DGH”. The former, looking a bit under
the effects of a late Friday night, single-handedly Moderated a Panel of
Extremists, causing their statement to be recorded and widely disseminated
as evidence of hate speech and terrorist intent, not to mention lampooned
worldwide. The latter, doing a great emulation of Inspecteur Clouseau, with
one sentence revealed that the DGH entities were using foreign
contributions into India in the name of “NGOs” for political and religious
destablization activities. Sure signs of what some of us diagnose as “RAA
Agints!”

What is presented is based on the facts cited, my analysis of those facts,
and once or twice an opinion stated as such. I have never visited Stockton
University nor met Dr. Manish Madan or Dr. Harvey Kesselman or any other
entities mentioned by name here, and have no malice towards anyone. Please
communicate if there are errors of fact.

Satyam Eva Jayate.

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16,2015. “Simplicity. Easy, secure payment gateways. Pay via credit
card: We accept Visa, MasterCard, American Express, Diners Club, and
Discover, and have partnered with two payment gateways—PayPal and CC
Avenue. Pay via bank transfer: You can make payments directly into our
bank account and email the bank wire transfer receipt to us.”
27. Dr. Manish Madan: Facebook.com/MadMan says
28. Jammu and Kashmir Timeline – 2011. South Asia Terrorism Portal.Jammu
and Kashmir Timeline –
2011.https://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/jandk/timeline/year2011.htm
29. Clery Act. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clery_Act
30. Ah! You want to know the secret of our vast Linguistic
Verstility? WordHippo https://www.wordhippo.com/what-is/the/latin-word-for-2f56c0ac09ef740a2b7c6409b5ef046ae6ccd42f.html
31. Fox Guarding The Chicken
Coophttps://www.wordhippo.com/what-is/the/latin-word-for-2f56c0ac09ef740a2b7c6409b5ef046ae6ccd42f.html
32. Stockton University. Annual Security & Fire Safety Report. In
Compliance With The Jeanne Clery Disclosure Of Campus Security Policy
And Campus Crime Statistics Act. Annual Report
2018.https://stockton.edu/police/documents/crime-stats/2018AnnualReport.pdf
33. Statistica. Total Number of Rape Cases Reported in India,
2005-2020.https://www.statista.com/statistics/632493/reported-rape-cases-india/
34. Rutgers University. Safety Matters. 2019 Rutgers University Annual
Fire and Safety
Report. http://halflife.rutgers.edu/safety_matters_flipbook_2018/ASFR2018.pdf
35. Manly Stewart. Sexual Assault Statistics: A Comprehensive Examination.
March 23,
2021. https://www.manlystewart.com/sexual-assault-statistics/
36. Rebecca Everett. Man Accused of 4th Student Rape at Stockton
University. Atlantic. NJ.com January 39,
2019.https://www.nj.com/atlantic/2018/07/second_student_accuses_man_of_rape_at_illegal_frat.html
37. Claire Lowe. Former Stockton student sues university and RA for sexual
assault, negligence. The Press of Atlantic City, March 6,
2019.https://pressofatlanticcity.com/education/former-stockton-student-sues-university-and-ra-for-sexual-assault-negligence/article_6755d4d1-cb05-5ed3-8867-9a4da595eca8.html
38. Rebecca Everett, Video of N.J. college student’s rape was posted on
Snapchat, lawsuit claims. NJ.com, January 30,
2019. https://www.nj.com/atlantic/2018/07/video_of_nj_college_student_rape_was_posted_on_sna.html
39. Wikipedia. Sodom and
Gomorrah. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sodom_and_Gomorrah
40. Molly Bilinkski, Stockton students protest board meeting after
sex-assault lawsuits. The Press of Atlantic City. May 2,
2019.https://pressofatlanticcity.com/education/stockton-students-protest-board-meeting-after-sex-assault-lawsuits/article_e98a5ef9-c812-58e6-a54a-f246e72845c4.html
41. Stockton University. Faculty Senate Task Force on Sexual and
Gender-Based Violence:Final Report, May
2020. https://stockton.edu/faculty-senate/documents/standing-committees/ay2019_2020_reports/SenateTFonSGBVFinalReport.pdf
42. William Murphy. Stockton EMT accused of raping student who sought his
help: LAWSUIT. The Trentonian. Julu 29,
2018. https://www.trentonian.com/2018/07/29/stockton-emt-accused-of-raping-student-who-sought-his-help-lawsuit/
43. Anon. Lots of university administrators commit sexual harassment and
assault…Even Title IX staff…. GeoRecognitionLaboratory, March 16,
2018.https://geocognitionresearchlaboratory.com/2018/03/16/lots-of-university-administrators-commit-sexual-harassmentand-assault-even-title-ix-staff/
44. Anon. Ohio State tallies over 2,800 instances of abuse by team doc.
Jersey Shore News, January 10,
2021.https://spotonnewjersey.com/jersey-shore/829791/ohio-state-tallies-over-2800-instances.html
45. Memri TV Videos. Qatari Sociologist Abad Al-Aziz Al-Khazraj Al-Ansari
Demonstrates Correct Wife-Beating in Islam. April 3,
2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=m-jpwHPsHDQ
46. Anon. Domestic violence surges after a football match ends. The
Economist. July 9,
2021. https://www.economist.com/graphic-detail/2021/07/09/domestic-violence-surges-after-a-football-match-ends
47. Anon. The Guardian. Phones, Moans and Breaking Up. Lewinsky’s
Testimony. The Guardian, Sep. 10,
1998. https://www.theguardian.com/world/1998/sep/11/clinton.usa3
48. Brett Arends. Opinion: A ‘debacle’ — AARP slams entire nursing home
establishment. Marketwatch.com, December 10, 2020. “Nine Months and
72,000 Deaths Later, Cleaning Crews Enter The Kirkland Nursing Home,
Washington State on March 12”. (Sen. Pramilla Jaypal’s
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49. Ron Synovitz. Public Executions, Floggings ‘Inevitable’ Under Taliban
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2021. https://gandhara.rferl.org/a/taliban-courts-public-executions/31449392.html
50. Jake Epstein and John Haltiwanger. The Taliban is bringing back
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of Afghanistan. Sep 23,
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51. Search Results: Taliban Executions. Economic Times, 03 October
2021.https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/topic/Taliban-executions

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Labels: Itihāsa

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3. Oct
1

VR̥ṢABHÁ 'BULL, POWERFUL'; DINGIR 'DIVINITY' DHINGIR 'BULL' THAKKURA 'IDOL,
DEITY'

https://tinyurl.com/6rj9yx8s

vṛṣabha m. (ifc. f(ā). ) a bull (in Veda epithet of various gods, as of
Indra, Bṛhas-pati, Parjanya &c.; according to, Sāy. = varṣayitṛ, ‘a
showerer of bounties, benefactor’); vṛṣabha m. the chief, most excellent or
eminent, lord or best among (in later language mostly ifc., or
with gen.) RV; name of a warrior (MBh.)(Monier-Williams) vr̥ṣabhá ʻ
powerful ʼ, m. ʻ lord, male, bull ʼ RV. [vŕ̊ṣan -- ] Pa. vasabha -- m. ʻ
bull ʼ, Pk. vasaha -- , vis˚, vus˚ m.; N. basāhā ʻ bull not used for
ploughing ʼ; Bi. basahā ʻ bull bought by religious mendicants ʼ;
Mth. basah ʻ bull ʼ, Bhoj. basahā, OAw. basaha, H. basah m.; M. vasū m. ʻ
bull calf, bull branded and set at liberty ʼ, vaśẽ, ośẽ n. ʻ bullock's hump
ʼ; -- Si. vähäp ʻ ox, steer ʼ (EGS 162) ← Pa. -- X ukṣán --(CDIAL 12085)

THE MOTIF OF A BULL IN THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST : AN ICONOGRAPHIC STUDY

1. Renate Marian Van Dijk

1 February 2011 Free download:
https://core.ac.uk/reader/43167977

ABSTRACT

The bull was a potent symbol of power, strength, and, to a lesser degree,
fertility to the peoples of the ancient Near East from the twelfth century
until 330 BCE. This symbolism was manifested in several iconographic
motifs. These motifs reveal the bull as a manifestation of divine
characteristics and as an expression of the power of man, and particularly
the authority of the king. The use of these iconographic motifs was not
consistent across the entire area of the ancient Near East; some differed
in appearance and use in the different areas of the region, and many
changed over time even in the same area. In all areas and during all
periods the basic core symbolism stayed the same, and the bull was always
held in a special respect. Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern
StudiesM.A. (Ancient Near Eastern Studies

karaṇḍa 'duck' (Sanskrit) karaṛa 'a very large aquatic bird' (Sindhi)
Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard alloy;
vartaka 'duck' rebus: பத்தர்; pattar, n. perh. vartaka. Merchants;
வியாபாரிகள்

Horned temples

In the Babylonian Epic of Gilgamesh the horns of the Bull of Heaven meet a
different, but similarfate:“Gilgamesh summoned all the smiths and the
craftsmen,the size of the horns the craftsmen admired.Thirty minas of lapis
lazuli in a solid block,two minas each their rims,six kor of oil, the
capacity of both.He gave them to his god Lugalbanda, to hold oil for
anointment,he took them in to hang in his chamber” (George 2003:53).

kōḍu 'horn' rebus koḍ 'workplace'
This depicts a stool with bovine legs in Peace Register.
Standard of Ur, excavated from the Early Dynastic RoyalCemetery at Ur in
southern modern-day Iraq, contains a depiction of a stool with bulls’ legs
o

The name of Simurrum king "Iddin-Sin" (𒀭𒄿𒋾𒀭𒂗𒍪, I-ti-n Sîn) with the
"Dingir" initial silent honorific 𒀭 for "Divine". The star symbol 𒀭,
which can also be pronounced "An", is used again, but phonetically, in the
middle of the name, for the sound "n". Stele in the Sulaymaniyah Museum,
Iraq.
Dingir (𒀭, usually transliterated DIĜIR, Sumerian pronunciation: [tiŋiɾ])
is a Sumerian word for "god" or "goddess." Its cuneiform sign is most
commonly employed as the determinative for religious names and related
concepts, in which case it is not pronounced and is
conventionally transliterated as a superscript "d" as in e.g. dInanna.

The Sumerian sign DIĜIR originated as a star-shaped ideogram indicating a
god in general, or the Sumerian god An, the supreme father of the
gods. Dingir also meant sky or heaven in contrast with ki which meant
earth. Its emesal pronunciation was dimer. (The use of m instead
of ĝ [ŋ] was a typical phonological feature in emesal dialect.)

The plural of diĝir can be diĝir-diĝir, among others.

ASSYRIAN

The Assyrian sign DIĜIR could mean:

* the Akkadian nominal stem il- meaning "god" or "goddess", derived from
the Semitic ''ʾil-
* the god Anum
* the Akkadian word šamû meaning "sky"
* the syllables an and il
* a preposition meaning "at" or "to"
* a determinative indicating that the following word is the name of a god

According to one interpretation, DINGIR could also refer to a priest or
priestess although there are other Akkadian words ēnu and ēntu that are
also translated priest and priestess. For example, nin-dingir (lady divine)
meant a priestess who received foodstuffs at the temple of Enki in the city
of Eridu.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dingir

ḍhangar 'blacksmith' (WPah.): ḍānro = a term of contempt for a blacksmith
(N.)(CDIAL 5524) ṭhākur = blacksmith (Mth.) Ku. ḍã̄go ʻ lean (e.g. of
oxen) ʼ; N. ḍã̄go ʻ male (of animals) ʼ; L. (Shahpur) ḍhag̠g̠ā ʻ small weak
ox ʼ, ḍhag̠g̠ī f. ʻ cow ʼ, ḍhag̠ṛā m. ʻ paramour ʼ.Pk. ḍhaṁkhara -- m.n. ʻ
branch without leaves or fruit ʼ; S. ḍhaṅgaru m. ʻ lean emaciated beast ʼ;
Ku. ḍhã̄go ʻ lean ʼ, m. ʻ skeleton ʼ; M. ḍhã̄k, n., ḍhã̄kaḷ f. ʻ old
decaying stump ʼ, ḍhã̄kẽ n. ʻ stout stake ʼ, ḍhã̄kaḷ, ˚kūḷ ʻ old and
decaying, bare of leaves &c. ʼS. ḍhiṅgaru m. ʻ lean emaciated beast
ʼ.Or. dhāṅgaṛ ʻ young servant, herdsman, name of a Santal tribe
ʼ, dhāṅgaṛā ʻ unmarried youth ʼ, ˚ṛī ʻ unmarried girl ʼ, dhāṅgarā ʻ youth,
man ʼ; H. dhaṅgar m. ʻ herdsman ʼ, dhã̄gaṛ, ˚ar m. ʻ a non -- Aryan tribe
in the Vindhyas, digger of wells and tanks ʼ; M. dhã̄gaḍ ʻ rude, loutish ʼ,
f. ʻ hoyden ʼ.M. dhĩgaḍ = prec.(CDIAL 5524) ṭhakkura m. ʻ idol, deity
(cf. ḍhakkārī -- ), ʼ lex., ʻ title ʼ Rājat. [Dis- cussion with lit. by W.
Wüst RM 3, 13 ff. Prob. orig. a tribal name EWA i 459, which Wüst considers
nonAryan borrowing of śākvará -- : very doubtful]Pk. ṭhakkura -- m. ʻ
Rajput, chief man of a village ʼ; Kho. (Lor.) takur ʻ barber ʼ (= ṭ˚ ←
Ind.?), Sh. ṭhăkŭr m.; K. ṭhôkur m. ʻ idol ʼ ( ← Ind.?); S. ṭhakuru m. ʻ
fakir, term of address between fathers of a husband and wife ʼ;
P. ṭhākar m. ʻ landholder ʼ, ludh. ṭhaukar m. ʻ lord ʼ; Ku. ṭhākur m. ʻ
master, title of a Rajput ʼ; N. ṭhākur ʻ term of address from slave to
master ʼ (f. ṭhakurāni), ṭhakuri ʻ a clan of Chetris ʼ (f. ṭhakurni);
A. ṭhākur ʻ a Brahman ʼ, ṭhākurānī ʻ goddess ʼ;
B. ṭhākurāni, ṭhākrān, ˚run ʻ honoured lady, goddess ʼ; Or. ṭhākura ʻ term
of address to a Brahman, god, idol ʼ, ṭhākurāṇī ʻ goddess ʼ; Bi. ṭhākur ʻ
barber ʼ; Mth. ṭhākur ʻ blacksmith ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. ṭhākur ʻ lord, master
ʼ; H. ṭhākur m. ʻ master, landlord, god, idol ʼ, ṭhākurāin, ṭhā̆kurānī f.
ʻ mistress, goddess ʼ; G. ṭhākor, ˚kar m. ʻ member of a clan of Rajputs
ʼ, ṭhakrāṇī f. ʻ his wife ʼ, ṭhākor ʻ god, idol ʼ; M. ṭhākur m. ʻ jungle
tribe in North Konkan, family priest, god, idol ʼ; Si. mald. "tacourou" ʻ
title added to names of noblemen ʼ (HJ 915) prob. ← Ind.Addenda: ṭhakkura
-- : Garh. ṭhākur ʻ master ʼ; A. ṭhākur also ʻ idol ʼ (CDIAL 5488)

The cuneiform sign by itself was originally an ideogram for
the Sumerian word an ("sky" or "heaven");its use was then extended to
a logogram for the word diĝir ("god" or "goddess") and the supreme deity of
the Sumerian pantheon An, and a phonogram for the
syllable /an/. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dingir

PŌTA 'YOUNG BULL, CALF' REBUS पोतृ 'PURIFIER',POTADĀRA 'VILLAGE
SILVERSMITH, ASSAYER OF METALS' -- ପୋଦାର୍— PODĀR [SYNONYM(S): পোদ্দার
पोहार] ବୈଦେ. ବି. (ଫା. ଫୌତା=ଭୁକର, ଖଜଣା; ଫୋତାହାର=ୟେ ରାଜସ୍ବ ଟଙ୍କା ପରୀକ୍ଷା
କରେ)— 1। ଟଙ୍କା କୃତ୍ରିମ କି ଭଲ ତାହା ପରୀକ୍ଷା କରିବା ବ୍ଯକ୍ତି— 1. A PERSON WHO
SETS COINS; PODDAR. 2। ତହବିଲ୍ଦାର୍ କର୍ମଚାରୀ—2. A CASH KEEPER; CASHIER. 3।
ବଣିଆ; ସ୍ବର୍ଣ୍ଣ ରୌପ୍ଯ ବ୍ଯବସାଯୀ ବଣିକ— 3. GOLDSMITH; JEWELLER. 4। ମୁଦ୍ରା
ବ୍ଯବସାଯୀ; ଅର୍ଥବଣିକ— 4. MONEY-CHANGER; BANKER.ପୋଦ୍ଦାର୍— PODDĀR [SYNONYM(S):
পোদ্দার पोहार] ବୈଦେ. ବି. (ଫା. ଫୌତା=ଭୁକର, ଖଜଣା; ଫୋତାହାର=ୟେ ରାଜସ୍ବ ଟଙ୍କା
ପରୀକ୍ଷା କରେ)— 1। ଟଙ୍କା କୃତ୍ରିମ କି ଭଲ ତାହା ପରୀକ୍ଷା କରିବା ବ୍ଯକ୍ତି— 1. A
PERSON WHO SETS COINS; PODDAR. 2। ତହବିଲ୍ଦାର୍ କର୍ମଚାରୀ—2. A CASH KEEPER;
CASHIER. 3। ବଣିଆ; ସ୍ବର୍ଣ୍ଣ ରୌପ୍ଯ ବ୍ଯବସାଯୀ ବଣିକ— 3. GOLDSMITH; JEWELLER. 4।
ମୁଦ୍ରା ବ୍ଯବସାଯୀ; ଅର୍ଥବଣିକ— 4. MONEY-CHANGER; BANKER.ପୋଦାରୀ— PODĀRĪ
[SYNONYM(S): পোদ্দারী पोद्दारी] ବୈଦେ. ବି. (ଫା.)— ପୋଦାରର କର୍ମ— THE WORK OR
POST OF PODDĀR.ପୋଦ୍ଦାରୀ— PODDĀRĪ [SYNONYM(S): পোদ্দারী पोद्दारी] ବୈଦେ. ବି.
(ଫା.)— ପୋଦାରର କର୍ମ— THE WORK OR POST OF PODDĀR.

dhangar 'bull' rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'
Lion hieroglyph on Indus Script: siṁhá m. ʻ lion ʼ,
siṁhīˊ -- f. RV.Pa. sīha -- m. ʻ lion ʼ, sīhī -- f.,
Dhp. siha m., Pk. siṁha -- , siṁgha -- ,
sīha -- m., sīhī -- f.; Wg. sī ʻ tiger ʼ; K. sah, süh m.
ʻ tiger, leopard ʼ; P. sī˜h, sihã̄ m. ʻ lion ʼ, bhaṭ. sīh ʻ leopard ʼ;
WPah.khaś. sīˋ ʻ leopard ʼ, cur. jaun. sīh ʻ lion ʼ;
Ku. syū̃, syū ʻ tiger ʼ; Mth. sī˜h ʻ lion ʼ, H. sī˜gh, sīh m.,
OG. sīha m.; -- Si. sī, siha ← Pa. --
L. śĩh, khet. śī ʻ tiger ʼ with ś -- from Pers. lw. śer ʻ tiger ʼ. --
Pa. sīhinī<-> f. ʻ lioness ʼ; K. sīmiñ f. ʻ tigress, leopard ʼ;
P. sīhaṇī f. ʻ tigress ʼ; WPah.bhal.
se_hiṇi f. ʻ leopard withcubs ʼ, jaun. sī˜haṇ ʻ tigress ʼ;
H. sĩghnī f. ʻ lioness ʼ.Addenda: siṁhá -- :
WPah.kṭg. sīˊ m. ʻ lion, leopard, brave man ʼ,
sĩˊəṇ, sī˜ṇ (with high level tone) f. ʻ lioness ʼ
(also sī˜ṇ Him.I 214 misprint with i?).(CDIAL 13384)
Rebus: சிங்கச்சுவணம் ciṅka-c-cuvaṇam ,
n. prob. siṃhala + svarṇa. A kind of superior gold;
ஒருவகை உயர்தரப் பொன். தீதுதீர் சிறப்பிற்
சிங்கச் சுவணமென் றோசைபோகிய வொண்பொன்
(பெருங். வத்தவ. 11, 23). சிங்கம்¹ ciṅkam ,
n. siṃha. 1. Lion; மிக்கவன்மையுள்ள ஒரு
விலங்கு. மாற்றுச் சிங்கத்து மறக்குரல்
(பெருங். உஞ்சைக். 47, 111). 2. Leo, the fifth sign of the zodiac;
சிங்கராசி. (பிங்.) 3. A title, chiefly among Vēḷāḷas,
as in பாலசிங்கம்; வேளாளரின் ஒரு பட்டப்பெயர். (J.)

Ṡṛuṅgī ଶୃଙ୍ଗୀ Gold intended for being made into ornaments.
Ṡṛuṅgī kanaka ଶୃଙ୍ଗୀ କନକ— ସଂ. ବି— ଅଳଙ୍କାର ବ୍ଯବହୃତ ସୁବର୍ଣ୍ଣ—
Gold for ornaments.(Oriya) Singī & singi (f.)
[cp. Sk. śṛngī] 1. gold Vin i.38; S ii.234; J i.84.
-- nada gold Vv 6428; VvA 284.
-- vaṇṇa gold-coloured D ii.133.
-- suvaṇṇa gold VvA 167.(Pali) śr̥ngī 'gold used for onaments' shrang
श्रंग् । शृङ्गम्, प्रधानभूतः m. a horn; the top, peak, summit of a
mountain;
the head man or leading person in a village or the like.
शृङ्गिः śṛṅgiḥ शृङ्गिः Gold for ornaments. शृङ्गी śṛṅgī शृङ्गी
Gold used for ornaments. (Apte)

I submit that the triangle signifies Meluhha
expression: tridhātu 'three-fold' rebus: 'three mineral ores'; the
wealth-creating activities of a blacksmith guild.

khambha 'pillar' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner'; arka 'sun' rebus: arka
'copper, gold' Pashto gloss: kamar 'moon' rebus: kamar 'blacksmith'
(Santali)

CITATION

Recht, L., & Tsouparopoulou, C. (2021). Fierce lions, angry mice and
fat-tailed sheep: Animal encounters in the ancient Near
East. [Book]. https://doi.org/10.17863/CAM.76169

ABSTRACT

Animals have always been an integral part of human existence. In the
ancient Near East, this is evident in the record of excavated assemblages
of faunal remains, iconography and – for the later historical periods –
texts. Animals have predominantly been examined as part of consumption and
economy, and while these are important aspects of society in the ancient
Near East, the relationships between humans and animals were extremely
varied and complex. Domesticated animals had great impact on social,
political and economic structures – for example cattle in agriculture and
diet, or donkeys and horses in transport, trade and war. Fantastic
mythological beasts such as lion-headed eagles or Anzu-birds in Mesopotamia
or Egyptian deities such as the falcon-headed god Horus were part of
religious beliefs and myths, while exotic creatures such as lions were part
of elite symbolling from the fourth millennium bc onward. In some cases,
animals also intruded on human lives in unwanted ways by scavenging or
entering the household; this especially applies to small or wild animals.
But animals were also attributed agency with the ability to solve problems;
the distinction between humans and other animals often blurs in ritual,
personal and place names, fables and royal ideology. They were helpers,
pets and companions in life and death, peace and war. An association with
cult and mortuary practices involves sacrifice and feasting, while some
animals held special symbolic significance. This volume is a tribute to the
animals of the ancient Near East (including Mesopotamia, Anatolia, the
Levant and Egypt), from the fourth through first millennia bc, and their
complex relationship with the environment and other human and nonhuman
animals. Offering faunal, textual and iconographic studies, the
contributions present a fascinating array of the many ways in which animals
influence human life and death, and explore new perspectives in the
exciting field of human-animal studies as applied to this part of the
world.

IDENTIFIERS

This record's DOI:https://doi.org/10.17863/CAM.76169

Posted 3 days ago by kalyan97
Labels: Itihāsa linguistics Meluhha

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4. Oct
1

FIERCE LIONS, ANGRY MICE AND FAT-TAILED SHEEP: ANIMAL ENCOUNTERS IN THE
ANCIENT NEAR EAST -- RECHT, L & TSOURPAROPOULOU, C. (2021)

Recht, L., & Tsouparopoulou, C. (2021). Fierce lions, angry mice and
fat-tailed sheep: Animal encounters in the ancient Near
East. [Book]. https://doi.org/10.17863/CAM.76169

ABSTRACT

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5. Oct
1

ITIHĀSA OF R̥TVIJ -- PERFORMERS OF R̥GVEDA SOMA YAJNA-S MIGRATE FROM
SARASVATI RIVER BASIN INTO EURASIA, CA. 3RD MILLENNIUM BCE

https://tinyurl.com/3wt6637u
--Archaeologically, lexically attested 1) migrations of R̥tvij invested
with distinctive fillets into Eurasia; 2) अंशुः सोमः । --सायणभाष्यम्
cognate ancu 'iron' (Tocharian)

--civilizational moment, discovery of Potr̥, R̥gveda purifier priest
pratimā of Mohenjo-daro

THIS IS AN ADDENDUM TO:

1. AYU'S PEOPLE RETURNED TO INDIA AS TÓKHAROI (ΤΟΧΆΡΙΟΙ) OR YUEZI,
'TRADERS', THAKKURA 'BLACKSMITH' CA. 30 CE HTTPS://TINYURL.COM/VYR2QWV

2. WILD BUFFALO BUTTS AND TOSSES UP AEGEAN BULL-LEAPERS, SIGNIFIES ĊÍMÄ,
ĊIMƏ (AṢKŪ̃ — KAFIRI) IRON SMELTING, ALLOYING WORK ON INDUS SCRIPT
INSCRIPTIONS HTTPS://TINYURL.COM/AU7YAAY3

3. INDUS SCRIPT SEALS OF MOKKA, ḌOLLU, KARAṆA.'TUMBLER, DRUMMER' REBUS
MOKKHA 'CHIEF' ḌAULU'APPRAISER' (OF GUILD) RANGO KHĀṆḌĀ 'PEWTER METALWARE'
KARAṆA 'ACCOUNTANT' HTTPS://TINYURL.COM/YXLWVCX5

4. UTSAVA BERA MARI PROCESSION HERALDING BREAKTHROUGH IN कोंदण KŌNDAṆA
SETTING GEMS IN FINE-GOLD, KÃ̄SO 'WHITE-BELL-METAL'
JEWELLERY HTTPS://TINYURL.COM/4A9V46BM

5. Soma is yajñasya ātmā, śyenaciti is signified on Indus Script, on seven
soma samsthā yajña of Veda, thunderbolt
metalwork https://tinyurl.com/yy7ky2td
--Soma is yajñasya ātmā, Within soma, amśu which is a component, is ātmā
yajñasya (RV 9.2.10, 9.6.8); आत्मन् 'essential nature, principle of life,
of sensation'.
-- A synonym of Soma is amśu, cognate ancu 'iron' (Tocharian); metaphor of
Anzu 'winged lion' (Sumerian) in vajra 'thunderbolt' battle with Enlil

6. Dudu plaque, Shahdad standard c. 2400 BCE with Indus Script hieroglyphs
deciphered as iron-smelters, workers with three
metals http://tinyurl.com/nuceor7
7. Archaeological evidence of Indus Script proves the date of शतपथ-ब्राह्मण
investiture of priests to be prior to 4thmillennium BCE
https://tinyurl.com/yacayrjh

8. INDUS SCRIPT HTTP शतपथ-ब्राह्मण EVIDENCE: त्रैधातवी इष्टि TRAIDHĀTAVĪ
(IṢṬI) HTTPS://TINYURL.COM/XRV64FY7 -- YAJURVEDA YAJNA INVESTITURE CEREMONY
OF R̥TVIJ पोतृ--POTR̥, ‘PURIFIER PRIEST’ WITH TREFOILS ON HIS UTTARĪYAM
(SHAWL) CLOTHING OF ANCIENT INDIA, AN ABIDING INDUS SCRIPT HYPER TEXT
TRANSFER PROTOCOL TRADITION FROM 3RD M BCE, SARASVATI-SINDHU
CIVILIZATION, शतपथ-ब्राह्मणINVESTITURE CEREMONY OF PRIESTS IN
शतपथ-ब्राह्मण, ATTESTED ON INDUS SCRIPT WITH EMBROIDERED TREFOILS OF POTR̥,
'PURIFIER PRIEST', PODĀR 'ASSAYER OF METALS'

Fillets worn on foreheads of distinctive designs symbolising investiture of
R̥tvij are attested archaeologically.

FILLETS WITH INDUS SCRIPT HIEROGLYPHS OF DOTTED CIRCLES, LATHE, BRAZIER
SIGNIFY पोतृ PURIFIER PRIEST OF KOLE.L 'SMITHY,
TEMPLE' HTTP://TINYURL.COM/NACGZUS

http://www.harappa.com/indus/79.html

GOLD FILLET WITH INDUS SCRIPT HIEROGLYPH, ADICHANALLUR SIGNIFIES A R̥TVIJ
WITH KANDA, KŌ̃DA कोँद 'A SACRED FIRE-ALTAR' HTTPS://TINYURL.COM/YWFTMB56
FIGURE 3. GOLD FILLET WITH DOTTED CIRCLES ON 'STANDARD DEVICE' COMPARES
WITH THE FILLET ON MOHENJO-DARO FIGURINE.

R̥TVIJ DISPLAYED ON BACTRIA SILVER VASE, MIHO MUSEUM WEAR FILLETS; FOUR
GOLD FILLETS AND GOLD DISC IDENTIFIED ARCHAEOLOGICALLY

https://tinyurl.com/4u6abx9f

On the Bactria silver vase, top register narrates eight R̥tvij performing
Yajna; each Rtvij or priest weare a fillet on the forehead.

Terracotta figurines have been found in Mundigak and Mohenjo-daro
archaeological sites wearing three types of fillet, comparable to the gold
fillet shown on Figure 1.

Terracotta figurine from Mundigak, wearing a fillet.

Mundigak terracotta figurine (left) is compared with the figurine from
Mohenjodaro (right).
Figure 3. Mohenjo-daro figurine with plain fillet on forehead
[quote]Ancient Indus males of stature seem to have had their hair tied in
close buns, and with headband to further articulate their head. This is
true of the priest king, shown here in a possible colored replica, the
original, and in profile soon after being found in the 1920's. The figure
below, with the same hair hair arrangement and headband, was found at
Mohenjo-daro. Mark Kenoyer writes "Finely braided or wavy combed hair is
tied into a double bun on the back of the head, and a plain fillet or
headband with two hanging ribbons falls down the back. The upper lip is
shaved and a closely cropped and combed beard lines the pronounced lower
jaw. The stylized almond shaped eyes are framed by long eyebrows. The wide
mouth is very similar to that on the 'Priest-King'
sculpture."[unquote] https://www.harappa.com/blog/ancient-indus-mens-hairstyles

Shell plaque, Palace of Mari. Artisan holding metal weapons and tools
(Mari)

Dudu plaque ca. 2400 BCE signifies sanga of Ningirsu. sanga 'priest' is a
loanword in Sumerian/Akkadian. The presence of such a sanga may also
explain Gudea as an Assur, in the tradition of ancient
metalworkers speaking Proto-Prakritam of Indian sprachbund. saṅgu m. ʻ body
of pilgrims ʼ (whence sã̄go m. ʻ caravan ʼ), L. P. saṅg m. (CDIAL 12854). I
suggest that the 'twist' hieroglyphs on Dudu plaque and on Shahdad standard
signify ti-dhātu 'three strands of rope' Rebus: ti-dhātu 'three minerals'.
The dhā- suffix signifies 'elements,
minerals': dhāvaḍ 'iron-smelters'. dhāvḍī ʻcomposed of or relating to
ironʼ. Thus, the hieroglyph 'twist' is signified by the Proto-Prakritam
gloss: ti-dhātu semantically 'three metal/mineral elements.'

Mesopotamian EDI cuneiform texts from Ur distinguish between copper
(urudu/eru) and tin=bronze(zabar/siparru). ED II/III texts from Fara (Limet
1960) mention metallic tin (AN.NA/annakum). Textsfrom Palace G at Ebla
refer to the mixing of various ratios of 'washed' copper(a-gar(-gar)/abaru)
and tin to produce bronze (Waetzoldt and Bachmann 1984;Archi 1993). The
recipes arealso found in the late 19th century BCE texts from Mari (Muhly,
JD, 1985, ‘Sources of Tinand the Beginning of Bronze Metallurgy’AJA89, pp.
275-291, p.282).Typical copper-tinratios are from 6:1 to 10:1. This
monograph traces cognates of urudu/eru 'copper' and anakku'tin'
(Sumerian)in Meluhha and identifies these as substrate words of Sumerian
which is a language isolate.. “Sumerian words with a pre-Sumerian
originare:professional names such as simug ‘blacksmith’ and tibira ‘copper
smith’, ‘metal-manufacturer’ are not inorigin Sumerian words.Agricultural
terms, like engar ‘farmer’, apin ‘plow’ and absin ‘furrow’, are neither of
Sumerian origin. Craftsman like nangar ‘carpenter’, agab ‘leather
worker’Some of the most ancient cities, like Kish, have names that are not
Sumerian in origin. These words must have been loan words from a substrate
language. The words show how far the division in labor had progressed even
before the Sumerians arrived.”( &#8211; No longer available).

Both eru and urudu in Akkadian are attested borrowings from Meluhha:

Ta. eruvai blood, (?) copper. Ka. ere a dark-red or dark-brown colour, a
dark or dusky colour; (Badaga) erande sp. fruit, red in colour. Te. rēcu,
rēcu-kukka a sort of ounce or lynx said to climb trees and to destroy
tigers; (B.) a hound or wild dog. Kol. resn a·te wild dog (i.e. *res na·te;
see 3650). Pa. iric netta id. Ga. (S.3) rēs nete hunting dog,
hound. Go. (Ma.) erm ney, (D.) erom nay, (Mu.) arm/aṛm nay wild dog
(Voc. 353); (M.) rac nāī, (Ko.) rasi ney id. (Voc. 3010). For 'wild dog',
cf. 1931 Ta. ce- red, esp. the items for 'red dog, wild dog'.(DEDR
817) Ta. eṟur̤ a hill tree with red flowers; eṟur̤am a hill
tree. Te. eṟupa, eṟṟa, eṟṟana, eṟṟani redness, red, scarlet, crimson;
(K.) Eṟṟana n. pr. 14th cent. author (eṟṟa + anna elder brother); Eṟama n.
pr. man (8th cent.; inscr., p. 355); modern names Errayya, Erramma (MBE
1978, p. 355). Kol. (SR.) erroḍī, (Kin.) eroṛi red. Go. (S. Ko.) erra red
(Voc. 355; < Te.). Konḍa eṟa, eṟani red.(DEDR 865)

rudhira mfn. (prob. fr. the above lost root rudh, ‘to be
red’; cf. rohita and also under rudra) red, blood-red, bloody, AV. v, 29,
10

SIR ARTHUR EVANS, EXCAVATON AT KNOSSOS, PROVIDED THIS “DIAGRAMMATIC SKETCH
OF [AN] ACROBAT’S

-- TO SIGNIFY ACCOUNTING LEDGER ENTRIES BY ACCOUNTANT/SCRIBE OF IRON &
PEWTER ALLOY METALWORK

--WATER-BUFFLO BUTTING AND TOSSING UP TUMBLERS OR ACROBATS IS DEPICTED ON
INDUS SCRIPT HYPERTEXT SEALS, CA. 2500 BCE

"THERE WERE THREE MAIN WAYS TO DEPICT BULL-LEAPING IN THE AEGEAN LATE
BRONZE AGE (CA. 1600-1300 BCE): GRABBING THE BULL'S HORNS AND HAVING THE
BULL FLIP THE LEAPER OVER ITS BACK (EVANS'S SCHEMA), DIVING DOWN THE BULL'S
NECK FROM AN ELEVATED POSITION (DIVING LEAPER SCHEMA), AND FLOATING ABOVE
THE BULL WHILE PERHAPS EXECUTING A VAULT OVER THE BULL'S BACK (FLOATING
LEAPER SCHEMA)."

SOURCE: JOHN YOUNGER, “BRONZE AGE REPRESENTATIONS OF AEGEAN
BULL-LEAPING”, AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY 80.2 (1976), PP.
125-137.HTTPS://KUSCHOLARWORKS.KU.EDU/HANDLE/1808/5291

WHAT JOHN YOUNGER REFERS TO AS 'THE FLOATING LEAPER SCHEMA' OF AEGEAN
BULL-LEAPING IS ANTICIPATED ON SEALS OF CA. 3RD MILLENNIUM FROM
SARASVATI-SINDHU CIVILIZATION SITES OF MEHRGARH, MOHENJO-DARO AND BANAWALI.
ON THSE SEALS PRESENTED IN THIS MONOGRAPH, IN LIEU OF THE BULL,
WATER-BUFFALO IS SHOWN AND THE SCENES NARRATED SEEM TO SIGNIFY BUTTING AND
TOSSING UP THE TUMBLERS OR ACROBATS BY BROAD BUFFALO-HORNS.OF THE WILD
BUFFALO.

I SUBMIT THAT THE AEGEAN BULL-LEAPING TRADITION IS TRACED TO THE MELUHHA
ARTISANS WORKING WITH IRON, METALS AND ALLOYS AND DOCUMENTING THE WEALTH
ACCOUNTING LEDGERS OF THEIR METALWORK REPERTOIRE ON INDUS SCRIPT
INSCRIPTIONS.

GREEK MINOAN BULL-LEAPING BRONZE STATUE. REPLICA FROM CRETE MUSEUM.
SOURCE: HTTPS://WWW.GREEKMYTHOSARTIFACTS.COM/LISTING/559967811/GREEK-MINOAN-BULL-LEAPING-BRONZE-STATUE

VARIOUS ILLUSTRATIONS FROM THE THIRD VOLUME OF ARTHUR EVANS’S THE PALACE OF
MINOS (FROM LEFT TO RIGHT: FIGS. 149, 150, 152, AND 153). THEY ARE ALL
DRAWN AFTER CLAY SEALINGS, APART FROM THE AGATE INTAGLIO SECOND FROM LEFT.
THEY ALL DEPICT HUMAN FIGURES LEAPING ACROSS BULLS. THE ONE AT EXTREME LEFT
SEEMS TO HAVE GRABBED THE BULL’S NECK; THE SECOND FROM THE RIGHT SHOWS WHAT
LOOKS LIKE A LEAPER LANDING HANDS FIRST ON THE BULL’S BACK.
HTTPS://WWW.ANCIENTWORLDMAGAZINE.COM/ARTICLES/JUMPING-BULL-LEAPING-FRESCO-KNOSSOS/

WALL PAINTINGS DATING TO THE 16TH CENTURY BC FROM TELL EL-DAB C A (ANCIENT
AVARIS) IN EGYPT SHOW SCENES OF BULL-LEAPING.

THE FAMOUS BULL-LEAPING FRESCO, FROM THE PALACE AT KNOSSOS, DEPICTS A
CRITICAL MOMENT IN THE EVENT. TWO FEMALE FIGURES (IN WHITE) ARE POSITIONED
AT EACH END OF THE BULL, WHILE A MALE FIGURE (IN BROWN) THROWS HIMSELF INTO
A SOMERSAULT OFF OF THE BULL’S BACK. ALTHOUGH THIS FRESCO HAS BEEN
RECONSTRUCTED—THE DARKER FRAGMENTS ARE THE RECOVERED PIECES—THE SPORT OR
RITUAL OF BULL-LEAPING IS CLEARLY DEPICTED. THE FRESCO DATES TO THE FINAL
PALACE PERIOD, CA. 1450–1400 BCE.

THIS CAST BRONZE GROUP SHOWS AN ACROBAT SOMERSAULTING OVER A BULL’S HEAD.
DATED TO CA.1700–1450 BCE, IT MEASURES 11.4 CM IN HEIGHT. BM IMAGE
#1966,0328.1.

SIR ARTHUR EVANS, EXCAVATOR AT KNOSSOS, PROVIDED THIS “DIAGRAMMATIC SKETCH
OF [AN] ACROBAT’S COURSE” TO SHOW THE SEQUENCE OF MOVEMENTS IN
BULL-LEAPING. FROM THE PALACE OF MINOS, PAGE 223, FIG. 156.

SOURCE: MCINERNEY, .JEREMY"BULLS AND BULL-LEAPING IN THE MINOAN
WORLD" EXPEDITION MAGAZINE 53.3

(2011): N. PAG. EXPEDITION MAGAZINE. PENN MUSEUM, 2011 WEB. 28 JUN 2021

<HTTP://WWW.PENN.MUSEUM/SITES/EXPEDITION/?P=13032>

HTTPS://WWW.PENN.MUSEUM/SITES/EXPEDITION/BULLS-AND-BULL-LEAPING-IN-THE-MINOAN-WORLD/

INDUS SCRIPT HYPERTEXT ON SEALS OF EXAMPLES OF WATER-BUFFALO BUTTING AND
TOSSING UP TUMBLERS OR LEAPERS:

That the orthography of Indus Script seals depicting bull-leapers, tumblers
or acrobats clearly demonstrates that the scribe is depicting a
water-burralo butting and tossing up the tumblers or acrobats, as seen on
the following Mohenjo-daro seal m0312. I submit that this narration evolves
into the tra1dition of Aegean bull-leapers of ca.1700–1450 BCE, as shown in
the Aegean narrations.

c.2600 ‐1900BCE, on display at the National Museum, New Delhi. Source: NMI
Buffalo attack scene, Mohenjo-daro (m0312); m0312 Persons vaulting over a
water buffalo. The water buffalo tosses a person on its horns. Four or five
bodies surround the animal. Rounded edges indicate frequent use to create
clay seal impressions.
The Meluhha rebus readings for the narrative of butting and tossing up by a
bovine are clear and unambiguous as shown in the following lexical entries
and related semantics; the word cimmu signifies 'butt or toss with horns;
to cast, fling, toss, butt with (bovine) horns':

Hypertext of butting and tossing by bovine horns: Ka. cimmu to discharge by
means of two fingers, shoot with the finger, push forward by means of the
foot or a stick, cast, fling, push away, butt or toss with the horns,
squirt, sputter; break forth, flow forth, burst forth, gush out; brandish a
weapon, shake, swing; cimmisu to cause oneself to spring out, gush forth;
come forth suddenly; shake (tr.), swing; cimaku, cimiku, cimuku, civuku,
cimakisu, cimikisu, cimukisu, civukisu to
sprinkle; simpiṇi sprinkling; simpisu, simpaḍisu, simbaḍisu, simmaḍisu to
sprinkle, besprinkle; ? cigi to discharge with or from the
fingers. Kor. (O.) cimki to splash; cimci to sprinkle. Te. cimmu to throw,
cast, fling, toss, spurt, squirt, thrust, butt as with the horns; n. a
spurt, thrust, butt; cimmuḍu throwing, flinging, casting; cippil(l)u to
gush, flow, overflow, well forth, rise; cimmanamu spurting, squirting. /
Cf. Pkt. simpaï, sippaï to sprinkle, Mar. śĩpṇẽ id.(DEDR 2548)

Rebus: †cīmara -- ʻ copper ʼ in cīmara -- kāra -- ʻ coppersmith ʼ in
Saṁghāṭa -- sūtra Gilgit MS. 37 folio 85 verso, 3 (= zaṅs --
mkhan in Tibetan Pekin text Vol. 28 Japanese facsimile 285 a 3 which in
Mahāvyutpatti 3790 renders śaulbika -- BHS ii 533. But the Chinese version
(Taishō issaikyō ed. text no. 423 p. 971 col. 3, line 2) has t'ie ʻ iron ʼ:
H. W. Bailey 21.2.65). [The Kaf. and Dard. word for ʻ iron ʼ appears also
in Bur. čhomār, čhumər. Turk. timur (NTS ii 250) may come from the same
unknown source. Semant. cf. lōhá -- ]Ash.(Ashkun (Aṣkū̃ —
Kafiri)) ċímä, ċimə ʻ iron ʼ (ċiməkára ʻ blacksmith ʼ), Kt. čimé;,
Wg. čümāˊr, Pr. zíme, Dm. čimár(r), Paš.lauṛ. čimāˊr, Shum. čímar, Woṭ.
Gaw. ċimár,Kal. čīmbar, Kho. čúmur, Bshk. čimer, Tor. čimu, Mai. sē̃war,
Phal. čímar, Sh.gil. čimĕr (adj. čĭmārí), gur. čimăr m., jij. čimer,
K. ċamuru m. (adj.ċamaruwu).(CDIAL 14496)

cīmara -- Add. 14496. [Cf. Shgh. čindōn ʻ furnace for smelting iron ʼ perh.
← Dardic or Kafiri e.g. Kt. čimə in cmpds. like čim -- dur ʻ saucepan
ʼ]Md. timara ʻ lead, tin ʼ.(CDIAL 4842a) చీముంత [ cīmunta ] chīmunta..
[Tel.] n. A metal vessel. చెంబు.

Thus, the narration of a water-buffalo butting or tossing up tumblers
signifies working with iron smelting.

m1406 Field Symbol 102 Group of persons vaulting over an uncertain
bovine animal.Variant of endless knot motif is twisted, plaited threads or
strands of rope. मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord,
a curl or snarl (Marathi). Rebus 1: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda.
Slavic) mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ' iron' (Munda); med 'copper' (Slavic languages) Rebus
2: medha मेध = yajña; मेधा = धन (नैघण्टुक , commented on by यास्क ii , 10.)
'dhanam','wealth'PLUS Hieroglyph: karṇika 'rim of jar' Rebus
1: कारणी kāraṇī, कारणीक kāraṇīka a (कारण S) That causes, conducts, carries
on, manages. Applied to the prime minister of a state, the supercargo of a
ship &c. (Marathi) Rebus 2: கரணம்போடு-தல் karaṇam-pōṭu -, v. intr. < id. +.
1. To tumble heels over head; to gambol; தலைகீழாகப்
பாய்தல். Colloq.குட்டிக்கரணம் kuṭṭi-k-karaṇam , n. < குட் டி¹ +.
[M. kuṭṭikkaraṇam.] 1. Performing a somersault on the ground, as minor
acrobatics; தலைகீழாக மறிந்துவிழும் ஒரு வித்தை. Rebus 3:கரணன் karaṇaṉ , n.
< karaṇa. Accountant; கணக்கன். கரணர்கள் வந்தனர் கழல் வணங்கினார்(கந்தபு.
மார்க்கண். 210).கரணிகம் karaṇikam , n. < karaṇa. [T. karaṇikamu.] Office
of accountant. See கருணீகம். Loc.கருணீகம் karuṇīkam , n. < karaṇa.
[T. karaṇikamu.] Office of village accountant or karṇam; கிராமக்கணக்குவேலை
.கருணீகன் karuṇīkaṉ , n. < id. 1. Village accountant; கிராமக்கணக்கன். கடுகை
யொருமலை யாகக் . . . காட்டுவோன் கருணீகனாம் (அறப். சத. 86). 2. A South Indian
caste of accountants; கணக்குவேலைபார்க்கும் ஒருசாதி. Drummer
hieroglyph: డోలు ḍōlu. [Tel.] n. A drum.
Rebus: డౌలు or డవులు ḍaulu. [Tel.] An estimate మదింపు. Demand or
collection of revenue by the Government: డవులుదారు an appraiser. డవులుపట్టీ
an account of the estimate of each farmer's produce. dhollu ‘drummer’
(Western Pahari) dolutsu 'tumble' Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’; karaḍa
'double-drum' Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy' The tumblers are: dom, 'gypsies,
roma, ḍōmba', who are itinerant metalsmiths. ḍōmba m. ʻ man of low caste
living by singing and music ʼ Kathās., ḍōma -- m. lex., ḍōmbinī -- f.
[Connected with Mu. words for ʻ drum ʼ PMWS 87, EWA i 464 with
lit.]Pk. ḍoṁba -- , ḍuṁba -- , ḍoṁbilaya -- m.; Gy. eur. rom m. ʻ man,
husband ʼ, romni f. ʻ woman, wife ʼ, SEeur. i̦om ʻ a Gypsy ʼ, pal. dōm ʻ a
Nuri Gypsy ʼ, arm. as. (Boša) lom ʻ a Gypsy ʼ, pers. damini ʻ woman ʼ;
Ḍ. ḍōm (pl. ˚ma) ʻ a Ḍom ʼ; Paš. ḍōmb ʻ barber ʼ; Kho. (Lor.) ḍom ʻ
musician, bandsman ʼ; Sh. ḍom ʻ a Ḍom ʼ, K. ḍūmb, ḍūm m., ḍūmbiñ f.;
S. ḍ̠ūmu m., ḍūmṛī f. ʻ caste of wandering musicians ʼ,
L. ḍūm m., ḍūmṇī f., (Ju.) ḍ̠om m., ḍ̠omṇī, ḍomṛī f.,
mult. ḍōm m., ḍōmṇī f., awāṇ. naṭ -- ḍūm ʻ menials ʼ;
P. ḍūm, ḍomrā m., ḍūmṇī f. ʻ strolling musician ʼ, ḍūmṇā m. ʻ a caste of
basket -- makers ʼ; WPah. ḍum ʻ a very low -- caste blackskinned fellow ʼ;
Ku. ḍūm m., ḍūmaṇ f. ʻ an aboriginal hill tribe ʼ; N. ḍum ʻ a low caste ʼ;
A. ḍom m. ʻ fisherman ʼ, ḍumini f.; B. ḍom, ḍam m. ʻ a Ḍom ʼ, ḍumni f.
(OB. ḍombī); Or. ḍoma m., ˚aṇī f., ḍuma, ˚aṇī, ḍamba, ḍama, ˚aṇī ʻ a low
caste who weave baskets and sound drums ʼ; Bhoj. ḍōm ʻ a low caste of
musicians ʼ, H. ḍomb, ḍom, ḍomṛā, ḍumār m., ḍomnī f.,
OMarw. ḍūma m., ḍūmaṛī f., M. ḍõb, ḍom m. -- Deriv. Gy. wel. romanō adj.
(f. ˚nī) ʻ Gypsy ʼ romanō rai m. ʻ Gypsy gentleman ʼ, ˚nī čib f. ʻ Gypsy
language ʼ.Gy.eur. rom m., romni f. esp. ʻ Gypsy man or woman ʼ;
WPah.kṭg. ḍōm m. ʻ member of a low caste of musicians ʼ, ḍv̄m m.;
Garh. ḍom ʻ an untouchable ʼ (CDIAL 5570).

A person on a dance-step is shown in front of the drummer; this
signifies karaṇa 'dance step' Rebus: karaṇa 'writer, scribe, accountant'
(who documents dhol 'drum' rebus: dul 'metalcast' products).
డొలుచు or డొల్చు ḍoluṭsu. [Tel.] v. n. To tumble head over heels as
dancing girls do. డొల్లజేయు.dolutsu 'tumble' Telugu. ḍollu to
fall; ḍolligillu to fall or tumble over; ḍullu to fall off; ḍul(u)cu, (K.
also) ḍulupu to cause to fall; ? ūḍuto fall off, come off, drop, give way,
fail. Kol. ḍol- (ḍolt-) to lie down, be felled; ḍolp- (ḍolopt-) to fell
(trees), pull down (wall).(DEDR 2988) Te. ḍollu to fall; ḍolligillu to fall
or tumble over; ḍullu to fall off; ḍul(u)cu, (K. also) ḍulupu to cause to
fall; ? ūḍu to fall off, come off, drop, give way, fail. Kol. ḍol-
(ḍolt-) to lie down, be felled; ḍolp- (ḍolopt-) to fell (trees), pull down
(wall). Go. (Ma. M. Ko.) ḍol- to die; (L.) dolanā to perish, be destroyed
(Voc. 1616). Kui ḍōpa (ḍōt-) to lie down, recline, sleep; n. act of lying
down, sleep. Kuwi (S.) dūlinai to sleep; (Su.) ḍul- (-it-) (hair, leaves)
to fall; (S.) dulh- to shake off; (Ḍ.) ḍō- (-t-) to sleep.(DEDR
2988). డొల్లు , దొల్లు or దొరలు ḍollu. [Tel.] v. n. To fall, to roll
over. పడు, పొరలు.Rebus: dul 'cast metal'.

DUL MẼṚHẼT, DUL MEṚEḌ, 'CAST IRON'; KOṬE MEṚEḌ ‘FORGED IRON’
(SANTALI) BSHK. ḌŌL ʻ BRASS POT (CDIAL 6583). REBUS 2: WPAH. ḌHŌˋḶ M.
ʻSTONEʼ, ḌHÒḶṬƆ M. ʻBIG STONE OR BOULDERʼ, ḌHÒḶṬU ʻSMALL ID.ʼ HIM.I
87(CDIAL 5536). REBUS: K. ḌULA M. ʻ ROLLING STONEʼ(CDIAL 6582).

(Note: the word డొల్లు 'tumble, roll over' and the word డోలు [Tel.]
n. A drum are homonyms with the rebus Meluhha rendering of dul
'metal casting'. Thus, both the narratives of drumming and butting/tossing
by water-buffalo signify the semantics of dul 'metal casting', as semantic
determinatives).

ḌHŌLA M. ʻ LARGE DRUM ʼ RUDRAY. 2. *ḌHŌLLA -- . [ONLY OAW. DEFINITELY
ATTESTS -- L -- ]1. GY. PAL. DAUL ʻ DRUM ʼ, PAŠ. ḌŪL (← PAR. ḌUHŪL IIFL III
3, 65), KHO. (LOR.) DOL, K. ḌŌL M., KASH. ḌHŌL, L. P. KU. N. A. B. ḌHOL,
OAW. ḌHORA M., H. ḌHOL M. -- EXT. -- KK -- : L. ḌHOLKĪ F. ʻ SMALL DRUM ʼ,
KU. ḌHOLKO, H. ḌHOLAK F.2. PK. ḌHOLLA -- M., OR. ḌHOLA, MTH. BHOJ. AW.
LAKH. MARW. G. M. ḌHOL M.WPAH.KṬG. ḌHŌˋL M. ʻ LARGE DRUM ʼ, ḌHÒLKI F. ʻ
SMALL DRUM ʼ, ḌHÒLKƆ M. ʻ DRUM ʼ; -- WPAH.KṬG. ḌHÒLLU ʻ DRUMMER ʼ.(CDIAL
5608)

Rebus: dul 'metal casting'.

m0312 Persons vaulting over a water buffalo. The water buffalo tosses a
person on its horns. Four or five bodies surround the animal. Rounded edges
indicate frequent use to create clay seal impressions.
Impression of a steatite stamp seal (2300-1700 BCE) with a
water-buffalo and acrobats. Buffalo attack or bull-leaping scene, Banawali
(after UMESAO 2000:88, cat. no. 335). A figure is impaled on the horns of
the buffalo; a woman acrobat wearing bangles on both arms and a long braid
flowing from the head, leaps over the buffalo bull. The action narrative is
presented in five frames of the acrobat getting tossed by the horns,
jumping and falling down.Two Indus script glyphs are written in front of
the buffalo. (ASI BNL 5683).
Rebus readings of hieroglyphs: ‘1. arrow, 2. jag/notch, 3. buffalo,
4.acrobatics’:

1. kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ (Skt.) H. kãḍerā m. ʻ a caste of bow -- and arrow --
makers (CDIAL 3024). Or. kāṇḍa, kã̄ṛ ʻstalk, arrow ʼ(CDIAL
3023). ayaskāṇḍa ‘a quantity of iron, excellent iron’ (Pāṇ.gaṇ)
2. खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge
of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans,
metal-ware’.

3. rāngo ‘water buffalo bull’ (Ku.N.)(CDIAL 10559)

Rebus: rango ‘pewter’. ranga, rang pewter is an alloy of tin, lead, and
antimony (anjana) (Santali).

4. ḍullu to fall off; ḍollu to roll over (DEDR 2698) Te. ḍul(u)cu, ḍulupu
to cause to fall; ḍollu to fall; ḍolligillu to fall or tumble over (DEDR
2988) డొలుచు [ḍolucu] or ḍoluṭsu. [Tel.] v. n. To tumble head over heels
as dancing girls do (Telugu) Rebus 1: dul ‘to cast in a mould’; dul mẽṛhẽt,
dul meṛeḍ, 'cast iron'; koṭe meṛeḍ ‘forged iron’ (Santali) Bshk. ḍōl ʻ
brass pot (CDIAL 6583). Rebus 2: WPah. ḍhōˋḷ m. ʻstoneʼ, ḍhòḷṭɔ m. ʻbig
stone or boulderʼ, ḍhòḷṭu ʻsmall id.ʼ Him.I 87(CDIAL 5536). Rebus:
K. ḍula m. ʻ rolling stoneʼ(CDIAL 6582).

Hieroglyph: धातु [p= 513,3] m. layer ,
stratum Ka1tyS3r. Kaus3. constituent part , ingredient (esp. [ and
in RV. only] ifc. , where often = " fold " e.g. त्रि-ध्/आतु ,
threefold &c ; cf.त्रिविष्टि- , सप्त- , सु-) RV. TS. S3Br. &c (Monier-Williams) dhāˊtu *strand
of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an
uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.).; S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added
from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL
6773) tántu m. ʻ thread, warp ʼ RV. [√tan] Pa. tantu -- m. ʻ thread, cord
ʼ, Pk. taṁtu -- m.; Kho. (Lor.) ton ʻ warp ʼ < *tand (whence tandeni ʻ
thread between wings of spinning wheel ʼ); S. tandu f. ʻ gold or silver
thread ʼ; L. tand (pl. °dũ) f. ʻ yarn, thread being spun, string of the
tongue ʼ; P. tand m. ʻ thread ʼ, tanduā, °dūā m. ʻ string of the tongue,
frenum of glans penis ʼ; A. tã̄t ʻ warp in the loom, cloth being woven ʼ;
B. tã̄t ʻ cord ʼ; M. tã̄tū m. ʻ thread ʼ; Si. tatu, °ta ʻ string of a lute
ʼ; -- with -- o, -- ā to retain orig. gender: S. tando m. ʻ cord,
twine, strand of rope ʼ; N. tã̄do ʻ bowstring ʼ; H. tã̄tā m. ʻ series, line
ʼ; G. tã̄tɔ m. ʻ thread ʼ; -- OG. tāṁtaṇaü m. ʻ thread ʼ < *tāṁtaḍaü,
G.tã̄tṇɔ m.(CDIAL 5661)

Rebus: M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m.
ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron
ʼ); dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore
(esp. of a red colour) ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ
ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ
reddish ʼ; (CDIAL 6773) धातु primary element of the earth i.e. metal ,
mineral, ore (esp. a mineral of a red colour) Mn. MBh. &c element of
words i.e. grammatical or verbal root or stem Nir. Pra1t. MBh. &c (with the
southern Buddhists धातु means either the 6 elements [see
above] Dharmas. xxv ; or the 18 elementary spheres [धातु-लोक] ib. lviii ;
or the ashes of the body , relics L. [cf. -गर्भ]) (Monier-Williams.
Samskritam).

मृदु mṛdu : (page 1287) A kind of iron.-कार्ष्णायसम्,-कृष्णायसम् soft-iron,
lead. (Apte. Samskritam) This gloss could link with the variant lexis of
Indian sprachbund with the semantics 'iron': Bj. merhd(Hunter)
`iron'. Sa. mE~R~hE~'d `iron'. ! mE~RhE~d(M).
.med 'copper' (Slavic languages)

Origin of the gloss med 'copper' in Uralic languages may be explained by
the word meD (Ho.) of Munda family of Meluhha language stream:
Sa. mE~R~hE~'d `iron'. ! mE~RhE~d(M).
Ma. mErhE'd `iron'.
Mu. mERE'd `iron'.
~ mE~R~E~'d `iron'. ! mENhEd(M).
Ho meD `iron'.
Bj. merhd(Hunter) `iron'.
KW mENhEd
@(V168,M080)
http://www.ling.hawaii.edu/austroasiatic/AA/Munda/ETYM/Pinnow&Munda
— Slavic glosses for 'copper'
Мед [Med]Bulgarian
Bakar Bosnian
Медзь [medz']Belarusian
Měď Czech
Bakar Croatian
KòperKashubian
Бакар [Bakar]Macedonian
Miedź Polish
Медь [Med']Russian
Meď Slovak
BakerSlovenian
Бакар [Bakar]Serbian
Мідь [mid'] Ukrainian[unquote]
http://www.vanderkrogt.net/elements/element.php?sym=Cu
Miedź, med' (Northern Slavic, Altaic) 'copper'.
One suggestion is that corruptions from the German "Schmied", "Geschmeide"
= jewelry. Schmied, a smith (of tin, gold, silver, or other metal)(German)
result in med ‘copper’.

Syena-citi: A Monument of Uttarkashi Distt.
EXCAVATED SITE -PUROLA

Geo-Coordinates-Lat. 30° 52’54” N Long. 77° 05’33” E

Notification No& Date;2742/-/16-09/1996 The ancient site at Purola is
located on the left bank of river Kamal. The excavation yielded the remains
of Painted Grey Ware (PGW) from the earliest level along with other
associated materials include terracotta figurines, beads, potter-stamp, the
dental and femur portions of domesticated horse (Equus CaballusLinn). The
most important finding from the site is a brick altar identified
as Śyenaciti by the excavator. The structure is in the shape of a flying
eagle Garuda, head facing east with outstretched wings. In the center of
the structure is the citi is a square chamber yielded remains of pottery
assignable to circa first century BCE to second century CE. In addition
copper coin of Kuninda and other material i.e. ash, bone pieces etc and a
thin gold leaf impressed with a human figure tentatively identified as Agni
have also been recovered from the central chamber.

Note: Many ancient metallic coins (called Kuninda copper coins) were
discovered at Purola. cf. Devendra Handa, 2007,Tribal coins of ancient
India, ISBN: 8173053170, Aryan Books International.

Comparing the allegory of soma and the legend of anzu, the bird which stole
the tablets of destiny, I posit a hypothesis that the tablets of destiny
are paralleled by the Indus writing corpora which constitute a veritable
catalog of stone-, mineral- and metal-ware in the bronze age evolving from
the chalcolithic phase of what constituted an 'industrial' revolution of
ancient times creating ingots of metal alloys and weapons and tools using
metal alloys which transformed the relation of communities with nature and
resulted in the life-activities of lapidaries transforming into miners,
smiths and traders of metal artefacts.

I suggest that ayas of bronze age created a revolutionary transformation in
the lives of people of these bronze age times.

Meluhhans were the artisans, metalworkers, using fire-altars or performing
yajña-s to produce alloy metal castings. Their wanderings as explorers of
mineral resources explain the presence of Meluhhan hieroglyphs on hundreds
of cylinder seals of Ancient Near East.

OLDEST STANDARD IN THE WORLD. SHAHDAD STANDARD, 2400 BCE (PROF. MAHMOUD
REXA MAHERI, PROF. DEPT. OF CIVIL ENGINEERING, SHIRAZ UNIVERSITY, DATES
THIS TO CA. 3000 BCE OCT. 15, 2015 "FOLLOWING AN ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF
THE SOUTH-EAST IRAN IN 1930'S BY SIR AURIEL STEIN, IN 1960'S AND 1970'S A
NUMBER OF ARCHEOLOGICAL EXPEDITIONS SPENT A FEW SEASONS DIGGING AT
DIFFERENT LOCATIONS THROUGH THEKERMAN PROVINCE. OF THESE, THREE TEAMS ARE
WORTHY OF MENTION; ONE TEAM FROM HARVARD UNIVERSITY LEAD BY PROFESSOR
LAMBERG-KARLOVSKY FOCUSED ON DIFFERENT LAYERS OF THE 7000 YEARS OLD
TAPE-YAHYA AT SOGAN VALLEY; ANOTHER TEAM FROM ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY LEAD BY
PROFESSOR JOSEPH CALDWELL WORKED ON THE REMAINS OF TAL-I-IBLIS, ANOTHER
7000 YEARS OLD SETTLEMENT AND A THIRD TEAM BY IRANIAN DEPARTMENT OF
ARCHAEOLOGY, LEAD BY MR HAKEMI, DUG THE RICH GRAVEYARDS OF THE 6000 YEARS
OLD SHAHDAD NEAR THE GREAT LUT DESERT. THE WEALTH OF DISCOVERIES THOUGH
GREAT, WENT ALMOST UNNOTICED BY THE PUBLIC IN THE PURSUANT ACADEMIC
RESEARCH IN THE FORM OF DOCTORATE THESES AND EXPEDITION REPORTS AND
SCIENTIFIC JOURNAL PAPERS. LITTLE ATTEMPT WAS ALSO MADE TO CORRELATE THE
FINDINGS AT DIFFERENT SITES." HTTP://WWW.MRMAHERI.COM/PAGE.PHP?ID=1-5-1)

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/shahdad-standard-meluhha-smithy-catalog.html
Shahdad standard is a Meluhha (mleccha) metalware catalog describing the
repertoire of a smithy in Shahdad, Marhashi:

pajhaṛ ‘kite’. Rebus: pasra ‘smithy’ (Santali)

Three pots are shown of three sizes in the context of kneeling adorants
seated in front of the person seated on a stool. meṇḍā 'kneeling position'
(Gondi) Rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Munda)

kōla = woman (Nahali) Rebus: kol ‘furnace, forge’ (Kuwi) kol ‘alloy of five
metals, pañcaloha’ (Tamil) kol ‘working in iron’ (Tamil)

kaṇḍō a stool. Malt. Kanḍo stool, seat. (DEDR 1179) Rebus: kaṇḍ = a
furnace, altar (Santali)

If the date palm denotes tamar (Hebrew language), ‘palm tree, date palm’
the rebus reading would be: tam(b)ra, ‘copper’ (Pkt.)

kaṇḍ kan-ka 'rim of jar' (Santali). kanka ‘rim (of jar, kaṇḍ)’ (Santali)
kárṇa— m. ‘ear, handle of a vessel’ RV., ‘end, tip (?)’ RV. ii 34, 3. [Cf.
*kāra—6] Pa. kaṇṇa— m. ‘ear, angle, tip’ (CDIAL 2830). Rebus:
'scribe'. Pk. kaṁḍa -- m. ʻ piece, fragment ʼ; -- Deriv. Pk. kaṁḍārēi ʻ
scrapes, engraves ʼ;M. kãḍārṇẽ, karã̄ḍṇẽ ʻ to gnaw ʼ, kãḍārṇẽ n. ʻ
jeweller's hammer, barber's nail -- parer ʼ. (CDIAL 2683) कंडारणें [
kaṇḍāraṇēṃ ] n An instrument of goldsmiths,--the iron spike which is
hammered upon plates in reducing them to shape (Marathi) khanaka m. one who
digs , digger , excavator MBh. iii , 640 R. ; a miner L. ; a house-breaker
, thief L. ; a rat L. ; N. of a friend of Vidura MBh. i , 5798 f. ; (%{I})
f. a female digger or excavator Pāṇ. 3-1 , 145 Pat. ; iv , 1 , 41 Ka1s3.
kaṇḍ 'jar' (Santali) Rebus: kāḍ ‘stone’. Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ, (S.) kanḍu (pl.
kanḍkil) stone (DEDR 1298). mayponḍi kanḍ whetstone; (Ga.)(DEDR
4628). (खडा) Pebbles or small stones: also stones broken up (as for a
road), metal. खडा [ khaḍā ] m A small stone, a pebble. Rebus: kaṇḍ = a
furnace, altar (Santali)

kul ‘tiger’ (Santali); kōlu id. (Te.) kōlupuli = Bengal tiger (Te.)Pk.
Kolhuya -- , kulha — m. ʻ jackal ʼ < *kōḍhu -- ; H.kolhā, °lā m. ʻ jackal
ʼ, adj. ʻ crafty ʼ; G. kohlũ, °lũ n. ʻ jackal ʼ, M. kolhā, °lā m. krōṣṭŕ̊ ʻ
crying ʼ BhP., m. ʻ jackal ʼ RV. = krṓṣṭu — m. Pāṇ. [√kruś] Pa. koṭṭhu -- ,
°uka — and kotthu -- , °uka — m. ʻ jackal ʼ, Pk. Koṭṭhu — m.; Si. Koṭa ʻ
jackal ʼ, koṭiya ʻ leopard ʼ GS 42 (CDIAL 3615). कोल्हा [ kōlhā ] कोल्हें [
kōlhēṃ ] A jackal (Marathi) Rebus: kol ‘furnace, forge’ (Kuwi) kol
‘alloy of five metals, pañcaloha’ (Ta.)
poLa 'zebu' rebus: poLa 'magnetite'

adar ḍangra ‘zebu or humped bull’; ḍangar ‘bull’ Rebus: adar ḍhangar
'native metal-smith'.

Rebus: ḍangar ‘blacksmith’; aduru native metal (Kannada). Tu. ajirda karba
very hard iron (DEDR 192). aduru =gaṇiyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru =
ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Ka.
Siddhānti Subrahmaṇya śastri’s New interpretation of the
Amarakośa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p. 330) aduru ‘native
metal’ (Kannada); ḍhangar ‘blacksmith’ (Hindi)

kuṭi ‘tree’. Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter’ (Santali). The two trees are shown
ligatured to a rectangle with ten square divisions and a dot in each
square. The dot may denote an ingot in a furnace mould.

Glyph of rectangle with divisions: baṭai = to divide, share (Santali) [Note
the glyphs of nine rectangles divided.] Rebus: bhaṭa = an oven, kiln,
furnace (Santali)

ḍāḷ= a branch of a tree (G.) Rebus: ḍhāḷako = a large ingot (G.) ḍhāḷakī =
a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot
(G.)
Three sets of entwined 'glyphs (like twisted ropes) are shown around the
entire narrative of the Shahdad standard.

meṛhao = v.a.m. entwine itself; wind round, wrap round roll up (Santali);
maṛhnā cover, encase (Hindi) (Santali.lex.Bodding) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’
(Mu.Ho.) mẽṛh t iron; ispat m. = steel; dul m. = cast iron
(Mu.) meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore
(Munda) mẽṛhẽt ‘iron’; mẽṛhẽt icena ‘the iron is rusty’; ispat
mẽṛhẽt ‘steel’, dul mẽṛhẽt ‘cast iron’;mẽṛhẽt khaṇḍa ‘iron implements’
(Santali) meḍ. (Ho.)(Santali.lex.Bodding) meṛed, mṛed, mṛdiron; enga meṛed
soft iron; sanḍi meṛed hard iron; ispāt meṛed steel; dul meṛed cast iron; i
meṛed rusty iron, also the iron of which weights are cast; bica meṛed iron
extracted from stone ore; bali meṛed iron extracted from sand ore (Mu.lex.)

měď (copper)(Czech) mіdʹ (copper, cuprum, orichalc)(Ukrainian) medʹ
(copper, cuprum, Cu), mednyy (copper, cupreous, brassy, brazen, brass),
omednyatʹ (copper, coppering), sulʹfatmedi (Copper), politseyskiy
(policeman, constable, peeler, policemen, redcap), pokryvatʹ medʹyu
(copper), payalʹnik (soldering iron, copper, soldering pen,
soldering-iron), mednyy kotel (copper), medno-krasnyy (copper), mednaya
moneta (copper). медь (copper, cuprum, Cu), медный (copper, cupreous,
brassy, brazen, brass), омеднять (copper, coppering), Сульфатмеди (Copper),
полицейский (policeman, constable, peeler, policemen, redcap), покрывать
медью (copper), паяльник (soldering iron, copper, soldering pen,
soldering-iron), медный котел (copper), медно-красный (copper), медная
монета (copper).(Russian)

Links of Meluhha people with Tushara relate to historical periods from
ca.30 CE

I suggest that the Tushara are the Tocharians. This suggestion is based on
a cognate term ancu 'iron' (Tocharian) with amśu of Rgveda.

Tókharoi (Τοχάριοι) or Tushara are Yuezi, 'traders' cognate vessa, vēsa,
Vaiśya 'traders' who entered India ca. 30 CE.

Read with the Bhagavata Purana narrative, it is hypothesised that Ayu's
people (mentioned in: Baudhāyana Śrauta Sūtra 18.44:397.9) migrated to
Xinjiang region and were referred to as Visha ("the tribes") or Vèsh in
modern Pashto meaning "divisions" or Vijaya in Tibetan or Yuezhi in Chinese
(identified with Tókharoi or Tushara). These were the people who migrated
back to Gandhara and North-west India as Kushanas -- as shown in the Yuezi
migration map from Tocharian-speaking region. It is notable that Tocharian
records the Rigvedic word ams'u (a synonym of Soma) in a phonetic
variant ancu'iron' (cf. Georges Pinault).Rigveda also records that Soma was
purchased from traders from Mujavant mountain (which could be Mustagh Ata
of Tocharian-seaking region).

Puranic traditions (Bhagavata Purana) say that Budha,
the patriarchic figure the Yadu, Turvasa, Druhyu, Anu and Puru clans had
come from Central Asia to Bharatkhand to perform penitential rites and he
espoused Ella, the daughter of Manu, by whom was born Pururavas. Pururavas
had six sons, one of whom is said to be Ayu. This Ayu or Ay is said to be
the patriarch figure of the Tartars of Central Asia as well as of the first
race of the kings of China. (James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of
Rajasthan, p 172.)

Pururavas and Urvasi had two sons, Ayu and Amavasu.Referring to these
sons, Baudhāyana Śrauta Sūtra 18.44:397.9 sqq records:

Ayu migrated eastwards. His (people) are the Kuru-Pancalas and the
Kasi-Videhas. This is the Ayava (migration). Amavasu migrated westwards.
His (people) are the Ghandhari, Parsu and Aratta. This is the Amavasu
(migration).

Many theories have been propounded to identify the origin of Yuezhi
people: The Rishikas are said to be same as the Yuezhis (Dr V. S.
Aggarwala). The Kushanas or Kanishkas are also the same people (Dr J. C.
Vidyalankara). Prof Stein says that the Tukharas were a branch of the
Yue-chi or Yuezhi. Tusharas/Tukharas (Tokharois/Tokarais) and the Yuezhi
are stated to be same people (Dr P.C. Bagchi).
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Central_Asians_in_Ancient_Indian_literature

Stein's contention that Tukharas (Tushara) were a branch of Yuezhi is
consistent with Ayu peoples' migration to Xinjiang as Tartars, the first
race of the kings of China. This is corroborated by the statement in Vayu
Purana and Matsya Purana, that river Chakshu (Oxus) flowed through the
countries of Tusharas (R̥ṣikas?), Lampakas, Pahlavas, Paradas and Shakas
etc.

These Tushara mleccha (Meluhha) were the people of Sarasvati_Sindhu
Civilization who created the Indus Script Corpora.

"The Great Yuezhi [Kushans] is located about seven thousand li (about 3000
km) north of India. Their land is at a high altitude; the climate is dry;
the region is remote. The king of the state calls himself "son of heaven".
There are so many riding horses in that country that the number often
reaches several hundred thousand. City layouts and palaces are quite
similar to those of Daqin (the Roman empire). The skin of the people there
is reddish white. People are skilful at horse archery. Local products,
rarities, treasures, clothing, and upholstery are very good, and even India
cannot compare with it." [Benjamin, Craig (October 2003). "The Yuezhi
Migration and Sogdia". Transoxiana Webfestschrift (Transoxiana) 1 (Ēran ud
Anērān).]

These textual references indicating indicate that Yuezhi were traders, that
they dealt with handicrafts and 'rarities, treasures', which was the
hall-mark of Meluhha who have created metalwork catalogues as Indus Script
Corpora with about 7000 inscriptions. Yuezhi were the Meluhha (mleccha).
They were the vessa, vēsa, Vaiśya 'traders' (cognate Yuezhi). They could
also have included the ivory-carvers of Begram who moved to Kankali-Tila,
Mathura, Bharhut, Sanchi to create the architectural marvels of Stupa and
Torana with Indus Script hierolyphs venerating dharma-dhamma.

Yuezhi or Rouzhi (Chinese: 月氏; pinyin: Yuèzhī, Wade–Giles Yüeh-chih) were
an ancient Indo-European people. (Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward
L. (1999). The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of
Civilization to 221 BC. Cambridge University Press. pp. 87–88.). These were
Meluhha speakers who had settled in the grasslands of Tarim Basin area
which is today Xinjiang and western Gansu, in China. Yuezhi or Tókharoi
(Τοχάριοι) or Tushara, migrated to Bactria and founded the Kushan Empire,
which 'stretched from Turfan in the Tarim basin to Pataliputra on the
Gangetic plain at its greatest extent, and played an important role in the
development of the Silk Road and the transmission of Buddhism to
China."https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yuezhi

In the Indian tradition, the Yuezhi can be called the chandra-vams'i since
the name Yuezi in Chinese is formed with yuè (月) "moon" and shì (氏) "clan".

The Yuezhi were organized into five major tribes, each led by a yabgu, or
tribal chief, and known to the Chinese as Xiūmì (休密) in Western Wakhān and
Zibak, Guishuang (貴霜) in Badakhshan and the adjoining territories north of
the Oxus, Shuangmi (雙靡) in the region of Shughnan, Xidun (肸頓) in the region
of Balkh, and Dūmì (都密) in the region of Termez.(Hill, John E. (2003). The
Peoples of the West from the Weilüe 魏略 by Yu Huan 魚豢: A Third Century
Chinese Account Composed between 239 and 265 CE. Draft annotated English
translation,pp. 29, 318–350).

It is notable that ancient Indian tradition also divided the community into
five groups, panchal, five artisans, each guild led by a chief.There is a
gloss in Sumerian and Gujarati (Indian sprachbund) denoting a pilgrim's
companion: sanga 'priest'(Sumerian/Akkadian); sanghvi (Gujarati).

பஞ்சகம்மாளர் pañca-kammāḷar , n. < pañcantaṭṭāṉ, kaṉṉāṉ, ciṟpaṉ, taccaṉ,
kollaṉ; தட்டான், கன்னான், சிற்பன், தச்சன் கொல்லன் என்ற ஐவகைப் பட்ட
கம்மாளர். (சங். அக.) அஞ்சுபஞ்சலத்தார் añcu-pañcalattār , n. < அஞ்சு +
பஞ்சாளத்தார். Pañca-kammāḷar, the five artisan classes; பஞ்சகம்மாளர். (I.
M. P. Cg. 371.) pañcālá m. ʻ name of a tribe in North India ʼ
ŚBr.Pk. paṁcāla -- m. ʻ id. ʼ; K. panzāl m. ʻ the Pīr Panjāl range south of
the valley of Kashmir ʼ.(CDIAL 7680) pāˊñcāla ʻ of the Pañcālas ʼ MBh.
[pañcāla -- ] H. pãcāl ʻ clever, deceitful ʼ?(CDIAL 8029) pāñcāla
पाञ्चाल a. (-ली f.) Belonging to or ruling over the Pañchālas. -लः 1 The
country of the Pañchālas. -2 A prince of the Pañchālas. -लाः m. (pl.) 1 The
people of the Pañchālas. -2 An association of five guilds (i e. of a
carpenter, weaver, barber, washer- man, and shoe-maker). pāñcālaka
पाञ्चालक a. Belonging to the people of the Pañchālas. -कः A king of that
country. pāñcālī पाञ्चाली 1 A woman or princess of the Pañchālas. -2 N. of
Draupadī, the wife of the Pāṇḍavas. (Samskritam. Apte)

-- Tushara are Yuezi, 'traders' cognate vessa, vēsa, Vaiśya 'traders' who
entered India ca. 30 CE
-- Evidence of dangar 'bull' rebus: thakkura 'blacksmith' in Indus Script

The migrations of the Yuezhi through Central Asia, from around 176 BCE to
30 CE

ویش wes̱ẖ,s.m. (2nd) Division, share, distribution, portion. 2.
A division or interchange of lands peculiar to Yūsufzīs and a few other
clans, a kind of agrarian law. Pl. ویشونه wes̱ẖūnah. ویشل wes̱ẖal, verb
trans. To divide, to share, to distribute, to portion, to apportion, to
distribute. Pres. ویشي wes̱ẖī; past ؤ ویشه wu-wes̱ẖah; fut. ؤ به ویشي wu
bah wes̱ẖī; imp. ؤ ویشه wu-wes̱ẖah; act.
part. ویشونکيَ wes̱ẖūnkaey or ویشونيَ wes̱ẖūnaey; past
part. ویشليَ wes̱ẖalaey; verb. n. ویشنه wes̱ẖanaʿh. (Pashto)

VIŚ ʻ enter, settle in ʼ:vēśá1 m. ʻ inhabitant (of a víś -- ), neighbour ʼ
RV. [víś -- f. ʻ tribe, habitation ʼ RV. -- √viś] Kho. Kal.rumb. gram --
bešu ʻ neighbour ʼ (< *vēśaka -- BelvalkarVol 90).(CDIAL 12124) vḗśa2 m. ʻ
habitation ʼ VS. (= víś -- : VS. vḗśān dhāraya ~ RV. viśāˊṁ dhártr̥ -- ), ʻ
house ʼ Daś. -- See vēśa -- 3. [√viś](CDIAL 12125) vēśíya metr.
for vēśyà -- m. ʻ inhabitant ʼ RV. [vḗśa -- 2] Kt. vušī ʻ neighbour ʼ
(Rep1 57 < vēśin -- ).(CDIAL 12127) vaíśya m. ʻ peasant as member of the
third caste ʼ RV. adj. ʻ belonging to such ʼ MBh. (n. ʻ vassalage ʼ TS.).
[vḗśa -- 1 or vēśyà --] Pa. vessa -- m., °sī -- , °sikā -- f. ʻ member of
the third caste ʼ, Pk. vessa -- , vēsa -- m., vēsī -- f.; Si. vessā,
st. ves<-> ʻ merchant ʼ; -- A. behā ʻ trade ʼ. vaiśyavr̥tti -- Add.
14810.(CDIAL 12150). Vessa [cp. Vedic vaiśya, a dial. (local) word] a
Vaiśya, i. e. a member of the third social (i. e. lower) grade (see vaṇṇa
6), a man of the people D iii.81, 95 (origin); Si.102, 166; iv.219; v.51;
A i.162; ii.194; iii.214, 242; Vbh 394; DA i.254 (origin). -- f. vesī (q.
v.); vessī (as a member of that caste) D i.193; A iii.226, 229.Vessikā (f.)
[fr. vessa] a Vaiśya woman Sn 314.(Pali)

Wall painting of "Tocharian Princes" from Cave of the Sixteen Sword-Bearers
(no. 8), Qizil, Tarim Basin, Xinjiang, China. Carbon 14 date: 432–538 CE.
Original in Museum für Indische Kunst, Berlin.

Possible Yuezhi king and attendants, Gandhara stone palette, 1st century CE

The 1977 paper of Simo Parpola et al reviews texts containing references to
Meluhha and Meluhhans, focussing on 9 texts dated to Ur III times (22nd to
21st cent. BCE) and included references to Sargonic texts (24th to 23rd
cen. BCE). (Parpola S., A. Parpola & R.H. Brunswig, Jr. (1977) “The Meluhha
Village. Evidence of acculturation of Harappan traders in the late Third
Millennium Mesopotamia.” Journal of Economic and Social History of the
Orient, 20, 129-165.)

Massimo Vidale provides a succinct summary of the general picture presented
in the paper of Simo Parpola et al. The surprising references relate to the
fact that metals like gold, silver and tin were imports from Meluhha and
involved Meluhhan settlers in Ancient Far East. "The maximum archaeological
evidence of Indian imports and Indusrelated artefacts in Mesopotamia may be
dated to latest phases of ED III (at the Royal Cemetery of Ur) and
immediately later to the Akkadian period, when, as widely reported, Sargon
claimed with pride that under his power Meluhhan ships docked at his
capital, and at least one tablet mentions a person with an Akkadian name
qualified as a “the holder of a Meluhha ship.”… (pp.262, 263)… according to
the literary sources, between the end of the 3rd and the beginning of the
2nd millennium BC Meluhhan ships exported to Mesopotamia precious goods
among which exotic animals, such as dogs, perhaps peacocks, cocks, bovids,
elephants (? Collon 1977) precious woods and royal furniture, precious
stones such as carnelian, agate and lapislazuli, and metals like gold,
silver and tin (among others Pettinato 1972; During Caspers 1971;
Chakrabarti 1982, 1990; Tosi 1991; see also Lahiri 1992 and Potts 1994). In
his famous inscriptions, Gudea, in the second half of the 22nd century BC,
states that Meluhhans came with wood and other raw materials for the
construction of the main temple in Lagash (see Parpola et al. 1977: 131 for
references). Archaeologically, the most evident raw materials imported from
India are marine shell, used for costly containers and lamps, inlay works
and cylinder seals; agate, carnelian and quite possibly ivory. Hard green
stones, including garnets and abrasives might also have been imported from
the Subcontinent and eastern Iran (Vidale & Bianchetti 1997, 1998-1999;
Heimpel et al. 1988; Vidale 2002; see also Collon 1990, Tallon 1995 and Sax
1991). Carnelian could have been imported in form of raw nodules of large
size (as implied by some texts) to be transformed into long beads, or as
finished products. As we shall see, recent studies would better suggest
that the Indus families in Mesopotamia imported raw materials rather than
finished beads (Kenoyer 1997; Kenoyer & Vidale 1992; Inizan 2000), and
expediently adapted their production to the changing needs of the
Mesopotamian demand and markets. To the same period is ascribed a famous
cylinder seal owned by a certain Su-ilisu, “Meluhha interpreter”
(Sollberger 1970; Tosi 1991). Another Akkadian text records that Lu-sunzida
“a man of Meluhha” paid to the servant Urur, son of AmarluKU 10 shekels of
silver as a payment for a tooth broken in a clash. The name Lu-sunzida
literally means “Man of the just buffalo cow,” a name that, although
rendered in Sumerian, according to the authors does not make sense in the
Mesopotamian cultural sphere, and must be a translation of an Indian name……
the Mesopotamian demand and markets. To the same period is ascribed a
famous cylinder seal owned by a certain Su-ilisu, “Meluhha interpreter”
(Sollberger 1970; Tosi 1991). Another Akkadian text records that Lu-sunzida
“a man of Meluhha” paid to the servant Urur, son of AmarluKU 10 shekels of
silver as a payment for a tooth broken in a clash. The name Lu-sunzida
literally means “Man of the just buffalo cow,” a name that, although
rendered in Sumerian, according to the authors does not make sense in the
Mesopotamian cultural sphere, and must be a translation of an Indian
name." (MASSIMO VIDALE Ravenna Growing in a Foreign World: For a History of
the “Meluhha Villages” in Mesopotamia in the 3rd Millennium BC Published in
Melammu Symposia 4: A. Panaino and A. Piras (eds.), Schools of Oriental
Studies and the Development of Modern Historiography. Proceedings of the
Fourth Annual Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual
Heritage Project. Held in Ravenna, Italy, October 13-17, 2001 (Milan:
Università di Bologna & IsIao 2004), pp. 261-80. Publisher:
http://www.mimesisedizioni.it/)
https://www.harappa.com/sites/default/files/201402/Vidale-Indus-Mesopotamia.pdf

Among the imports from Meluhha into the Ancient Near East, the imports of
silver and tin metals are significant because these two metals were the
principal engines of the Tin-Bronze Revolution from 5th millennium BCE and
for laying the foundations of monetary systems based on currency-based
transactions which emerged in 7th century BCE with the Lydia electrum coins
and Aegean Turtle silver staters of 480 to 457 BCE.

Massimo Vidale, 2017, A “Priest King” at Shahr-i Sokhta? in: Archaeological
Research in Asia The paper discusses the published fragment of a statuette
made of a buff-grey limestone, recently found on the surface of Shahr-i
Sokhta (Sistan, Iran) and currently on exhibit in a showcase of the
archaeological Museum of Zahedan (Sistan-Baluchistan, Iran). Most probably,
it belongs to a sculptural type well known in some sites of Middle and
South Asia dating to the late 3rd-early 2nd millennium BCE - a male
character sitting on the right heel, with the left hand on the raised left
knee, and a robe leaving bare the left shoulder.
Images of Zahedan torso (Shahr-i-Sokhta):
1.
2.
3.

4. Images: 1. Conjectural graphic reconstruction of the likely original
setting of the Zahedan torso as a "Priest King", based upon the head
from Chah-i Torogh 2 (Seistan, Iran) visible in Fig, 3, and the
general form and proportion of statuette L 950 (Fig. 4). The side view
is less certain than the front and the rear ones (drawing M. Vidale).
5.
6. 2. A frontal picture of the Zahedan torso. 2 and 3: graphic
enhacements of the front and rear of the same fragment based upon 1.1
(picture and drawings by M. Vidale).
3. Seated male figure with head missing from Mohenjo-daro (back).
4. Seated male figure with head missing from Mohenjo-daro (front).
5. The steatite "Priest-King" of Mohenjo-Daro as reconstructed in
Ardeleanu-Jansen (1984).

8. MONUMENTAL TERRACE AND CARVED HEAD, MUNDIGAK 3

One of the most exciting developments in recent times has been new
chronologies of Mundigak, interesting because they put the palace and
head in this picture before the height of the ancient Indus
civilization. Here are the dates from radiocarbon analysis, with
Mundigak V being the most imprecise. After Mundigak V, there were two
more periods but the site seems to have been abandoned and
archaeologists surmise that Kandahar became the major urban center in
southern Afghanistan.

MUNDIGAK PERIODS RECAST

PeriodCasal 1961Besenval/Didier 2004Schaffer 2019Mundigak I4500-4000
BCE3750-3500 BCE4000-3500 BCEMundigak II3500-3750 BCE3500-3250
BCE3500-3400 BCEMundigak III3000-2500 BCE3250-2750 BCE3400-2900
BCEMundigak IV2500-2000 BCE2750-2500 BCE2900-2400 BCEMundigak
V1900-1750 BCE2500-2250 BCEunknown

Mundigak I [4000-3500 BCE, we will use Shaffer's chronology
throughout] seems to have been built on virgin soil, and perhaps had
tents in the initial periods. Towards 3500 BCE the first mud-brick
structures were found by Casal, single rooms made of brick with
doorways, and interior ovens. Stronger foundations appear, with
mud-bricks and some ovens and foundations made of paksha, or rammed
earth, "compacting a damp mixture of sub soil that has suitable
proportions of sand, gravel, clay, and stabilizer, if any"
(see Wikipedia).

Mundigak II [3500-3400 BCE] had an increased number of structures, a
possible cattle pen and feed trough, and exterior wall buttresses. "A
very marked characteristic of Period II was a much greater density in
the disposition of structures" write Shaffer and Petrie in their
chapter on Mundigak in The Archaeology of Afghanistan (2019, p. 169).
Central ovens appear and the likelihood of specialized manufacturing
areas. "The overall picture is one of continuous rebuilding,
reflecting internal population growth and shifts within a village
settlement pattern. A significant development for Period II, however,
is the possible existence of functionally distinct areas and
structures within the settlement" (Ibid., p. 170).

Mundigak III [3400-2900 BCE] saw the construction of a retaining wall
to expand habitation, wells, multi-chambered mud-brick ovens possibly
used as potter's kilns, small windows and more. Burials were found on
Mound C, including one belonging to a lamb. "From Period I through
IIIc the general impression has been one of structures and debris
associated with multi-purpose activities necessitated by a sedentary
agricultural way of life. After Period III, however, a very different
picture emerges" write Shaffer and Petrie (Ibid., p. 172).

"Mundigak IV [2900-2400 BCE]," write Bridget and Raymond Allchin, "saw
the transformation of the settlement into a town with massive
defensive walls and square bastions of sun-dried bricks. The main
mound was capped with an extensive building identified as a palace,
and another smaller mound with a large 'temple' complex. The brick
walls of the palace had a colonnade of pilasters. The city was
destroyed and twice rebuilt during the period. An increasing quantity
of pottery was decorated with a red slip and black paint, and there
was a growing use of naturalistic decoration showing birds, ibex,
bulls and pipal trees. Female figurines of the 'Zhob mother goddess'
type are found, and these have their closest parallels in Mehrgarh
VII, Damb Sadaat III and Rana Ghundai IIIC. This suggests that
Mundigak IV corresponds with these periods in its earlier phase, while
in its later phase it is contemporary with the Mature Harappan period.
Further support for this may be found in the male head with hair bound
in a fillet, made of white limestone, assigned to Mundigak IV.3. This
piece has a certain relationship to the celebrated priest-king of
Mohenjo-daro even if the relationship is not a direct one" (The Rise
of Civilization in India and Pakistan, 1982, p. 133-34).

Mundigak V follows a period of abandonment after Period IV, and is
"extremely problematic", because is likely well after 2000 BCE. There
was another large structure built on top of Mound A, but there is a
pronounced dissimilarity between the material culture of Period V and
"any other prehistoric culture yet defined in the area," write Shaffer
and Petrie (p. 186-7). There are also undated Mundigak VI and VII
periods.

The "palace" and head shown above, however, is from the start of
Period IV. "There is little evidence to definitely indicate that this
structure represents a ‘palace’, but there can be no doubt that it was
monumental," write Shaffer and Petrie, "significantly different from
previous and contemporary structures, and culturally important.
However, to designate it as a ‘palace’ implies a degree and level of
political organisation, which cannot be presently confirmed. The
façade was embellished with a line of engaged semi-columns (henceforth
‘colonnade’). This distinctive architectural device is seen elsewhere
in the Bronze Age such as at the ‘temple’ on Mound G at Mundigak (see
below, where the engaged ‘semi-columns’ are projecting triangles) and
at the ‘palace’ at Dashli, with its rows of external repeated
projecting buttresses. It is possible that the device originated in
fourth millennium BC at Uruk/Warka in Mesopotamia, in the
cone-decorated engaged semi-columns at the ‘White Temple’, although
such features might have originated locally in Afghanistan and
subsequently have a long later history in Central Asia" (p. 173-4).

Jean-Francois Jarrige, a French colleague of Casal and the excavator
of Mehrgarh, an even earlier (c. 7000 BCE) site roughly 400 kilometers
southeast of Mundigak in northern Balochistan, argued for an influence
from the south and east: "Work at Mehrgarh is enough to make obsolete
the current interpretations development of sedentary life in the
Indo-Iranian borderlands and more particularly in the greater Indus
system. Evidence of a well-developed agricultural settlement, with
very substantial mud-brick architectural features in the course of the
seventh millennium B.C. at Mehrgarh, preceding no less impressive
Chalcolithic and Bronze Age occupations, has helped us to underline
the importance of the role played by the whole socio-cultural
substrata of the early communities of Baluchistan and Sind in the
genesis of the Indus civilization. It is no longer possible to
believe, as had been the case, that the first occurrence of farming
communities in Baluchistan and in the Indus valley resulted fro
migrations from the Iranian plateau and southern Central Asia at about
4000 B.C. It is no longer tenable to attribute to these allegedly
early colonizers from the West the foundation of Mundigak, a site
excavated by J. M. Casal in southern Afghanistan in the 1950s. . . .
This diffusionist theory has, in fact, prevented scholars not familiar
with the data from perceiving the degree of urbanism reached by sites
such as Shar-i-Sokhta and Mundigak expanded over more than fifty
hectares, with a few monumental buildings surrounded by impressive
defensive walls. Work conducted at Mehrgarh has clearly shown the the
cultural assemblage of the preurban phases of Mundigak (Period IV) is
closely linked to Baluchistan. The foundation of Mundigak can even be
interpreted as the settling of people from Baluchistan who were
probably aware of the importance of such a location for the control of
nearby mineral resources" (The Early Architectural Traditions of
Greater Indus as seen from Mehrgarh, Baluchistan, in Studies in the
History of Art, Vol. 31, 1993, p. 25-26).

Clearly Mundigak fits into the cultural puzzle of formative influences
around it, but it also could have been the source of innovations and
motifs carried elsewhere.

9. https://www.harappa.com/slide/monumental-terrace-and-carved-head-mundigak

10. STONE SCULPTURES FROM THE PROTOHISTORIC HELMAND CIVILIZATION,
AFGHANISTAN

George F. Dales

The eminent archaeologist George F. Dales (1927-1992, author
of Excavations at Mohenjo-Daro, Pakistan: The Pottery) looks at a
"creamy buff soft stone" sculpture, just under 10 centimeters in
height, that he was shown and photographed in Afghanistan in the early
1970s. Remarkably similar to the Mundigak head, which itself bears
resemblances to the "priest-king" from Mohenjo-daro, Dales discusses
how this head and another offers "an indication of an artistic
sculptural tradition' within the Helmand civilization" (p. 222). While
very careful to distinguish between the different stone sculptures
found at Mohenjo-daro (there are few of these found at Indus sites,
though some are of high quality, and not all have been published), he
does note that four "iconographic and stylistic details common to the
Afghanistan and one or another of the Mohenjo Daro sculptures are 1.
the fillet descending in two flat bands at the back of their head, and
having possible ornamentation in front 2. the distinctive rendering of
the ears 3. the taut, sharply incised horizontal mouth 4. the smaller
than life size scale" (p. 223).

This paper, published in 1985, is best read together with Massimo
Vidale's more recent A Priest-King at Shahr-i Sokhta? (2018) where he
explores more directly possible similarities between another Helmand
Civilization sculpture and the so-called priest king.

Image: Three views of the sculptured head reportedly found in Afghan
Sistan

Dales 1985 Stone Sculptures Helmand Afghanistan.pdf

11. https://www.harappa.com/content/stone-sculptures-protohistoric-helmand-civilization-afghanistan

12. FINDING THE PRIEST KING

<>
*
*
*
*

A workman handing over the Priest King at the time of excavations in
I, Block 2 of DK-B Area during the John Marshal led 1925-26
excavations at Mohenjo-daro. Possehl writes "many classic Harappan
style artifacts came to light at this time, including the so-called
Priest King which emerged from Dikshit's excavations in DK-B Area, in
a building that the excavators thought may have been a hammam or hot
bath." (Gregory, Possehl, Indus Age, p.
75)https://www.harappa.com/blog/finding-priest-king
13.

14.

15. "In this new light, the Zahedan torso confirms that the same
sculptural model had a widespread distribution, which is encountered
in a single leg and lap fragment at Gonur Depe on the Murghab delta in
Margiana, in the head found at Mundigak on the Arghandab river in
Kandahar, Afghanistan, in other heads from sites of the Seistan basin,
as well as in various states of conservation at least two major sites
of the greater Indus valley such as Mohenjo-Daro (12 specimens) and
Dholavira (one fragment; for references see below). As far as
chronology is concerned, the picture is quite partial, but somehow
coherent. Mundigak IV, 3, the context of the head found near the
terraced building of Mundigak (Casal 1961), is contemporary to Shahr-i
Sokhta late Period III to Period IV (Phases 3 to 0, ca. 2200–1800 BCE,
according to the ceramic evidence presented in Biscione 1974and 1979).
The head from Tepe Chah-i Torogh 2, on the other hand, was found on
the surface of a site exclusively covered by pottery of Period IV,
phase 1 (the main phase of occupation of the Burnt Building, see Tosi
1983). According to the absolute chronology established in Salvatori
and Tosi 2005. “A circumstantial evidence for a dating of Shahr-i
Sokhta phase 1 between 2200 and 2000 BC comes from the presence of
pottery types strongly related to the ceramic production of the Late
Namazga V - early Namazga VI of Margiana and Bactria (Biscione 1979:
figs. 7, 8, 10)”. This fits very well also with the general surface
context at Shahr-i Sokhta where the sculptural fragment discussed in
this paper was reportedly found. On the other hand, all the stone
sculptures of the same model from Mohenjo-Daro were notoriously found
in the uppermost and latest layers of the city's settlement, i.e. to
late horizons grossly belonging (following the chronology established
at Harappa) to Harappa 3C period, ca. 2200–1900 BCE (Kenoyer,
1991a,b). The Dholavira fragmentary statue visible in Fig. 5 (Bisht
2015: 593–594; figs. 8.306–307) was found in a Stage VI secondary
context, dated ca.1950–1800 BCE, although the discoverer suspects that
the statue was made in an earlier period, to be vandalized in the
early 2nd millennium BC. The fragment from room 132 of the “Royal
Sanctuary” of Gonur North, in Fig. 6 (Sarianidi 2005, 118, 121, fig.
30; Sarianidi 2009, 89–90; 104–105, fig. 31; Bakry 2016) may be
generically dated between the last two centuries of the 3rd and the
beginning of the 2nd millennium BCE, further supporting the discussed
chronological horizon.The general evidence therefore agrees with the
absolute chronology of Shahr-i Sokhta proposed by Salvatori and Tosi
2005 (see also Cortesi et al. 2008, contraJarrige et al. 2011). After
Mohenjo-Daro, Shahr-i Sokhta and its hinterland is where this
sculptural model is most consistently attested. The distribution
reveals an interaction sphere that on the threshold of the 3d and the
beginning of the 2nd millennium, probably for a short period, extended
from southern Turkmenia to the Rann of Kutch - a hypothesis already
explored in Winckelmann, 1994, although, I believe, in too wide
cross-cultural terms. The nature of this interaction sphere depends
upon the interpretation of this peculiar image. For which reason part
of the people of different civilizations made and circulated across
such an enormous area, and in the context of completely different
societies, the same statuettes?"

16. A 'PRIEST KING' AT SHAHR-I SOKHTA? -- MASSIMO VIDALE. SOME IMAGES OF
POTR̥, 'PRIESTS' AS DHĀVAḌA 'SMELTERS' INDUS SCRIPT HYPERTEXTS

* HTTPS://TINYURL.COM/YAOWSMT6

* HEAD (BACK), MOHENJO-DARO

Male head probably broken from a seated sculpture. Finely braided
or wavy combed hair tied into a double bun on the back of the head
and a plain fillet or headband with two hanging ribbons falling
down the back (39).

The upper lip is shaved and a closely cropped and combed beard
lines the pronounced lower jaw. The stylized almond shaped eyes are
framed by long eyebrows. The wide mouth is very similar to that on
the "Priest-King" sculpture. Stylized ears are made of a double
curve with a central knob.

Material: sandstone
Dimensions: 13.5 cm height
Mohenjo-daro, DK-B 1057
Mohenjo-daro Museum, MM 431
Dales 1985: pl. IIb; Ardeleanu-Jansen 1984: 139-157

*
* The Seated Nobleman of L-Area as it was excavated. "Seated male
figure with head missing (45, 46). On the back of the figure, the
hair style can be partially reconstructed by a wide swath of hair
and a braided lock of hair or ribbon hanging along the right side
of the back. A cloak is draped over the edge of the left shoulder
and covers the folded legs and lower body, leaving the right
shoulder and chest bare. The left arm is clasping the left knee and
the hand is visible peeking out from underneath the cloak. The
right hand is resting on the right knee which is folded beneath the
body." (Gregory Possehl, Indus Age: The Beginnings, p. 78)." (Plate
2.29 in the book, facing p. 92.)
* Male Statue . "[The Seated Nobleman was] found above pavement in
N.E. corner of Chamber 75 in L-Area. (its datum was 2.5 feet
below datum.) Late Period. Material, veined grey alabaster. The
figure, which is 11.5 inches high, is obviously that of a male
and is dressed in a thin kilt-like garment fastened round the
waist. (It is not clear how Mr. Mackay infers the existence of
this kilt beneath the outer garment.–[ED.].) Another garment or
shawl of thin material is worn over the left shoulder and under
the right arm, and appears to hang down over the kilt. The left
knee of the figure is raised, but there is nothing to indicate
the position of the right foot beneath it. The sculptor, and not
subsequent weathering, is responsible for this lack of detail.
The left arm is carried around the side of the left knee, so that
the hand clasps the front of the knee. This hand is only roughly
indicated, and the sculptor evidently was not clear how it should
be arranged. Indeed, it is difficult to believe that the same man
carved both the arms and hands, for the right arm, though of
rough workmanship, shows some power of modeling, whereas the left
arm and hand are positively shapeless. (It should not be
forgotten that the left arm is hidden beneath the mantle or
shawl, while the right arm is bare. It is not to be expected,
therefore, that there should be much definition in the modeling
of the left arm. Probably the mantle itself was painted, and this
would have made a great difference to the apparent uncouthness of
the lower part of the figure.) A squarish projection at the back
of the head is evidently intended to represent a knot of hair. It
is, however, unfinished and shows the chisel marks of the
preliminary dressing. There is somewhat more finish about what
may be a rope of hair hanging down the back." (John
Marshall, Mohenjo-daro, Plate C, 1-3 (L 950), pp. 358-9)
* https://www.harappa.com/blog/3-l-area-mohenjodaro-statues
* Seated Male Sculpture

Seated male figure with head missing. On the back of the figure,
the hair style can be partially reconstructed by a wide swath of
hair and a braided lock of hair or ribbon hanging along the right
side of the back.

A cloak is draped over the edge of the left shoulder and covers
the folded legs and lower body, leaving the right shoulder and
chest bare. The left arm is clasping the left knee and the hand
is visible peeking out from underneath the cloak. The right hand
is resting on the right knee which is folded beneath the body.

Material: limestone
Dimensions: 28 cm height, 22 cm width
Mohenjo-daro, L 950
Islamabad Museum

"Priest King", Mohenjo-daro

Seated male sculpture, or "Priest King" from Mohenjo-daro. Fillet
or ribbon headband with circular inlay ornament on the forehead
and similar but smaller ornament on the right upper arm. The two
ends of the fillet fall along the back and though the hair is
carefully combed towards the back of the head, no bun is present.
The flat back of the head may have held a separately carved bun
as is traditional on the other seated figures, or it could have
held a more elaborate horn and plumed headdress.

Two holes beneath the highly stylized ears suggest that a
necklace or other head ornament was attached to the sculpture.
The left shoulder is covered with a cloak decorated with trefoil,
double circle and single circle designs that were originally
filled with red pigment. Drill holes in the center of each circle
indicate they were made with a specialized drill and then touched
up with a chisel. Eyes are deeply incised and may have held
inlay. The upper lip is shaved and a short combed beard frames
the face. The large crack in the face is the result of weathering
or it may be due to original firing of this object.

Material: white, low fired steatite
Dimensions: 17.5 cm height, 11 cm width
Mohenjo-daro, DK 1909
National Museum, Karachi, 50.852

Male head, Mohenjo-daro
Male head probably broken from a seated sculpture. Finely braided
or wavy combed hair tied into a double bun on the back of the
head and a plain fillet or headband with two hanging ribbons
falling down the back

The upper lip is shaved and a closely cropped and combed beard
lines the pronounced lower jaw. The stylized almond shaped eyes
are framed by long eyebrows. The wide mouth is very similar to
that on the "Priest-King" sculpture. Stylized ears are made of a
double curve with a central knob.

Material: sandstone
Dimensions: 13.5 cm height
Mohenjo-daro, DK-B 1057
Mohenjo-daro Museum, MM 431

Other pronunciation variants for the word meluhha are:
milakkha, milakkhuka 'a regional dialect speaker, explained as "Andha
-- Damil' ādi."; milakkhu 'copper', milāca 'a wild man of
woods' (Pali) mleccha- in mleccha-mukha 'copper'; mleccha 'a person
who lives by agriculture or by making weapons'
(Samskrtam). Milakkha [cp. Ved. Sk. mleccha barbarian, root mlecch,
onomat. after the strange sounds of a foreign tongue, cp. babbhara &
mammana] a barbarian, foreigner, outcaste, hillman S v.466; J vi.207;
DA i.176; SnA 236 (˚mahātissa -- thera Np.), 397 (˚bhāsā foreign
dialect). The word occurs also in form milakkhu (q. v.).Milakkhu [the
Prk. form (A -- Māgadhī, cp. Pischel, Prk. Gr. 105, 233) for P.
milakkha] a non -- Aryan D iii.264; Th 1, 965 (˚rajana "of foreign
dye" trsl.; Kern, Toev. s. v. translates "vermiljoen kleurig").
As milakkhuka at Vin iii.28, where Bdhgh expls by "Andha -- Damil'
ādi."Milāca [by -- form to milakkha, viâ *milaccha>*milacca> milāca:
Geiger, P.Gr. 622; Kern, Toev. s. v.] a wild man of the woods, non --
Aryan, barbarian J iv.291 (not with C.=janapadā), cp. luddā m. ibid.,
and milāca -- puttā J v.165 (where C. also expls by bhojaputta, i. e.
son of a villager).(Pali) म्लेच्छ m. a foreigner , barbarian ,
non-Aryan , man of an outcast race , any person who does not speak
Sanskrit and does not conform to the usual Hindu
institutions S3Br. &c (f(ई); a person who lives by agriculture or by
making weapons L.; ignorance of Sanskrit ,
barbarism Nyāyam. Sch.; n. copper L.; vermillion.)

In the reviews of ancient languages of India, Prakrit is linked with
many dialects. One such dialect is Paiśācī which could also have the
characteristic mis-pronunciations of words which are labeled
'mleccha'. The mleccha, according to Mahābhārata are located all over
ancient India and are active participants in the events recorded in
the Great Epic. One Paiśācī language work is attested in Jaina
Maharashtri dialect (cf. a fragmentary text discussed by Alfred
Master). Thus, languages such as Paiśācī, Pali, Ardhamāgadhi, Jaina
Maharashtri can be clubbed under the group called 'mleccha' (with
mis-pronounced words and ungrammatical expressions in local speech
parlance). Such dialects are seen as Indian sprachbund (speech union)
with links to literary forms attests in ancient texts in Samskrtam and
Chandas. Some linguists also see links between Paiśācī and Gondi (with
speakers in in the present-day states of Madhya
Pradesh, Gujarat, Telangana, Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, Andhra
Pradesh). Links of Ardhamāgadhi with Munda, Santali, Mon-Khmer
languages are also attested.

Ardhamagadhi Prakrit was a Middle Indo-Aryan language and a Dramatic
Prakrit thought to have been spoken in modern-day Uttar Pradesh and
used in some early Buddhism and Jainism. It was likely a Central
Indo-Aryan language, related to Pali and the later Sauraseni
Prakrit.[3]
It was originally thought to be a predecessor of the
vernacular Magadhi Prakrit, hence the name (literally "half-Magadhi").
Theravada Buddhist tradition has long held that Pali was synonymous
with Magadhi and there are many analogies between it and an older form
of Magadhi called Ardhamāgadhī "Proto-Magadhi" -- derivative from
Prakrit. Ardhamāgadhī was prominently used by Jain scholars (Constance
Jones; James D. Ryan (2006). Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Infobase
Publishing. p. 42.) and is preserved in the Jain Agamas. Both Gautama
Buddha and the tirthankara Mahavira preached in Magadha.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ardhamagadhi_Prakrit

Other Prakrits, such as Paiśācī, are reported in old historical
sources but are not attested. "The most widely known work, although
lost, attributed to be in Paiśācī is the Bṛhatkathā (literally "Big
Story"), a large collection of stories in verse, attributed
to Gunadhya. It is known of through its adaptations in Sanskrit as
the Kathasaritsagara in the 11th century by Somadeva, and also from
the Bṛhatkathā by Kshemendra. Both Somadeva and Kshemendra were
from Kashmir where the Bṛhatkathā was said to be
popular." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paishachi The 13th-century
Tibetan historian Buton Rinchen Drub wrote that the early Buddhist
schools were separated by choice of sacred language:
the Mahāsāṃghikas used Prākrit, the Sarvāstivādins used Sanskrit,
the Sthaviravādins used Paiśācī, and the Saṃmitīya
used Apabhraṃśa.(Yao, Zhihua. The Buddhist Theory of
Self-Cognition. 2012. p. 9).

":The term Prakrit, which includes Pali, is also used as a cover term
for the vernaculars of North India that were spoken perhaps as late as
the 4th to 8th centuries, but some scholars use the term for the
entire Middle Indo-Aryan period. Middle Indo-Aryan languages gradually
transformed into Apabhraṃśa dialects, which were used until about the
13th century. The Apabhraṃśas later evolved into Modern Indo-Aryan
languages."(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Apabhraṃśa)
Prakrits (/ˈprɑːkrɪt/; Sanskrit: प्राकृत prākṛta; Shauraseni: pāuda; Jain
Prakrit: pāua) are classified as Middle-Indo-Aryan spoken
languages. "The phrase "Dramatic Prakrits" often refers to three most
prominent of them: Shauraseni, Magadhi Prakrit, and Maharashtri
Prakrit. However, there were a slew of other less commonly used
Prakrits that also fall into this category. These include Pracya,
Bahliki, Daksinatya, Sakari, Candali, Sabari, Abhiri, Dramili, and
Odri. There was a strict structure to the use of these different
Prakrits in dramas. Characters each spoke a different Prakrit based on
their role and background; for example, Dramili was the language of
"forest-dwellers", Sauraseni was spoken by "the heroine and her female
friends", and Avanti was spoken by "cheats and rogues" (Banerjee,
Satya Ranjan. The Eastern School of Prakrit Grammarians : a linguistic
study. Calcutta: Vidyasagar Pustak Mandir, 1977,
pp.19-21) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prakrit

Sten Konow, ("181 [95] - The home of the Paisaci - The home of the
Paisaci - Page - Zeitschriften der Deutschen Morgenländischen
Gesellschaft - MENAdoc – Digital
Collections". menadoc.bibliothek.uni-halle.de) Felix Lacôte ( Félix
Lacôte (4 March 2018). "Essai sur Guṇāḍhya et la Bṛhatkathā") & Alfred
Master have explained that Paiśācī was the ancient name for Pāli, the
language of the Pāli Canon of Theravada Buddhism.(See embedded
monograph on a fragment of Paiśācī): Alfred Master, 1948, An
Unpublished Fragment of Paiśācī in: Bulletin of the School of Oriental
and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 12,No. 3/4, Oriental
and African Studies Presented to Lionel David Barnett by His
Colleagues, Past and Present (1948), pp. 659-667
Source: http://www.jstor.org/stable/608723

HTTPS://WWW.SCRIBD.COM/DOCUMENT/186271058/AN-UNPUBLISHED-FRAGMENT-OF-PAISACHI

See: https://www.persee.fr/doc/syria_0039-7946_1965_num_42_3_5808
Mirror: https://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2021/09/les-fouilles-de-mari-andre-parrot-1965.html

--MELUHHA PURIFIER PRIESTS, DISCOERY OF LINKS WITH MARI (TEL HARRIRI) AND
TREASURE OF UR, BURIAL SITE OF QUEEN PU-ABI WHO DIED CA. 2500 BCE

LOCATION OF MARI AND ASSUR ON EUPHRATES AND TIGRIS RIVERS (MARI7)
"MARI (CUNEIFORM: 𒈠𒌷𒆠, MA-RIKI, MODERN TELL HARIRI; ARABIC: تل حريري‎)
WAS AN ANCIENT SEMITIC CITY-STATE IN MODERN-DAY SYRIA. ITS REMAINS
CONSTITUTE A TELL LOCATED 11 KILOMETERS NORTH-WEST OF ABU KAMAL ON
THE EUPHRATES RIVER WESTERN BANK, SOME 120 KILOMETERS SOUTHEAST OF DEIR
EZ-ZOR. IT FLOURISHED AS A TRADE CENTER AND HEGEMONIC STATE BETWEEN
2900 BCE AND 1759 BCE" HTTPS://EN.WIKIPEDIA.ORG/WIKI/MARI,_SYRIA

जोंधळा JŌNDHAḶĀ M A CEREAL PLANT OR ITS GRAIN,

HOLCUS SORGHUM. EIGHT VARIETIES ARE RECKONED, VIZ. उतावळी, निळवा, शाळू,
रातडी, पिवळा जोंधळा, खुंडी, काळबोंडी जोंधळा, दूध मोगरा. THERE ARE HOWEVER
MANY OTHERS

AS केळी, अरगडी, डुकरी, बेंदरी, मडगूप &C. खोंडें KHŌṆḌĒM

N A DESCRIPTION OF जोंधळा. IT IS GROWN IN THE HOT WEATHER ON
GARDEN-LAND.(MARATHI)

Culm is the hollow stem of a grass or cereal plant, especially that
bearing the flower. On one Ancient Near East plate, a culm of millet is
shown flanked by two winged black drongo birds.

There are at least 40 signs which include variant ligatures and
representations
of 'crop or plant' orthography.
dhatu kolimi 'mineral ore smithy'
kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'
kã̄ṛā ʻstem of muñja grass' rebus: dhatu kaṇḍ 'mineral ore fire-altar'.

Thus, the basic signs kolmo 'rice-plant'
kã̄ṛā ʻstem of muñja grass' which appear with comparable ligatured
occurrences signify four important organizational resources in
metallurgical,
lapidary processes:

1. kolimi 'smithy, forge'
2. kaṇḍ 'fire-altar, furnace'
3. dhatu 'mineral ore'
4. kō̃da 'smelter'.

Thus, the hieroglyphs signifying these four semantic categories
constitute the organizational princple to delineate wealth-production
accounting categories (with ligatures signifying metallurgical/lapidary
processes, additional resources

káśā f. ʻ whip ʼ RV., ʻ rein ʼ Śiś., ʻ string ʼ lex., kaśa -- m. ʻ whip,
thong ʼ MBh.
Pa. kasā -- f. ʻ whip ʼ; Pk. kasā -- f., ˚sa -- m., ˚siā -- f., ˚sia --
n. ʻ whip, thong ʼ; K. kāh f. ʻ strip of leather for sewing leather
articles ʼ;
S. kãhī˜ f. ʻ tie, tape, riband ʼ; Or. kasa ʻ rope ʼ;
H. kasī, ˚saī, ˚seī, kesaī f. ʻ rope used in land measurement ʼ;
OMarw. kasa ʻ string ʼ; G. kas ʻ tape of a bodice ʼ;
M. kasā m. ʻ cord, tie of a garment ʼ; Si. kasaya, ˚se ʻ whip ʼ. --
Deriv.: Or. kasibā ʻ to whip ʼ; -- OMarw. kasaï ʻ binds, harnesses ʼ,
M. kasṇẽ ʻ to bind tightly with a cord ʼ (LM 307) prob. rather
< kárṣati.(CDIAL 2965)

Ta. kaṭivāḷam horse's bit, bridle. Ma. kaṭivāḷam bit;

kaṭi-ñāṇ, kaṭi-ñāṇam bridle; kaṭi-vāṟu id., bit. Ko. kaṛva·ḷm reins.

To. kaḍoṇm (obl. kaḍoṇt-) id. Ka. kaḍiyā̆ṇa, kaḍivā̆ṇa bit, bridle.

Tu. kaḍivāṇa bridle; kaḍḍyana bridle, reins, bit.

Te. kaḷḷiyamu, kaḷḷemu bridle. Go. (W.) karīārī bit of bridle; (Ph.)

kariyārī bridle (Voc. 532).(DEDR 1133)

Mosaic panel from the temple of Shamash in Mari.
Ram being held by the legs by two artisans. (Mari1)
M. mẽḍhrū̃ n. ʻ sheep ʼ.(CDIAL 10311) Des. menda 'ram' rebus
1: meḍ (Ho.); mẽṛhet 'iron' Munda.Ho.) rebus
2: meḍho 'helper of merchant'. Thus, an iron merchant.

“Mesanepada, the King of Kish”.Seal. (Mari2)
The artisan wrestles with one-horned young bull and lion.
dhangar 'bull' rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'
Lion hieroglyph on Indus Script: siṁhá m. ʻ lion ʼ,
siṁhīˊ -- f. RV.Pa. sīha -- m. ʻ lion ʼ, sīhī -- f.,
Dhp. siha m., Pk. siṁha -- , siṁgha -- ,
sīha -- m., sīhī -- f.; Wg. sī ʻ tiger ʼ; K. sah, süh m.
ʻ tiger, leopard ʼ; P. sī˜h, sihã̄ m. ʻ lion ʼ, bhaṭ. sīh ʻ leopard ʼ;
WPah.khaś. sīˋ ʻ leopard ʼ, cur. jaun. sīh ʻ lion ʼ;
Ku. syū̃, syū ʻ tiger ʼ; Mth. sī˜h ʻ lion ʼ, H. sī˜gh, sīh m.,
OG. sīha m.; -- Si. sī, siha ← Pa. --
L. śĩh, khet. śī ʻ tiger ʼ with ś -- from Pers. lw. śer ʻ tiger ʼ. --
Pa. sīhinī<-> f. ʻ lioness ʼ; K. sīmiñ f. ʻ tigress, leopard ʼ;
P. sīhaṇī f. ʻ tigress ʼ; WPah.bhal.
se_hiṇi f. ʻ leopard withcubs ʼ, jaun. sī˜haṇ ʻ tigress ʼ;
H. sĩghnī f. ʻ lioness ʼ.Addenda: siṁhá -- :
WPah.kṭg. sīˊ m. ʻ lion, leopard, brave man ʼ,
sĩˊəṇ, sī˜ṇ (with high level tone) f. ʻ lioness ʼ
(also sī˜ṇ Him.I 214 misprint with i?).(CDIAL 13384)
Rebus: சிங்கச்சுவணம் ciṅka-c-cuvaṇam ,
n. prob. siṃhala + svarṇa. A kind of superior gold;
ஒருவகை உயர்தரப் பொன். தீதுதீர் சிறப்பிற்
சிங்கச் சுவணமென் றோசைபோகிய வொண்பொன்
(பெருங். வத்தவ. 11, 23). சிங்கம்¹ ciṅkam ,
n. siṃha. 1. Lion; மிக்கவன்மையுள்ள ஒரு
விலங்கு. மாற்றுச் சிங்கத்து மறக்குரல்
(பெருங். உஞ்சைக். 47, 111). 2. Leo, the fifth sign of the zodiac;
சிங்கராசி. (பிங்.) 3. A title, chiefly among Vēḷāḷas,
as in பாலசிங்கம்; வேளாளரின் ஒரு பட்டப்பெயர். (J.)

King of Mari holding aloft a standard on a culm millet flagstaff,
rein rings and one-horned young bull; Ishtar temple wall mosaic (Mari3)

Inlaid mosaic victory procession; Ishtar temple (Mari4)

Limestone plaque found in Palace of Mari; reed sheils, flaming arrow,
captured prisoner (Mari5)

Posted 3 days ago by kalyan97
Labels: Itihāsa linguistics Meluhha

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6. Oct
1

LES FOUILLES DE MARI -- ANDRE PARROT (1965)

LES FOUILLES DE MARI.

[ARTICLE]

ANDRÉ PARROT
SYRIA. ARCHÉOLOGIE, ART ET HISTOIRE ANNÉE 1965 42-3-4 PP. 197-225

HTTPS://WWW.PERSEE.FR/DOC/SYRIA_0039-7946_1965_NUM_42_3_5808

Posted 3 days ago by kalyan97
Labels: Itihāsa

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7. Sep
29

SOMANATH SYNDROME, 21ST CENTURY -- NARAYANAN KOMERATH

SOMANATH SYNDROME, 21ST CENTURY

Narayanan KomerathSeptember 28, 2021

This essay is condensed and updated from a more leisurely chat at
Kreately.in [1]. For decades now, I always had better things to do than
write it. But that IS the Somanath Syndrome: we Hindus always had “better
things to do” than confront the rakshasas. And the rakshasas know it, since
they first stole our Veda and abducted Mother Earth herself.

Figure 1: King Purushottaman presents a bejeweled, ornate, made in India
Steel Sword to defeated invader Al Iskandar for his future genocides.
Fortunately for Humanity, that genocidal maniac kicked the bucket shortly
thereafter. Today powerful Hindu billionaires and rich parents shower
money, provide national treasures, and endow Thrones at western
universities so that they can install the worst anti-India, anti-Hindu
conversionist/anarchist bigots to write hate-p0rn books on our most sacred
beliefs, teach “history” glorifying genocidal sex-offenders, and throw poo
at India, Hindus and all civilized humanity. And wonder why their children
face such unreasoning hatred.

The civilization of Bharatavarsha, including today’s “South Asia” seems
continuous from at least 10,000 years ago…. down to about 300 BCE[2]. Its
people developed agriculture, industry, history, arts, sciences, medicine,
law, transportation, social systems, and stable governments with top-down
and bottom-up communications. Their technology grew to be amazing [3].

Today, only some metal artifacts of the international trade and commerce
remain. Those are not “Imperial Edicts” or “Holy Stones,” but accounting
ledgers, product-tracing, trademarks, and advertising artifacts — “Harappan
Seals”.

Wealth grew. Society could afford to fund great thinkers and scholars who
integrated and packaged knowledge bases for long-term travelers. A “Mission
to Mars” looks daunting today – but how much worse was an expedition to
Hanoi or Haifa or Samarkand or Bali in those days?

But their “search for the truth” had a fatal flaw: it succeeded
brilliantly. Their scholars were productive. They became CIVILIZED. They
built grand monuments, and universities without parallel. Takshasila became
the greatest technical university [4] in the world, and Nalanda the
greatest intellectual/ philosophy center [5].

They were generous in acknowledging the powers that afforded them such a
good life, and reserved their best monuments to excellence for
their kshetrams, kovils, mandirs. The Shiva Mandir at Somanath (“Lord of
the Moonlight” as per British and JNU historians, or Master of Soma, the
Cosmic Fluid connecting the timeless Paramatman and temporal existence as
per the Rig Veda) [6] was a shining symbol of that wealth. It was visible
at the sea-shore where ships from the Sarasvati and the Sindhu went out to
trade, and brought in riches [7] from the Red Sea, Persian Gulf, and points
east as far as Vietnam and beyond. Everyone heard about its fabled mountain
of gold and jewels in the known world. Everyone. Including Ghazni and
Sikandar and Ghori, and Ibrahim Lodhi and Babar and other genocidal
sex-offenders as far away as England salivated about Somanath. While Hindus
celebrated and sang and danced and worshipped and donated wealth, in
blissful oblivion of the utter catastrophe building to their north and
west: Somanath Syndrome.

The people of Bharatavarsha looked inward. And found deep insights. And
yes, sadly, despite all contra-indications from their own Veda (knowledge
base), scammed and killed each other. They neglected to look outward. They
focused on the best of human nature – and on their petty quarrels. They
ignored the worst: it was too petty and unclean for them to waste their
brilliant minds on.

The line from ABBA‘s “Cassandra” comes to mind [8]: “And on the darkest of
nights… nobody knew how to fight… And we were caught in our sleep…”

Those (like me) must have tried to direct attention to the outside world
but as usual: “Sorry Cassandra, I didn’t believe… You really had the
power. I only saw it as dreams you would weave… Until the final hour”.

And so goes the history of Somanath[9] (I use the Samskrtam version of the
name, not the Urdu-ized version that truncates words. For a recent update
on the temple, and a very large and far older structure found under the
present site, please see the article by Shri Kishan Dubey [10].

The British forced Hindu soldiers to drag some Persian-looted gates down to
Somanath from Ghazni, said “Oops! Wrong Size!” and extorted more taxes.
Their novel “The Moonstone” [12] recounts casually how the “hero” pried
the huge precious stone out of the main idol from Somanath (hence the
name), murdering Hindus by the dozen to rapturous applause from Britons.

Figure 2: Somanath Temple. Picture courtesy: Kartik Kumar, at Wkipedia.com

Note that the intervals between loots was quite long: the seventy-five
years since the latest rebuilding is longer than only two of the
build-to-loot intervals of the past. Much time can be wasted debating the
implications. But today the loot of temples elsewhere in India appears to
be proceeding at a much faster pace.

At least the first few times, our people did not bother to learn – that
concentrating material resources in one place is an invitation to those who
see robbery as E-Z Street. Perhaps they could have devoted a percentage to
identifying and studying potential aggressors, and ensuring historically
deterrent ripostes. And making sure said enemies could not gather without
killing each other. Somanath Syndrome.

Once completely enslaved, options were few. The Mandir was one of the few
points of hope that kept them going. No lack of courage or devotion!

The 21st Century

Look at the Indian diaspora, particularly Hindus, in America, and our
relatives in India. Exemplary. Peaceful. “The most law-abiding”. Kids
well-brought-up, well-behaved, though rather clueless about their history
or its contemporary and urgent relevance.

Swami Vivekananda urged: “Awake! Arise! And stop not until the goal is
reached”! He was not talking about “Getting to Unicorn Status” by age 25
and “Endowing a Throne at a Conversionist Bigot University” to attack
“One’s Own People”. He was seeking to throw out the looters! The point of
every Avataram.

I heard a recent presenter on India’s famed “Jaipur Dialogue” reel off the
stuff [13] about the “Wealthiest and Most Highly Educated and Nicest and
Most Law-Abiding and Least Demanding and Most Mouse-like Quiet and Peaceful
and Harmless Ethnic Group in the US”, and shuddered. That’s exactly
what Comrade St. Vijay Prashad of Trinity College, CT, said of us long ago
as he counseled “Model Minority Suicide” – and strove towards that outcome.

So Why Do They Not Like Us?

In Leo Tolstoy’s “War and Peace” [15] an aging, noble Russian Colonel rides
out to a ridge near the front lines, and exclaims in shock:

LOOK! LOOK! They are SHOOTING at ME! ME! Whom Everyone Loves!”

This insight came back to me as I watched a YouTube recording of
a Congressional Hearing on Biases Against Hindu Americans [16]. It was a
brilliant presentation. Superbly organized. The three speakers were
articulate, personable, and sincere. One of them has a long history of
fighting, mostly alone, at the frontlines for all of us. He would stand
outside conventions of the Lashkar-e-Pinocchio [17] and hand out flyers
with a factual summary. And pleasantly point out to enquiring Police
(called by the anarchist organizers who scream about “Academic Freedom”)
that he was peacefully exercising his freedom. The Bill of Rights. Getting
a good laugh out of them.

If he ever wins an award from the “Pravasi Bharatiya Divas” organizers,
please wake me up, like Marshal Kutuzov was woken up from his depressed nap
in War & Peace: “The French are leaving Moscow, heading back”. The Marshal
leaps out of bed (in the movie), drops to his knees, and prays: “Holy
Mother of God, Thank You!” I too will give thanks. But I digress.

The Congressman from Georgia was obviously impressed with the presentation.
And then he asked the simple, obvious question:

So why are these people targeting Hindus? Why do they hate you?

Sorry to say, this caught the team by surprise – or there was some reason
why they did not want to give a thorough and convincing answer. They came
across as waffling.

The answer is absolutely not:

1. “Because we deserve to be hated”.
2. “Because we have done something very bad.”

The Congressman probably did not intend to “blame the victims”. He was
trying to understand the genesis of the attacks. He asked again. Without
success.

So let me try to explain to these young people. It is BECAUSE there is
nothing wrong with us.

1. Somanath was not looted or razed so many times because there was
something evil about it. The looters decided to grab the wealth and
kill or enslave the people. Because they COULD.
2. Takshashila was not razed because there was something wrong with their
course syllabus or grading standards or they scrawled cartoons of “The
Prophet” in the campus news-tablet. It was so far ahead of the
civilization of the invaders that they HAD to destroy it. And because
they COULD.
3. Napoleon did not invade Russia and race to Moscow [18] because he
didn’t like Russians. He thought he COULD. And he did. Get to Moscow.
Hitler thought he could, too.
4. Mohammed of Ghazni, Ghori, Ibrahim Lodhi, Al Sikandar, Taimurlane
(Tamerlane) or all the rest of the genocidal goons did not invade India
because Indians had done something wrong – or were somehow
“anti-Muslim”. Haj pilgrims to Mecca stopped off for blessings at
Somanath like millions of travelers before them. It was because (a)
they COULD. Indians were militarily weak and poorly organized, and (b)
they had no fear of massive, disproportionate retaliation.

And American Hindus are not being attacked because there is something wrong
with them [19]. It is precisely because they are winners in civilized
society. Exemplary. They even know how to spell “Terminological
Exactitude”. Decent. Well-brought-up. Top of the class. Would
pay Hahvahd University $80K/year so they can sponsor “Terrorist
Conferences” and afford “Endowed Commodes” the spare time to host
the Indo-Euracist Hysterics Forum [20]. Though Hahvahd discriminates
against them, so they can use their stupid parents’ money to educate more
of those who hate us [21]. Pleasant. Harmless. Easy Meat for the Predators?

And THAT is the problem. The perception that we will not retaliate
massively and disproportionately. And are too absorbed in our work to look
up and see the hate in their eyes, for instance, of the entities conducting
the 9/11/2021 Terrorist Conference.

Notice how the great King Purushottaman, after defeating the invading Al
Iskandar, decided to impress his fans by presenting the defeated goon with
a Made in India sword. Exotic metal. Studded with precious stones. Ornate
handle. Commercial Advertising. Buy Our Model 666 Swords! Kill Us Better
Next Time. One swing does it all! No neck too big or small!

Just building moats and forts is not enough. There has to be the planning
and credible threat of massive, disproportionate and if possible
pre-emptive retaliation. Preferably, just deterrent superiority and threat.

The Afghan sackings of Somanath stopped when Alaudddin Khilji/Khalji did
what few predecessors had done. This is one thing I really admire about an
otherwise disgusting blot on homo sapiens with the social outlook of the
coronavirus. He didn’t stop the invaders with a swat (at the Ravi River).
He went straight for their caves, burned their capital, and utterly
destroyed everything. No intent to steal. Just massive, disproportionate
destruction. So that he and his successors could rob Somanath at leisure.
To their credit, Afghans have generally made it a point to do the same to
those who come marching into Kabul, since then.

Lesson conveyed. The rest was up to Karma, which still seems to be
extracting a horrible payment from the descendants of those mighty
conquerors in Afghanistan.

Marshal Mikhail Kutuzov did not declare ceasefire when Napoleon’s La Grande
Armée withdrew from Moscow, their champagne and parfum stocks depleted.
Kutuzov kept attacking them all the way to France. The loss of 300,000 men
was enough to deter the French, without sacking Paris.

Like I said, this is something that has been burning me. I too am sure that
“Blessed are the Meek” for “They shall inherit the Earth,” but only when
the Not-Meek are done pillaging the Earth and need some suckers to unload
it on. As the British did, even splitting India after 200 years of loot,
to ensure no peace.

Hindus: The Jews of the 21st Century?

Study the destruction of the Temples of Solomon, and the scattering of
Jewish people all over Europe. Persecution, pogroms, propaganda everywhere
except in Kochi, Kerala where they were welcomed and nurtured to grow their
skills and trade. We Indians do have a very long-ago tie to the people who
became known as Jews. As we do to the “Roma” people, a.k.a., “Gypsies”. And
Yazidis. And maybe even the Incas and their cousins in the north. Enough
said.

In the 21st century, the Jewish State of Israel is feared for her military
might – and propensity to use it almost daily with massive violence.

Look also at the former Yugoslavia. For about forty years after liberation
in WW2, they held together, a reasonably advanced nation. Have you studied
the horrors when their society broke down completely?

Or consider the Hindus of Bengal. East, including the genocide of
1947-1947 [23] and the bigger one of 1969-71 [24]. And now, West Bengal as
well in 2021[25]. And all the lesser pogroms through the centuries and
recent decades.

Where would we be if India as we know it today ceased to exist? Do you
understand that seemingly harmless “Academic Conferences” such as the
“Dismantling Global Hindutva” circus of September 10-12, are EXACTLY about
destroying India so that they can destroy Hindus? Having dutifully
registered for the conference (I also drink a glass of Karela Juice every
morning) I saw at least one potty-mouthed “Panelist” Scholar salivating
about precisely that prospect.

But we are so Many and have Survived 20,000 Years!

Destroy Hindus? We have learned in our Communist-authored textbooks that
“India assimilated all invaders” over 5,000 years. But do you know at what
cost?

1. The notorious pest Taimurlane (Tamerlane) killed 100,000 captives
BEFORE he attacked Delhi and murdered all inhabitants of Delhi.
Mountains of severed heads.
2. Vijayanagaram (Victory City) had much to brag about, but again, they
let their enemies live to gang up. Perhaps they had no choice. The
enemies made no such mistake: The city was utterly razed [26], but even
Nobel Laureate V.S. Naipaul was attacked when he pointed out the
obvious. Genocide against Hindus must not even be mentioned today!
3. “Hundreds of thousands” of Hindus [27] were driven as slaves over the
mountains of Afghanistan to the slave markets of the Middle East. If
you have not seen the color painting from a photograph, titled
“Rawalpindi 1948”, I am not going to show you.
4. The Yazidis, a tiny minority with clear links to Hindu culture, were
brutalized and enslaved by perverts of the “Islamic State” – cousins of
those who have now been presented with the keys to Afghanistan. You
can read a very recent paper on contemporary versions and see the
pictures there, but be warned that you may not sleep for a long time
[28].
5. Must Hindus repeat the experience of Jews from the destruction of
Solomon’s last temple, through the 20th century, to learn? The Bay Area
of California is already well on its way to becoming another West
Bengal. Fertile breeding ground of South Asia hate-mongers.
6. The looting of Hindu temples, as I hear it, may stop any day now in
Modern India’s states ruled by Marxists and Conversionists – when
everything has been emptied out.

Yes, empathy is essential: Learn to Think like a (fill in the blanks). You
will see why they want to attack us, and will attack us. Unless massive,
disproportionate retaliation, even pre-emptive destruction, are guaranteed.
Study them as one would study the COVID-19 virus and all its cousins and
distant relatives. Not to love them but to turn them to peaceful and
harmless pursuits. Nothing so evil about this: All those Divinity
Schools [29] were set up precisely to study and destroy ancient cultures
like ours, from within and without.

The BBC show “Yes Minister” summarized Anglo-Saxon Wisdom into a
superlative Rk [30]:

“If u have them by the (*****), their Hearts and Minds will Follow.”

Peace is great. Peace with security is awesome. And that takes constant
vigilance, imagination, and very hard work.

Mind you, other than national defense systems, I am most certainly NOT
advocating that citizens resort to physical violence. I am asking why we
hear of so few good lawyers kicking butt, even in wealthy, powerful,
supposedly “majoritarian” India or the even wealthier Indian-American
diaspora? Perhaps some objective scholarly studies (that would rule out the
“South Asia” departments and JNU) should be undertaken on the following as
starters:

1. The Endowment of the Reliance-Dhirubhai Ambani Throne and related
funding at Stanford University.
2. Endowments and donations from Infosys/ the Narayan Murthy family at
Columbia University.
3. The connection of The Hindu group of newspapers with the People’s
Republic of China.
4. Connections, if any, between Oberlin College/Oberlin Foundation/Oberlin
Xanxi/The PRC/Tamil Nadu/CPI(M/L/M) in India.
5. The tenure and accomplishments of Preeti Bansal on the US Commission on
International Religious Freedom (USCIRF).
6. Hostility faced by Indian/Hindu faculty at American universities.
7. Hostility faced by Hindu faculty at Indian universities.
8. Reactions/attitudes of Indian American / Hindu faculty in American
universities during attacks against Hinduism/India.
9. Legal actions taken by Hindu/Indian American attorneys in the US
against attacks on Indians/ Indian Americans.

That is a long-enough list for now.

SOMANATH SYNDROME.

Satyam Eva Jayate.

References

1] Komerath, N., Somanath Syndrome. Kreately, September 11,
2021. https://kreately.in/somanath-syndrome/

[2] Kalyanaraman, S. Sarasvati Civilization. Samudramanthan: The Emergence
of Sarasvati. January 12, 2021. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XqujleC4siM

[3] Komerath, N. “A Technology Countdown Approach to Historical Timelines”.
Proceedings of WAVES 2020, World Association for Vedic Studies, January
2021. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/353714693_A_Technology_Countdown_Approach_To_Historical_Timelines

[4] Sanskriti, Takshashila: The World’s First and Oldest
University! https://www.sanskritimagazine.com/history/takshashila-the-worlds-first-and-oldest-university/

[5] Anon. Nalanda
University. https://nalandauniversity.wordpress.com/about/

[6] Damodaran, K.A., and Komerath, N. Pavamana Soma. Proceedings of WAVES
2018, the 13th International Conference of the World Association for Vedic
Studies. July 2018.

[7] Kalyanaraman, S. Sarasvati Civilization. Part 3: Trade. January 26,
2021. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xv0MiSuFbmg

[8] Andersson, B., Ulvaeus, B. Cassandra. ABBA group rendering and lyric,
1982. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Os_bSwg02J4 May 2, 2008.

[9] Wikipedia. Somnath Temple. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Somnath_temple

[10] Dubey, K.J. The Somnath Temple. Kreately, December 30,
2020. https://kreately.in/the-somnath-temple/

[11] Anon. The Lost City of Dwarka. History or Mythology. Mahabharatha
Research, http://mahabharata-research.com/about%20the%20epic/the%20lost%20city%20of%20dwarka.html

[12] Collins, W. The Moonstone. 1871. Penguin
Classics, https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/30206/the-moonstone-by-wilkie-collins/

[13] Singha, P., Singh, R., Jha, V. Dismantling Hindutva Globally. Jaipur
Dialogues, August 22, 2021, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ewkzNYcEcXU

[14] Caswell, M. Smashing the Myth of the Model Minority. V. Prashad’s “The
Karma of Brown Folk,” Asia
Society, https://asiasociety.org/smashing-myth-model-minority

[15] Wikipedia. War and Peace. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/War_and_Peace.
Leo Tolstoy’s 1225-page book was first translated into English in 1899. The
BBC movie was made in 1972-73.

[16] “Official Congressional Briefing on Biases against Hindu Americans,”
Coalition of Hindus of North America, September 9,
2021, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pe_eChjK6Vg

[17] Komerath, N. “The Lashkar-e-Pinocchio Rides Again: The Wild Bunch:
They’re Only a Hundred – But they ride as if they were a Thousand,”
https://narayanankomerath.wordpress.com/2018/09/18/the-lashkar-e-pinocchio-rides-yet-again/ September
28, 2003. Updated September 18, 2018

[18] Wikipedia. French invasion of
Russia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/French_invasion_of_Russia

[19] Hindu American Foundation. History of Anti-Hindu Bias and Hinduphobia
in the United States, https://www.hinduamerican.org/hinduphobia-history

[20] Anon. Indology Researchers’ FanClub. February
2006. http://irffanclub.blogspot.com/2006/02/prof-witzel-wins-dharma-debate.html

[21] Wikipedia. Students for Fair Admissions v. President and Fellows of
Harvard
College. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Students_for_Fair_Admissions_v._President_and_Fellows_of_Harvard_College

[22] Komerath, N. Background of the 9/11/2021 Terrorist Conference:
Implications for India & USA. Kreately, August 23,
2021. https://kreately.in/some-background-of-the-9-11-2021-terrorist-conference-implications-for-india-the-usa-and-all-free-democracies/

[23] Markovits, C. The Calcutta Riots of 1946. SciencesPo, November 5,
2007. https://www.sciencespo.fr/mass-violence-war-massacre-resistance/fr/document/calcutta-riots-1946.html

[24] Hindu American Foundation. 1971 Bengali Hindu
Genocide. https://www.hinduamerican.org/1971-bangladesh-genocide

[25] Ranjan, A. More than 40,000 affected in violence, says VHP as it
appeals to help violence-hit Hindus in Mamata’s State. India TV, May 18,
2021. https://www.indiatvnews.com/news/india/more-than-40-000-affected-in-bengal-violence-says-vhp-as-it-appeals-to-help-violence-hit-hindus-in-mamata-s-state-705419

[26] Times News Network. Naipaul’s Musings on Vijayanagar Misleading. The
Times of India, Sep. 12,
2012. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/hyderabad/naipauls-musings-on-vijayanagar-misleading/articleshow/16358501.cms

[27] Wikipedia. Hindu Kush. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindu_Kush

[28] Stratcepts Team. Of Warmongers, Fake News and the Deep State.
Stratcepts Paper 20200103, January 3,
2020. http://www.stratcepts.com/Papers/OfWarmongers.pdf

[29] Komerath, N. Protestant Pedagogues (Still!) Peeved at Protests over
Porn-Peddling. August 11,
2015. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2015/08/princeton-presbyterian-still-peeved-at_10.html

[30] Anon. Nigel Hawthorne: Sir Humphrey Appleby. Yes, Minister Series.
https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0751827/characters/nm0001329

NARAYANAN KOMERATH

Narayanan Komerath, PhD, Georgia Institute of Technology, was a professor
of Aerospace Engineering at the Georgia Institute of Technology till his
retirement recently. He is the co-author of "Sanatana Dharma. Introduction
to Hinduism", Amazon Books, 2015, and co-author of "IDRF: Let the Facts
Speak," with Nagendra Rao, Ramesh Rao, Chitra Raman, Beloo Mehra, and
Sugutha Ramaswamy, 2003.

https://www.indiafacts.org.in/somanath-syndrome-21st-century/

Posted 5 days ago by kalyan97
Labels: Itihāsa

ADD A COMMENT

8. Sep
29

NOTES ON A DRAFT CHILDREN'S MULTI-MEDIA, MULTI-DISCIPLINARY BOOK ON R̥GVEDA

https://tinyurl.com/5dtcpfsf

This is an addendum to:

TREATISE ON R̥GVEDA, A FOUR-FOLD COMMENTARY -- PROF. DAMODARAN (VĒDĀYANA
BHĀRADVĀJA) (2017) HTTPS://TINYURL.COM/58N3BD92

--What is divine? What are the wonders of nature, cosmic phenomena? How
come planets which are rotating rapidly in cosmos, are not collapsing but
follow a rhythmic order? This order is DHARMA. How come mere earth and
stone when subjected to processing in sacred Agnikuṇḍa in a yajna yield
wealth resources of pure copper, silver, gold and other metals? How come
ancient Veda people shared these resources among EVERYONE governed
by śreṇi dharma 'rules of guild of artisans, maritime seafaring
merchants'? The dictum is explained in simple terms by Basava: kāyakave
kailāsa ಕಾಯಕವೇ ಕೈಲಾಸ 'work is worship'. This is the same
as ಕರ್ಮಣ್ಯೇವಾಧಿಕಾರಸ್ತೇ -- dictum of Śri kr̥ṣṇa in Bhagavadgīta, 'song of
the divine'.

Four states of ātman; ātman ‘principle of life and sensation’, RV; essence,
nature, character, peculiarity (e.g. karmātman, &c.) ; four layers of
R̥gveda enquiry into cosmic phenomena

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ThznwYxJ8po (5:32)Tune in to this ancient
vedic chant pertaining to Maa Lakshmi popularly known as Shri Suktam only
on Rajshri Soul.

The glory and the divinity of Goddess Lakshmi have been spoken well in our
spiritual scriptures. She has commonly been referred to as “SHRI” meaning
prosperity. Loosely the term Lakshmi has been linked with finance/wealth
but interestingly it is just one of the aspects related to the divine
mother. Almost everyone worships the divine mother for money and improving
finances in their lives. Tune in to this mantra so as to progress
spiritually and financially in life.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UGGP72z_qUY (15:39)#Jayadeva was a
11th-century Sanskrit poet and lyricist from #India. The works of Jayadeva
have had a profound influence on #Indianculture. They form the basis of the
#Indianclassicaldances like Odissi, #Bharatnatyam, Manipuri etc as well as
#traditionalclassicalmusic of India.. #Dasavataramstrotram is a great
literary work of Sri Jayadeva kabi..Our humble attempt of this composition
of Dasavataram is Completely inspired by Sri Radha Sridhar group and the
music is taken from YouTube..🙏

**This video is dedicated to Shri Devabrata Mukherjee and shrimati Nandini
Mukherjee two of our beloved gurus..

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h-LP6tXsjdo (15:35)

Dasavataram: This song extols the ten incarnations of Maha Vishnu, who
reclines on Adisesha in the Milky ocean. This is a classic composition in
which lyrics have been penned by Udumalai Sri Narayana Kavi and music
composed by Sri G. Ramanathan. Matsya Avatara- To restore the Vedas from
demon Somukha, who stole the four Vedas from Lord Brahma and hid them under
the ocean, Maha Vishnu, on the request of Brahma, incarnated as a mighty
fish to defeat the demon and retrieve the Vedas for the well being of man
kind. Koorma Avatara- As the Devas and Asuras begin churning the milky
ocean in a thirst for the elixir of immortality, the Mandara mountain is
used as the churner. During the churning, when the mountain begins to sink
and the Devas and Asuras are left helpless, unable to continue the
churning, Maha Vishnu's timely manifestation as a tortoise is the legend of
the Avatara. The Lord bears the mountain on His shell and felicitates the
churning. Varaha Avatara- Hiranyaksha, a heinous demon, approaches and
attacks Mother Earth by rolling Her like a rug and hides Her inside the
ocean. Bhu Devi (Mother Earth), who was held captive by the demon, pleads
Maha Vishnu for help. The Lord compassionately assumes the form of a boar
with His tusks raises Her aloft from the depths of the ocean, thereby
rescuing Her from his clutches. The Lord, as Varaha, also destroys the evil
Hiranyaksha in a combat. Narasimha Avatara- Prahlada, the pious and devout
son of King Hiranyakashipu, is ever immersed in the thought of Narayana.
Hiranyakashipu, being an enemy of Maha Vishnu, is annoyed and enraged by
his son's devotion to the Lord, and asks the child where Vishnu is. As
Prahlada promptly replies saying that his Lord is everywhere, Maha Vishnu,
the omnipresent Lord breaks open a pillar in the palace and arrives in
front of Prahlada and Hiranyakashipu in a gory yet majestic form of a
half-man and half-lion. Vamana Avatara- As King Mahabali was performing the
Yagna, the Lord approached the King as an invincible dwarf who appeared
there in order to put an end to Bali's growing powers and supremacy and
thereby protect the Devas. When the King was ready to offer anything to the
dwarf, the Lord asked him for three feet of land. Taking the miniscule plea
for granted, King Mahabali agreed to offer Him the three feet of land,
despite Sage Sukracharya, his Guru, advising him that the dwarf was no
ordinary human. As King Bali offered Him the three feet of land, the Lord
takes the Viswaroopa and grows infinitely. His first step touched the land,
the second step reached the Heavens and when the Lord asked the King where
the third step should be placed, the King understood the Lord's play and
surrendered to Him, asking Him to place the third step on his head. The
Lord places His foot on Mahabali's head and sends him to Paathaala
(Netherworld). Parasurama Avatara- In this Avatara, the Lord incarnated as
a valorous Brahmin who took to destroying the arrogant Kshatriyas with his
'Parashu' (axe). It is said that the Lord, as Parashurama, travelled the
whole Earth killing the sons of Kartavirya and the arrogant Kshatriyas to
avenge the killing of His father, Jamadagni. Rama Avatara- The seventh
incarnation of Maha Vishnu is the well known Rama Avatara, where in He is
born to King Dasaratha in the Solar Dynasty in Ayodhya. Stories of Rama's
feats are popularly mentioned in different lores. When the ten-headed
Ravana of Lanka held the Ashta-dik Paalakas (Gods of the eight directions)
captive, Lord Sri Rama, the stoic prince, came to their rescue and defeated
Ravana and the other Asuras. Balarama Avatara- In this incarnation, the
powerful and mighty Balarama or Baladeva was born as the seventh child to
Devaki and Vasudeva. Balarama, with His strong arms, conquered river Yamuna
by tilling the land with His Halayudha (weapon of plough). Krishna Avatara-
Ever surrounded and adored by Gopis and the cows, Krishna, the charming
Lord becomes the darling son of Yashoda and Nandagopa. The lores of Sri
Krishna right from His birth to the end of His incarnation, are compiled in
Srimad Bhagavatham. Krishna, the cousin and protector of the Pandavas,
puppeteered the Kurukshetra war between the two groups of brothers-
Pandavas and Kauravas, and ensured the victory of the former. Krishna's
Upadesha to Arjuna on the battle field are recorded as verses and compiled
as the 'Bhagavad Gita'. Avatara of Kali Yuga- When deceit, treachery,
manipulations, injustice and evil practises become a commonality, and when
the actors of this farcical drama in the playhouse of Kali Yuga indulge in
illicit deeds fearlessly, Maha Vishnu manifests as the compassionate Lord
to restore Dharma in this last Yuga. Dancers: Harinie Jeevitha, Bhairavi
Venkatesan, Kameshweri Ganesan, Rajadarshini Saravanan, Mridula Sivakumar,
Sanjena Ramesh & Mrinalini Sivakumar. Choreography - Sheela Unnikrishnan
Vocal - Srikanth G Mridangam - Guru Bharadwaaj Veena - Anjani S Art work -
Cool Events

ஆன்மாச்சிரயம் āṉmāccirayam , n. id. + ā-šraya. (Log.) Fallacy of
self-dependence, begging the question, petitio principii; தன்னைப்
பற்றுதலென்னுங் குற்றம். (தொல். விருத். 50.) ஆன்மா āṉmā , n. ātman. Soul,
self, spirit, as opp. to matter; உயிர். (திவா.)

Soham or Sohum (सो ऽहम् so 'ham or so 'Hum) is a Hindu mantra, meaning "I
am She/He/That" in Sanskrit.Inverted from so 'ham (the sandhi of saḥ +
aham), the mantra is ham + sa; so 'haṃ haṃsaḥ has also been interpreted as
"I myself am the Swan", where the swan symbolizes the Atman. Hamsa is
thought to refer to the bar-headed goose found in India (left) or a species
of swan.

haṃsa m. (ifc. f(ā). ; accord. to Uṇ. iii, 62 fr. √1. han, ‘to go?’) a
goose, gander, swan, flamingo (or other aquatic bird, considered as a bird
of passage; sometimes a mere poetical or mythical bird, said in RV. to be
able to separate Soma from water, when these two fluids are mixed, and in
later literature, milk from water when these two are mixed; also forming
in RV. the vehicle of the Aśvins, and in later lit° that of
Brahmā; ifc. also = ‘best or chief among’), RV. ; the soul or spirit
(typified by the pure white colour of a goose or swan, and migratory like a
goose; sometimes ‘the Universal Soul or Supreme Spirit’, identified with
Virāj, Nārāyaṇa, Viṣṇu, Śiva, Kāma, and the Sun; du. ‘the universal and the
individual Spirit’; accord. to Sāy. resolvable into ahaṃ sa, ‘I am
that’), Up. ; MBh. ; Hariv.
; haṃsa [cf. Gk. χήν; Lat. anser for hanser; Lit. żasís; Germ. Gans; Angl.Sax. gôs; Eng. goose.](Monier-Williams)

The swan is a symbol of purity and transcendence

--Presenting art, craft, Agnikuṇḍa, of Ancient Bhāratam

--Kutch embroidery of three metal (copper, silver, gold) sequins on
clothing; Notes on R̥gveda Veda mantra, Veda knowledge as a dance, music
rendering

--Explaining four categories of enquiry in R̥gveda

1. ādhibhautika (fr. adhibhūta), belonging or relating to created
beings, Suśr.; elementary, derived or produced from the primitive elements,
material.

2. ādhidaivika (fr. adhideva), relating to or proceeding from gods or
from ātman, Mn. ; Suśr. ; proceeding from the influence of the atmosphere
or planets, proceeding from divine or cosmic agencies.

3. ādhyātmika or adhyātmika, relating to the ātman or the
Supreme ātman or Paramātman ‘the highest personal principle of life, Brahma
(cf. paramātman), AV. x, 8, 44; VS. xxxii, 11 ; ŚBr. xiv,’

4. turīya n. the 4th state of ātman (when it becomes one with
Brahman), Upaniṣad. (MaitrUp. ; NṛsUp. ii, 2, 1), Vedântas

Chennapatna wooden toys celebrating Veda art tradition for children

Annual Pola, cattle festival when toys are taken in procession, called
Utsava Bera. The tradition dates back to ca. 1500 BCE as evidenced from
bronze artifacts from Daimabad.

Daimabad, other Sarasvati civilization sites

Daimabad bronze artifacts showing Indus Script hieroglyphs as wealth
resources in metals manufactories.

Śyena-citi: A Monument of Uttarkashi Distt.
EXCAVATED SITE -PUROLA

Geo-Coordinates-Lat. 30° 52’54” N Long. 77° 05’33” E

Note: Many ancient metallic coins (called Kuninda copper coins) were
discovered at Purola. cf. Devendra Handa, 2007,Tribal coins of ancient
India, ISBN: 8173053170, Aryan Books International.

Zebu, bos indicus or humped bull is an Indus Script hieroglyph signifier of
wealth resource: पोळ pōḷa, 'zebu, bos indicus taurus'
rebus pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4'

Binjor, Anupgarh, Sarasvati River
Binjor Agnikuṇḍa, अष्टन् aṣṭan -अस्रिय a. octangular Yupa, pillar
YUPA PILLARS IN BICHPURIA TEMPLE

The inscribed stone is a yajna pillar or octoganal 'eight-angled' Yupa,
commemorating revival of the rituals during third century A.D. by the
Malava Republic. The inscription records the erection of the pillar by
Ahisarman, son of Dharaka who was Agnihotri. Ahisarman seems to be a Malava
chief.
http://asijaipurcircle.nic.in/Yupa%20Pillars%20in%20Bichpuria%20temple,%20NAGAR.html#

19 Yupa inscriptions have been found including some from East Borneo,
Indonesia

Shapes of Yupa: A. Commemorative stone yupa, Isapur – from Vogel, 1910-11,
plate 23; drawing based on Vedic texts – from Madeleine Biardeau, 1988,
108, fig. 1; cf. 1989, fig. 2); C. Miniature wooden yupa and caSAla from
Vaidika Samsodana Mandala Museum of Vedic sacrificial utensils – from
Dharmadhikari 1989, 70) (After Fig. 5 in Alf Hiltebeitel, 1988, The Cult of
Draupadi, Vol. 2, Univ. of Chicago Press, p.22).
The key expressions on the Mulavarman Yupa inscription (D.175) are in
Samskritam and one fragment reads: yaṣṭvā bahusuvarṇakam; tasya yajñasya
yūpo ‘yam. This means "from yaṣṭi to possess many gold pieces; this Yupa is
a commemoration of that yajna." The interpretation is comparable to the
Indus Script seal found in Binjor in the context of a fire-altar with an
octagonal brick, yaṣṭi. The seal can be seen as an inscription detailing
metalwork catalogue of the bahusuvarṇnakam 'to possess many gold pieces'
that was produced by the smelter/furnace operations using the fire-altar.

Prof. Kern identified the expression with bahuhiraNya, a particular Soma
yajna. Balakanda of Ramayana has this citation: nityam pramuditAh sarve
yatha kRitayuge tathA as'vamedha s'atair ishTvA tathA
bahusuvarNakaih (Balakanda I,95) The referene is to the as'vamedha sattra
desirous of possessing many pieces of gold. In reference to Meghanada's
yajna, the reference reads:
agniSTomo 's'vamedha ca yajno bahusuvarNakah
rAjasUyas tathA yajno gomedho vaishNavas tathA mahes'vare

(UttrakANDa, XXV, 87-9) A rajasuya yajna with prayers to mahesvara is also
linked to many pieces of gold.

Another translation: "Thereupon that foremost of twice born ones Usanas of
austere penances, wishing the prosperity of the sacrifice, said
to Ravana the Rakshasa chief "Hear,I shall relate to thee everything, O
king ;thy son hath met with the fruits of many a
sacrifice Agnistoma, Asvamedha,
Bahusuvarnaka." (vrm 7.30)

(B.Ch. Chhabra, Yupa Inscriptions, in: Jean Ph. Vogel, 1947,India
antiqua, Brill Archive, p.82).

Generosity associated with the performance of yajna is referenced in a yupa
inscription. “Let the foremost amongst the priests and whatsoever pious men
(there be) hear of the generous deed of Mulavarman, let them hear of his
great gift, his gift of cattle, his gift of a kalpavRkSam, his gift of
land'.”

Thus, Yupa inscriptions of Mulavarma are delineation of an economic
institution. Vogel also notes: “Both the scholarship and the workmanship of
our yupa inscriptions bear testimony of a considerable degree of Hindu
culture in Eastern Borneo during the period to which they belong.”
Mulavarman's grandfather KuNDungga had the cooperation of Hindu priests
'who had come here from different parts' (Vogel, 1918, pp. 167-232).

The names of yajnas are clearly related to the 'fruits of the yajna' which
is to yield बहुसुवर्णक, bahusuvarṇaka, 'many pieces of gold'. That this is
recognized as a Soma yajna reaffirms Soma not as a herbal but a mineral
smelted, furnaced through fire-altars, yajñakuṇḍa.

Dance is a signifier of purity and beauty; tāṇḍava 'cosmic dance' -- is a
rendering in dance of the cosmic phenomena enveloping us. This dance is
accompanied by music and drum-beat, by resonating sacred sound of OM, which
is praṇava, the mystical or sacred syllable; praṇava is also a kind of
small drum or tabor; ḍamaru is a sacred drum, shaped like an hourglass,
used by the god Śiva. The rhythm of music is magical, mystical harmony
between the performing artist and the audience, between both artist,
audience and Brahman who is the creator of the primordial, sacred sound of
OM, the praṇava.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uaUOPEYvQCc&list=RDuaUOPEYvQCc&index=1
(3:46)
Choreography by Sayani Chakraborty Tandava is the dance of passion, anger
and intense energy. Tandava performed by Lord Shiva who is also known as
"Nataraja", the god of dance. According to Hindu scholars , Tandava has
seven variations which Shiva performs in different moods.
Here, in this presentation, i have tried Rudra Tandava

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8VL3pcsLdsU (7:05)

SAMAVEDA MANTRA | सामवेद मंत्र | DR. BALAJI TAMBE |

The drummerThe dancers of Manipur

Now, R̥g Vēda can be narrated to kids --as a children's book of purity and
beauty-- as a multi-disciplinary enquiry of scientists into
cosmic phenomena or great powers of nature.

This enquiry is pure joy -- ā-nanda ‘pure happiness’, one of the three
attributes of Ātman or Brahman in the Vedānta philosophy, Vedāntas.

ஆனந்ததாண்டவம் āṉanta-tāṇṭavam Ecstatic dance of Šiva, as exhibited in the
shrine at Chidambaram; நடராஜர் புரியும் நிருத்தம் (கோயிற்பு. பதஞ். 1,
உரை.)

சொக்கத்தாண்டவம் cokka-t-tāṇṭavam A kind of dance; சுத்தநிருத் தம். சொக்கன்
சொக்கத்தாண்டவம் புரிந்தா னன்றே (திருவாலவா. 5, 5). சொக்கம் cokkam , n. <
Pkt. šokkha < svaccha. 1. Genuineness, purity, excellence, as of gold,
silver; சுத்தம். 2. [M. coṅku.] Beauty; அழகு. (பிங்.) 3.
See சொக்கத்தாண்டவம். சொக்க மவினய நாடகம் (சிலப். பதி. 73, உரை).

மந்திரம்¹ mantiram , n. < mantra. 1. Deliberation, consultation; ஆலோசனை.
(பிங்.) 2. Royal council of advisers; மந்திரிகள் சபை. மன்ன வன் றனக்கு
நாயேன் மந்திரத்துள்ளேன் (கம்பரா. உருக்காட். 31). 3. Thought, opinion,
idea; எண் ணம். (பிங்.) 4. Vēdic hymn, sacrificial formula, portion of the
Vēda containing the texts called Ṛg or Yajus or Sāman; வேதமந்திரம். (தொல்.
பொ. 490.) 5. Sacred formula of invocation of a deity, as pañcākṣara,
aṣṭākṣara, etc.; பஞ்சாட்சரம் அஷ்டாட்சரம் போன்ற தெய்வ மந்திரம். 6.
See மந்திரிகை. (யாழ். அக.) 7. A treatise by Tirumūlar. See திருமந்திரம்.
போக மிகு மந்திரமா மறையொன்று (திருமுறைகண். 26).

மந்திரிகை mantirikai , < mantrikā. An Upaniṣad, one of
108; நூற்றெட்டுபநிடதங்களுள் ஒன்று. (சங். அக.)

ṛg—vēda ‘Hymn - Vēda’ or ‘Vēda of praise’, the Ṛg-vēda, or most ancient
sacred book of the Hindūs (that is, the collective body of sacred verses
called Ṛcas, consisting of 1017 hymns [or with the Vālakhilyas 1028]
arranged in eight Aṣṭakas or in ten Maṇḍalas; Maṇḍalas 2-8 contain groups
of hymns, each group ascribed to one author or to the members of one
family; the ninth book contains the hymns sung at the Soma ceremonies; the
first and tenth contain hymns of a different character, some comparatively
modern, composed by a greater variety of individual authors; in its wider
sense the term Ṛg-veda comprehends the Brāhmaṇas and the Sūtra works on the
ritual connected with the hymns), AitBr. ; ŚBr.

அச்சை accai , n. prob. ṛca. Vēdic hymn; வேதவாக்கியம். முப்பத்திரண்டு
அச்சையும் ஐஞ்சு வாரமுமோதி (T. A. S. i, 8). வேதம் vētam , vēda. 1. The
Vēdas, the sacred books of the Hindus; இந்துசமயி களுக்குரிய சுருதி.
(பிங்.)

ṛc, ṛcati, ānarca, arcitā, &c., = arc to praise, Dhātup. xxviii, 19
(cf. arka.); ṛc f. praise, verse, esp. a sacred verse recited in praise of
a deity (in contradistinction to the Sāman [pl. Sāmāni] or verses which
were sung and to the Yajus [pl. Yajūṉṣi] or sacrificial words, formularies,
and verses which were muttered); sacred text, RV. ; AV. ; VS. ; ŚBr.
&c., Mn.; the collection of the Ṛc verses (sg., but usually pl. ṛcas), the
Ṛg-veda, AitBr. ; ĀśvŚr. and, ĀśvGṛ. ; Mn. i, 23; ṛg—veda m. ‘Hymn - Veda’
or ‘Veda of praise’, the Ṛg-veda, or most ancient sacred book of the Hindūs
(that is, the collective body of sacred verses called Ṛcas [see below],
consisting of 1017 hymns [or with the Vālakhilyas 1028] arranged in eight
Aṣṭakas or in ten Maṇḍalas; Maṇḍalas 2-8 contain groups of hymns, each
group ascribed to one author or to the members of one family; the ninth
book contains the hymns sung at the Soma ceremonies; the first and tenth
contain hymns of a different character, some comparatively modern, composed
by a greater variety of individual authors; in its wider sense the term
Ṛg-veda comprehends the Brāhmaṇas and the Sūtra works on the ritual
connected with the hymns), AitBr. ; ŚBr. ; Mn.

See: Gold foil with small loop to attach to clothing is archaeological
evidence for trefoil on Mohenjo-daro priest's garment

https://tinyurl.com/ybfdqxcj

This has proved to be an abiding tradition in Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization
which continues eveen today in Arri and Zardozi embroidery work of Kutch
artists. Evidence also is presented from Ajanta cave paintings of clothing
and garments embellished with the decorations of embroidery work.

Itihāsa. Mohenjo-daro priest is Rtvij Potr̥, 'purifier' after त्रैधातवी
इष्टि Yajurveda yajna investiture ceremony https://tinyurl.com/yblhdnml

KUTCH EMBROIDERY TRADITION

"Zardozi embroidery is beautiful metal embroidery, which once used to
embellish the attire of the Kings and the royals in India. It was also used
to adorn walls of the royal tents, scabbards, wall hangings and the
paraphernalia of regal elephants and horses. Zardozi embroidery work
involves making elaborate designs, using gold and silver threads. Further
adding to the magnificence of the work are the studded pearls and precious
stones. Zardosi embroidery has been in existence in India from the time of
the Rig Veda. There are numerous instances mentioning the use of zari
embroidery as ornamentation on the attire of gods. Initially, the
embroidery was done with pure silver wires and real gold leaves."
https://www.indiamart.com/proddetail/zardozi-embroidery-9991654855.html

ऋच् r̥c f. [ऋच्यते स्तूयतेऽनया, ऋच् करणे क्विप्] 1 A hymn (in
general). -2 A single verse, stanza, or text; a verse of the Ṛigveda
(opp. यजुस् and सामन्); त्रेधा विहिता वागृचो यजूंषि सामानि Śat. Br. -3 The
collective body of the Ṛigveda (pl.), ऋचः सामानि
जज्ञिरे Rv.10.90.9; ऋग्वेदः the oldest of the four Vedas, and the most
ancient sacred book of the Hindus. [The Ṛigveda is said to have been
produced from fire; cf. M.1.23. This Veda is divided, according to one
arrangement, into 8 Aṣṭakas, each of which is divided into as many
Adhyāyas; according to another arrangement into 10 Maṇḍalas, which are
again subdivided into 1000 Anuvākas, and comprises 1000 sūktas. The total
number of verses or Ṛiks is above 10000].

ऋत्विज् r̥tvij a. Ved. Sacrificing at the proper season or regularly; -m. A
priest who officiates at a sacrifice; यज्ञस्य
देवमृत्विजम् Rv.1.1.1; ऋत्विग्यज्ञकृदुच्यते Y.1.35; cf. Ms.2.143 also; the
four chief Ṛitvijas are होतृ, उद्गातृ, अध्वर्यु and ब्रह्मन्; at grand
ceremonies 16 are enumerated.

अध्वर्यु and उन्-नेतृ hold the golden fleece pavitram, which is used to
filter the purified Soma.
उद्-गातृ one of the four chief-priests (viz. the one who chants the hymns
of the सामवेद) , a chanter RV. ii , 43 ,
2 TS. AitBr. S3Br. Ka1tyS3r. Sus3r. Mn. &c

Bactria silver vase, showing 8 ऋत्विज् r̥tvij on top register.

होतृ, अध्वर्यु, ब्रह्मन्, उद्गातृ; ग्राव-स्तुत्, उन्नेतृ, पोतृ, सुब्रह्मण्य

ऋत्व्-िज् (क्) a priest (usually four are enumerated ,
viz. होतृ , अध्वर्यु , ब्रह्मन् , and उद्गातृ ; each of them has three
companions or helpers , so that the total number is sixteen ,
viz. होतृ , मैत्रावरुण , अच्छावाक , ग्राव-स्तुत् ; अध्वर्यु , प्रति-प्रस्थातृ , नेष्टृ , उन्नेतृ ; ब्रह्मन् , ब्राह्मणाच्छंसिन् , अग्नीध्र , पोतृ ; उद्गातृ , प्रस्तोतृ , प्रतिहर्तृ , सुब्रह्मण्य आश्वलायन-श्रौत-सूत्र iv
, 1 , 4-6) RV. (Monier-Williams)

होतृ and पोतृ is decorated with a goldbead fillet worn on the forehead and
right-shoulder;he also wears a shawl with trefoil to signify tri-dhatu
three mineral ores, copper,silver, gold.

Terracotta figurine from Mundigak, wearing a fillet.

Mundigak terracotta figurine (left) is compared with the figurine from
Mohenjodaro (right).

"Priest King" Forehead
The central ornament worn on the forehead of the famous "priest-king"
sculpture from Mohenjo-daro appears to represent an eye bead, possibly made
of gold with steatite inlay in the center.

A button or sequin made of thin gold foil with a small interior loop for
attachment to clothing. This piece was found crumpled into a small wad,
possibly in preparation for remelting to make a new ornament.
(H2000-4445/2212-01, Mound E, Trench 54).
The discovery of this gold foil button gives a clue to decipherment of the
trefoil sewed on the shawl of Mohenjo-daro priest. A priest's garment is
endowed with such sewn metal coins in an ancient Veda text. I have
suggested that gold, copper, silver buttons of this type were attached to
the upper garment of the Mohenjo-daro priest to create the single foil, two
foil and trefoil decorations on the garment. This proves that Mohenjo-daro
is a purifer priest mentioned in Veda tradition. He is called Potr, cognate
with potadara, poddar 'assayer of metals' in the country's tradition.

I submit that archaeological evidence of the gold foil and the priest
statue with a uniquely decorated clothing matches with ancient Veda text
and is conclusive proof for decipherment of the 'dotted circle' hieroglyph
of Indus Script Corpora.
potta 'perforated' pot gold bead' rebus PotR 'purifier priest' potadara,
poddar 'assayer of metals'.

A workman handing over the Priest King at the time of excavations in I,
Block 2 of DK-B Area during the John Marshal led 1925-26 excavations at
Mohenjo-daro. Possehl writes "many classic Harappan style artifacts came to
light at this time, including the so-called Priest King which emerged from
Dikshit's excavations in DK-B Area, in a building that the excavators
thought may have been a hammam or hot bath." (Gregory, Possehl, Indus Age,
p. 75)
https://www.harappa.com/blog/finding-priest-king

इष्टि ‘an oblation consisting of butter, fruits etc., opposed to the yajna
of Soma (RV 1.166.14; 10.169.2; शतपथ-ब्राह्मण, आश्वलायन-श्रौत-सूत्र)

त्रैधातवी Name of a closing ceremony (fr. त्रि-ध्/आतु) (शतपथ-ब्राह्मण v,
xiii; कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्र; शाङ्खायन-श्रौत-सूत्र) (scil. इष्ट्/इ)

Details of the त्रि tri -धातुः signifies ‘the aggregate of the 3
mineral’.

इष्टिः iṣṭiḥ ‘any desired object; yajna’ शबर seems to interpret the word
especially in the sense of
'a दर्शपूर्णमास Rājasūya Caturmāsya yajna’ इष्टिराजसूयचातुर्मास्येषु. This
yajna is performed by सम्राज् samrāj a paramount sovereign;
येनेष्टं राजसूयेन मण्डलस्ये- श्वरश्च यः । शास्ति यश्चाज्ञया राज्ञः स सम्राट् Ak.;
R.2.5. Such a ruler has a revenue to the extent of one to ten crores of
Karṣa; ततस्तु कोटिपर्यन्तः स्वराट् सम्राट् ततः परम् । दशकोटिमितो यावद् विराट् तु तदनन्तरम् Śukra.1.185. (Apte) राज—सूय
is performed at the coronation of a king, e.g. inauguration of
युधि-ष्ठिर described in MBh.ii (AV); relating &c to the राज-ceremony
(e.g. °यो मन्त्रः , a मन्त्र recited at the राज's ceremony) (पाणिनि 4-3 ,
66)

त्रिधातुः, धातु-त्रये, गणेशः । इति त्रिकाण्ड-शेषः ॥ -- शब्दकल्पद्रुमः
त्रिधातु गणेशे त्रिका० । धातु त्रये; त्रैधातवीय न० त्रिधातवी + गहा० छ ।
इष्टिभेदाङ्गकर्मभेदे “सर्वो वा एष यज्ञो यत्त्रैधातवीयम्” तैत्ति० स० २ । ४ ।
११ । २ । त्रैधातुक त्रि० त्रिभिः धातुभिः स्वर्णरौप्यताम्रैः निर्वृत्तःठञ् ।
स्वर्णादिधातुत्रयनिष्पाद्ये --वाचस्पत्यम्

तैत्तिरीय संहिता द्वितीयकाण्डे चतुर्थः प्रश्नः ।। 2.4.11.2

प॒रि॒द॒ध्यादन्तं॑ य॒ज्ञं ग॑मयेत्त्रि॒ष्टुभा॒ परि॑ दधातीन्द्रि॒यं वै
वी॒र्यं॑ त्रि॒ष्टुगि॑न्द्रि॒य ए॒व वी॒र्ये॑ य॒ज्ञम्प्रति॑ ष्ठापयति॒ नान्तं॑
गमय॒त्यग्ने॒ त्री ते॒ वाजि॑ना॒ त्री ष॒धस्थेति॒ त्रिव॑त्या॒ परि॑ दधाति
सरूप॒त्वाय॒ सर्वो॒ वा ए॒ष य॒ज्ञो यत्त्रै॑धात॒वीय॒ङ्कामा॑यकामाय॒ प्र
यु॑ज्यते॒ सर्वेभ्यो॒ हि कामेभ्यो य॒ज्ञः प्र॑यु॒ज्यते त्रैधात॒वीये॑न
यजेताभि॒चर॒न्थ्सर्वो॒ वै
Taittiriya (TS 2.4.11.2) thus clearly lists the attainment of desired
tridhatu ‘three minerals’ with this statement: ए॒ष य॒ज्ञो
यत्त्रै॑धात॒वीय॒ङ्कामा॑यकामाय॒ प्र यु॑ज्यते॒ सर्वेभ्यो॒ हि कामेभ्यो
य॒ज्ञः प्र॑यु॒ज्यते त्रैधात॒वीये॑न यजेताभि॒चर॒न्थ्सर्वो॒ वै ।।
Both शब्दकल्पद्रुमः and वाचस्पत्यम् thus explain त्रिधातवी इष्टि is a
performance resulting in attainment of three minerals: copper, silver,
gold. The performance is explained as an investiture ceremony for the Rtvij
who perform the yajna. (शतपथ-ब्राह्मण v, xii)
RV 1.166.14
ऋग्वेदः - मण्डल १ सूक्तं १.१६६ अगस्त्यो मैत्रावरुणिः। दे. मरुतः। जगती,
१४-१५ त्रिष्टुप्।
येन दीर्घं मरुतः शूशवाम युष्माकेन परीणसा तुरासः ।
आ यत्ततनन्वृजने जनास एभिर्यज्ञेभिस्तदभीष्टिमश्याम् ॥१४॥
हे “तुरासः वेगवन्तः “मरुतः युष्माकेन युष्मत्संबन्धिना “येन “परीणसा । यद्यप्येतद्बहुनामसु पठितं तथापि यत् बहु तन्महदपि भवतीत्यत्र महदित्यर्थे गृह्यते । महता युष्मदभिगमनेनैषणेन वा “दीर्घम् आयतं सत्त्रादिरूपं कर्म “शूशवाम प्रवर्धयामः । किंच “यत् येन चाभिगमनेनैषणेन वा “जनासः जना अस्मदीयाः “वृजने संग्रामे “आ “ततनन् सर्वतो विस्तारयन्ति । स्वसामर्थ्यैः संग्रामं जयन्तीत्यर्थः । “तत् “इष्टिम् एषणं गमनम् “एभिर्यज्ञेभिः इदानीं क्रियमाणैः स्तोत्रादिरूपैः पूजनैः “अभि आभिमुख्येन “अश्यां व्याप्नुयाम् ।। -- सायणभाष्यम्
इष्टि is explained:
स्वसामर्थ्यैः संग्रामं जयन्तीत्यर्थः । ‘The objective of the yajna is
achieved’
“एभिर्यज्ञेभिः इदानीं क्रियमाणैः स्तोत्रादिरूपैः पूजनैः (RV 1.166.14) ‘The
investiture ceremony involves prayers prescribed’ for having attained the
desired objects.
RV 10.169.2 ऋग्वेदः - मण्डल १० सूक्तं १०.१६९ शबरः काक्षीवतः
याः सरूपा विरूपा एकरूपा यासामग्निरिष्ट्या नामानि वेद ।
या अङ्गिरसस्तपसेह चक्रुस्ताभ्यः पर्जन्य महि शर्म यच्छ ॥२॥
“याः गावः “सरूपाः समानरूपा याश्च “विरूपाः विभिन्नरूपा याश्च “एकरूपाः एकेनैव
वर्णेनोपेताः “यासां च गवां “नामानि ईडे रन्तेऽदित इत्यादीनि “इष्ट्या यागेन
हेतुना “अग्निः वेद जानाति “याः च गाः “अङ्गिरसः ऋषयः “तपसा पशुप्राप्तिसाधनेन
चित्रायागादिलक्षणेन “इह अस्मिँल्लोके “चक्रुः कृतवन्तः “ताभ्यः सर्वाभ्यो
गोभ्यो हे “पर्जन्य “महि महत् “शर्म सुखं “यच्छ प्रदेहि ।।

' या देवेषु ' इति द्वाभ्यां सायं गृहमागच्छन्तीर्गा अनुमन्त्रयेत । सूत्र्यते
हि - ' या देवेषु तन्वमैरयन्तेति च सूक्तशेषम् । आगावीयमेके ' (आश्व. गृ. २.
१०.६-७) इति ।।
-- सायणभाष्यम्
“यासां च गवां “नामानि ईडे रन्तेऽदित इत्यादीनि “इष्ट्या यागेन|
The expression रन्तेऽदित is explained as acquiring cows (wealth)
रन्ता rantā f. A cow; इडे रन्ते etc; ŚB. on MS.10.3.49.
From these references, इष्टि is an investiture ceremony after obtaining the
desired wealth, resulting from a yajna.

DECORATED CLOTHING OF ANCIENT INDIA, AN ABIDING TRADITION FROM 3RD M BCE,
SARASVATI-SINDHU CIVILIZATION, शतपथ-ब्राह्मण त्रैधातवी इष्टि YAJURVEDA
YAJNA INVESTITURE CEREMONY

https://tinyurl.com/y8fus3tf

Three discs of metal -- copper, silver and gold-- create a trefoil
decoration on the garment of Mohenjo-daro priest. The trefoil is
called त्रि-धातु 'the aggregate of the 3 minerals; गणेश'
(Monier-Williams)

Trefoil on the priest's garmentThree metal discs fused together and
embroidered/sewed into the garment -- like Kutch embroidery of zardozi or
Arri garment embellishment, artwork.Figure 1. Gold disc and fillet on
forehead, Mohenjo-daro figurine

The identification is based on Indus script hieroglyph (on Mohenjo-daro
priest figurine) read rebus: pot 'gold bead; perforation' rebus:
Potr̥ 'purifier priest'; pota 'metal infusion'. Two other priests together
with distinctly shaped fillets worn by them are identified from figurines
and ornaments archaeologically attested.

"Priest King"
Seated male sculpture, or "Priest King" from Mohenjo-daro(41,42,43). Fillet
or ribbon headband with circular inlay ornament on the forehead and similar
but smaller ornament on the right upper arm. The two ends of the fillet
fall along the back and though the hair is carefully combed towards the
back of the head, no bun is present. The flat back of the head may have
held a separately carved bun as is traditional on the other seated figures,
or it could have held a more elaborate horn and plumed headdress.
Two holes beneath the highly stylized ears suggest that a necklace or other
head ornament was attached to the sculpture. The left shoulder is covered
with a cloak decorated with trefoil, double circle and single circle
designs that were originally filled with red pigment. Drill holes in the
center of each circle indicate they were made with a specialized drill and
then touched up with a chisel. Eyes are deeply incised and may have held
inlay. The upper lip is shaved and a short combed beard frames the face.
The large crack in the face is the result of weathering or it may be due to
original firing of this object.
Material: white, low fired steatite
Dimensions: 17.5 cm height, 11 cm width
Mohenjo-daro, DK 1909
National Museum, Karachi, 50.852
Marshall 1931: 356-7, pl. XCVIII

Gold cap shaped ornaments from Harappa found in a hoard of jewelry from
Mound F, Trench IV, House 2. Note the tiny hoops on the inside. The loops
could have been used to attach the ornament to clothing, as a hair
ornament, or to attach them to a fancy necklace.
Kot Diji phase gold sequins
Gold sequins found in the Kot Diji phase street suggest that some people
were wearing clothing or paraphernalia decorated with rare and presumably
costly materials.
http://www.harappa.com/indus/79.html

Straight and curved gold fillet. Mohenjodaro (Kenoyer)Gold and agate
ornaments includes objects found at both Mohenjo-daro and Harappa. At the
top are fillets of finely burnished hammered gold that would have been worn
around the forehead. Each end of the top fillet is decorated with a
punctuated design depicting the ritual offering stand that is common on the
unicorn seals. The third ornament from the top was probably worn with the
center point at the top of the forehead and the sides curving down over the
eyebrows. The hole at the center and on the ends were for holding a cord.
The other ornaments include bangles, chokers, long pendant necklaces,
rings, earrings, conical hair ornaments, and broaches. Such ornaments were
never buried with the dead, but were passed on from one generation to the
next. These ornaments were hidden under the floors in the homes of wealthy
merchants or goldsmiths. (See Kenoyer, Ancient Cities, p.
200) https://www.harappa.com/blog/ornaments-and-jewelry

Figure. Mohenjo-daro figurine with plain fillet on forehead
[quote]Ancient Indus males of stature seem to have had their hair tied in
close buns, and with headband to further articulate their head. This is
true of the priest king, shown here in a possible colored replica, the
original, and in profile soon after being found in the 1920's. The figure
below, with the same hair hair arrangement and headband, was found at
Mohenjo-daro. Mark Kenoyer writes "Finely braided or wavy combed hair is
tied into a double bun on the back of the head, and a plain fillet or
headband with two hanging ribbons falls down the back. The upper lip is
shaved and a closely cropped and combed beard lines the pronounced lower
jaw. The stylized almond shaped eyes are framed by long eyebrows. The wide
mouth is very similar to that on the 'Priest-King' sculpture."[unquote]

https://www.harappa.com/blog/ancient-indus-mens-hairstyles
Male head (back and side) Mohenjodaro http://www.harappa.com/indus/40.html
Male head probably broken from a seated sculpture. Finely braided or wavy
combed hair tied into a double bun on the back of the head and a plain
fillet or headband with two hanging ribbons falling down the back (40).
The upper lip is shaved and a closely cropped and combed beard lines the
pronounced lower jaw. The stylized almond shaped eyes are framed by long
eyebrows. The wide mouth is very similar to that on the "Priest-King"
sculpture. Stylized ears are made of a double curve with a central knob.
Material: sandstone
Dimensions: 13.5 cm height
Mohenjo-daro, DK-B 1057
Mohenjo-daro Museum, MM 431
Dales 1985: pl. IIb; Ardeleanu-Jansen 1984: 139-157
बाह्वृच्यम् bāhvṛcyam Traditional teaching of the Ṛgveda. (Apte) bāhvṛcya
the sacred tradition of the Bahv-ṛcas, the Ṛg-veda, ŚāṅkhŚr.
(cf. Pāṇ. 4-3, 129); bahv—ṛc ‘many-versed’, containing many verses; bahv—ṛc
Name of the Ṛgveda or of a Śākhā of the RV. Thus, Bahvṛc is another name
for Ṛgveda. This expression occurs in Ṛgveda खिलसूक्त ४,२ ५ This expression
is rendered in தமிழ் as பெளடியம் pauṭiyam, பௌழியம் pauḻiyam;
பௌழியசரணத்தார் pauḻiya-caraṇa-t-tār , < பௌழியசரணம். Ṛg. Vēdins; இருக்கு
வேதிகள். (Insc.); பௌழியம் pauḻiyam , n. See பௌடியம். சந்தோகா பௌழியா (திவ்.
பெரியதி. 7, 7, 2); பௌழியன் pauḻiyaṉ , < bahvṛc. God, as described in the Ṛg
Vēda; இருக்குவேதத்தாற் பிரதிபாதிக்கப்படுபவனான கடவுள். சந்தோகன் பௌழியன் (
திவ். பெரியதி. 5, 5, 9).ऋग्वेदः खिलसूक्तानि/अध्यायः ४ ४,२ ५ स्तोष्यामि
प्रयतो देवीम् शरण्याम् बह्वृच प्रियम् ।Source: https://sa.wikisource.
org/wiki/ ऋग्वेदः_खिलसूक्तानि/अध्यायः_४
Posted 5 days ago by kalyan97
Labels: Itihāsa

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9. Sep
27

NEO-CONTAINMENT—VIS-À-VIS CHINA -- HALS BRANDS & MICHAEL BECKLEY

-- forthcoming book, Danger Zone: The Coming Conflict with China

CHINA IS A DECLINING POWER—AND THAT’S THE PROBLEM

THE UNITED STATES NEEDS TO PREPARE FOR A MAJOR WAR, NOT BECAUSE ITS RIVAL
IS RISING BUT BECAUSE OF THE OPPOSITE.

By Hal Brands, Michael BeckleySEPTEMBER 24, 2021, 4:16 PM

Chinese President Xi Jinping leaves after making a toast during a welcome
banquet for the Belt and Road Forum at the Great Hall of the People in
Beijing on May 14, 2017. WU HONG/GETTY IMAGES

Why do great powers fight great wars? The conventional answer is a story of
rising challengers and declining hegemons. An ascendant power, which chafes
at the rules of the existing order, gains ground on an established
power—the country that made those rules. Tensions multiply; tests of
strength ensue. The outcome is a spiral of fear and hostility leading,
almost inevitably, to conflict. “The growth of the power of Athens, and the
alarm which this inspired in Sparta, made war inevitable,” the ancient
historian Thucydides wrote—a truism now invoked, ad nauseum, in explaining
the U.S.-China rivalry.

The idea of a Thucydides Trap, popularized by Harvard political scientist
Graham Allison, holds that the danger of war will skyrocket as a surging
China overtakes a sagging America. Even Chinese President Xi Jinping has
endorsed the concept arguing Washington must make room for Beijing. As
tensions between the United States and China escalate, the belief that the
fundamental cause of friction is a looming “power transition”—the
replacement of one hegemon by another—has become canonical.

The only problem with this familiar formula is that it’s wrong.

The Thucydides Trap doesn’t really explain what caused the Peloponnesian
War. It doesn’t capture the dynamics that have often driven revisionist
powers—whether that is Germany in 1914 or Japan in 1941—to start some of
history’s most devastating conflicts. And it doesn’t explain why war is a
very real possibility in U.S.-China relations today because it
fundamentally misdiagnoses where China now finds itself on its arc of
development—the point at which its relative power is peaking and will soon
start to fade.

There’s indeed a deadly trap that could ensnare the United States and
China. But it’s not the product of a power transition the Thucydidean
cliché says it is. It’s best thought of instead as a “peaking power trap.”
And if history is any guide, it’s China’s—not the United States’—impending
decline that could cause it to snap shut.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The retreat of the Athenians from Syracuse in the Peloponnesian War is
depicted in “Cassell’s Illustrated Universal History, Vol. I—Early and
Greek History.”THE PRINT COLLECTOR/HERITAGE IMAGES VIA GETTY IMAGES

There is an entire swath of literature, known as “power transition theory,”
which holds that great-power war typically occurs at the intersection of
one hegemon’s rise and another’s decline. This is the body of work
underpinning the Thucydides Trap, and there is, admittedly, an elemental
truth to the idea. The rise of new powers is invariably destabilizing. In
the runup to the Peloponnesian War in the 5th century B.C., Athens would
not have seemed so menacing to Sparta had it not built a vast empire and
become a naval superpower. Washington and Beijing would not be locked in
rivalry if China was still poor and weak. Rising powers do expand their
influence in ways that threaten reigning powers.

But the calculus that produces war—particularly the calculus that pushes
revisionist powers, countries seeking to shake up the existing system, to
lash out violently—is more complex. A country whose relative wealth and
power are growing will surely become more assertive and ambitious. All
things equal, it will seek greater global influence and prestige. But if
its position is steadily improving, it should postpone a deadly showdown
with the reigning hegemon until it has become even stronger. Such a country
should follow the dictum former Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping laid down for
a rising China after the Cold War: It should hide its capabilities and bide
its time.

Now imagine a different scenario. A dissatisfied state has been building
its power and expanding its geopolitical horizons. But then the country
peaks, perhaps because its economy slows, perhaps because its own
assertiveness provokes a coalition of determined rivals, or perhaps because
both of these things happen at once. The future starts to look quite
forbidding; a sense of imminent danger starts to replace a feeling of
limitless possibility. In these circumstances, a revisionist power may act
boldly, even aggressively, to grab what it can before it is too late. The
most dangerous trajectory in world politics is a long rise followed by the
prospect of a sharp decline.

As we show in our forthcoming book, Danger Zone: The Coming Conflict with
China, this scenario is more common than you might think. Historian Donald
Kagan showed, for instance, that Athens started acting more belligerently
in the years before the Peloponnesian War because it feared adverse shifts
in the balance of naval power—in other words, because it was on the verge
of losing influence vis-à-vis Sparta. We see the same thing in more recent
cases as well.

Great powers that had been growing dramatically faster than the world
average and then suffered a severe, prolonged slowdown usually don’t fade
away quietly. Rather, they become brash and aggressive.

Over the past 150 years, peaking powers—great powers that had been growing
dramatically faster than the world average and then suffered a severe,
prolonged slowdown—usually don’t fade away quietly. Rather, they become
brash and aggressive. They suppress dissent at home and try to regain
economic momentum by creating exclusive spheres of influence abroad. They
pour money into their militaries and use force to expand their influence.
This behavior commonly provokes great-power tensions. In some cases, it
touches disastrous wars.

This shouldn’t be surprising. Eras of rapid growth supercharge a country’s
ambitions, raise its people’s expectations, and make its rivals nervous.
During a sustained economic boom, businesses enjoy rising profits and
citizens get used to living large. The country becomes a bigger player on
the global stage. Then stagnation strikes.

Slowing growth makes it harder for leaders to keep the public happy.
Economic underperformance weakens the country against its rivals. Fearing
upheaval, leaders crack down on dissent. They maneuver desperately to keep
geopolitical enemies at bay. Expansion seems like a solution—a way of
grabbing economic resources and markets, making nationalism a crutch for a
wounded regime, and beating back foreign threats.

Many countries have followed this path. When the United States’ long
post-Civil War economic surge ended, Washington violently suppressed
strikes and unrest at home, built a powerful blue-water

Navy, and engaged in a fit of belligerence and imperial expansion during
the 1890s. After a fast-rising imperial Russia fell into a deep slump at
the turn of the 20th century, the tsarist government cracked down hard
while also enlarging its military, seeking colonial gains in East Asia and
sending around 170,000 soldiers to occupy Manchuria. These moves backfired
spectacularly: They antagonized Japan, which beat Russia in the first
great-power war of the 20th century.

A century later, Russia became aggressive under similar circumstances.
Facing a severe, post-2008 economic slowdown, Russian President Vladimir
Putin invaded two neighboring countries, sought to create a new Eurasian
economic bloc, staked Moscow’s claim to a resource-rich Arctic, and steered
Russia deeper into dictatorship. Even democratic France engaged in anxious
aggrandizement after the end of its postwar economic expansion in the
1970s. It tried to rebuild its old sphere of influence in Africa, deploying
14,000 troops to its former colonies and undertaking a dozen military
interventions over the next two decades.

All of these cases were complicated, yet the pattern is clear. If a rapid
rise gives countries the means to act boldly, the fear of decline serves up
a powerful motive for rasher, more urgent expansion. The same thing often
happens when fast-rising powers cause their own containment by a hostile
coalition. In fact, some of history’s most gruesome wars have come when
revisionist powers concluded their path to glory was about to be blocked.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Left: German Kaiser Wilhelm II meets with troops during World War I in
1914. Right: Japanese schoolgirls wave flags in front of the Imperial
Palace in Tokyo on Dec. 15, 1937, in celebration of the Japanese capture of
the Chinese city of Nanjing. PHOTOQUEST/GETTY IMAGES

Imperial Germany and Japan are textbook examples.

Germany’s rivalry with Britain in the late 19th and early 20th centuries is
often considered an analogue to U.S.-China competition: In both cases, an
autocratic challenger threatened a liberal hegemon. But the more sobering
parallel is this: War came when a cornered Germany grasped it would not zip
past its rivals without a fight.

For decades after unification in 1871, Germany soared. Its factories spewed
out iron and steel, erasing Britain’s economic lead. Berlin built Europe’s
finest army and battleships that threatened British supremacy at sea. By
the early 1900s, Germany was a European heavyweight seeking an enormous
sphere of influence—a Mitteleuropa, or Middle Europe—on the continent. It
was also pursuing, under then-Kaiser Wilhelm II, a “world policy” aimed at
securing colonies and global power.

But during the prelude to war, the kaiser and his aides didn’t feel
confident. Germany’s brash behavior caused its encirclement by hostile
powers. London, Paris, and St. Petersburg, Russia, formed a “Triple
Entente” to block German expansion. By 1914, time was running short.
Germany was losing ground economically to a fast-growing Russia; London and
France were pursuing economic containment by blocking its access to oil and
iron ore. Berlin’s key ally, Austria-Hungary, was being torn apart by
ethnic tensions. At home, Germany’s autocratic political system was in
trouble.

Most ominous, the military balance was shifting. France was enlarging its
army; Russia was adding 470,000 men to its military and slashing the time
it needed to mobilize for war. Britain announced it would build two
battleships for every one built by Berlin. Germany was, for the moment,
Europe’s foremost military power. But by 1916 and 1917, it would be
hopelessly overmatched. The result was a now-or-never mentality: Germany
should “defeat the enemy while we still stand a chance of victory,”
declared Chief of Staff Helmuth von Moltke, even if that meant “provoking a
war in the near future.”

This is what happened after Serbian nationalists assassinated Austria’s
crown prince in June 1914. The kaiser’s government urged Austria-Hungary to
crush Serbia, even though that meant war with Russia and France. It then
invaded neutral Belgium—the key to its Schlieffen Plan for a two-front
war—despite the likelihood of provoking Britain. “This war will turn into a
world war in which England will also intervene,” Moltke acknowledged.
Germany’s rise had given it the power to gamble for greatness. Its
impending decline drove the decisions that plunged the world into war.

Imperial Japan followed a similar trajectory. For a half-century after the
Meiji Restoration in 1868, Japan was rising steadily. The building of a
modern economy and a fierce military allowed Tokyo to win two major wars
and accumulate colonial privileges in China, Taiwan, and the Korean
Peninsula. Yet Japan was not a hyper-belligerent predator: Through the
1920s, it cooperated with the United States, Britain, and other countries
to create a cooperative security framework in the Asia-Pacific.

During that decade, however, things fell apart. Growth dropped from 6.1
percent annually between 1904 and 1919 to 1.8 percent annually in the
1920s; the Great Depression then shut Japan’s overseas markets.
Unemployment soared, and bankrupt farmers sold their daughters. In China,
meanwhile, Japanese influence was being challenged by the Soviet Union and
a rising nationalist movement under then-Chinese leader Chiang Kai-Shek.
Tokyo’s answer was fascism at home and aggression abroad.

From the late 1920s onward, the military conducted a slow-motion coup and
harnessed the nation’s resources for “total war.” Japan initiated a massive
military buildup and violently established a vast sphere of influence,
seizing Manchuria in 1931, invading China in 1937, and laying plans to
conquer resource-rich colonies and strategic islands across the
Asia-Pacific. The goal was to build an autarkic empire; the result drew a
strategic noose around Tokyo’s neck.

Japan’s push into China eventually led to a punishing war with the Soviet
Union. Japan’s designs on Southeast Asia alarmed Britain. Its drive for
regional primacy also made it a foe of the United States—the country from
which Tokyo imported nearly all of its oil with an economy vastly larger
than Japan’s. Tokyo had antagonized an overwhelming coalition of enemies.
It then risked everything rather than accepting humiliation and decline.

The precipitating cause, again, was a closing window of opportunity. By
1941, the United States was building an unbeatable military. In July,
then-U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt imposed an oil embargo that
threatened to stop Japan’s expansion in its tracks. But Japan still had a
temporary military edge in the Pacific Ocean, thanks to its early
rearmament. So it used that advantage in a lightning attack—seizing the
Dutch East Indies, the Philippines, and other possessions from Singapore to
Wake Island as well as bombing the U.S. fleet at Pearl Harbor—which
guaranteed its own destruction.

Japan’s prospects for victory were dim, acknowledged then-Japanese Gen.
Hideki Tojo, yet there was no choice but to “close one’s eyes and jump.” A
revisionist Japan became most violent when it saw that time was running
out.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Relatives pause as they place the ashes of a loved one in a metal chute on
a ferry in the East China Sea off Shanghai on March 22, 2014. A number of
Chinese cities promote sea burials as an attempt to offset a shortage of
land for cemeteries due to a rapidly ageing population. KEVIN FRAYER/GETTY
IMAGES

This is the real trap the United States should worry about regarding China
today—the trap in which an aspiring superpower peaks and then refuses to
bear the painful consequences of descent.

China’s rise is no mirage: Decades of growth have given Beijing the
economic sinews of global power. Major investments in key technologies and
communications infrastructure have yielded a strong position in the
struggle for geoeconomic influence; China is using a multi-continent Belt
and Road Initiative to bring other states into its orbit. Most alarming,
think tank assessments and U.S. Defense Department reports show China’s
increasingly formidable military now stands a real chance of winning a war
against the United States in the Western Pacific.

It is unsurprising, therefore, that China has also developed the ambitions
of a superpower: Xi has more or less announced that Beijing desires to
assert its sovereignty over Taiwan, the South China Sea, and other disputed
areas, becoming Asia’s preeminent power and challenging the United States
for global leadership. Yet if China’s geopolitical window of opportunity is
real, its future is already starting to look quite grim because it is
quickly losing the advantages that propelled its rapid growth.

From the 1970s to the 2000s, China was nearly self-sufficient in food,
water, and energy resources. It enjoyed the greatest demographic dividend
in history, with 10 working-age adults for every senior citizen aged 65 or
older. (For most major economies, the average is closer to 5 working-age
adults for every senior citizen.) China had a secure geopolitical
environment and easy access to foreign markets and technology, all
underpinned by friendly relations with the United States. And China’s
government skillfully harnessed these advantages by carrying out a process
of economic reform and opening while also moving the regime from stifling
totalitarianism under former Chinese leader Mao Zedong to a smarter—if
still deeply repressive—form of authoritarianism under his successors.
China had it all from the 1970s to the early 2010s—just the mix of
endowments, environment, people, and policies needed to thrive.

Since the late 2000s, however, the drivers of China’s rise have either
stalled or turned around entirely. For example, China is running out of
resources: Water has become scarce, and the country is importing more
energy and food than any other nation, having ravaged its own natural
resources. Economic growth is therefore becoming costlier: According to
data from DBS Bank, it takes three times as many inputs to produce a unit
of growth today as it did in the early 2000s.

China is also approaching a demographic precipice: From 2020 to 2050, it
will lose an astounding 200 million working-age adults—a population the
size of Nigeria—and gain 200 million senior citizens. The fiscal and
economic consequences will be devastating: Current projections suggest
China’s medical and social security spending will have to triple as a share
of GDP, from 10 percent to 30 percent, by 2050 just to prevent millions of
seniors from dying of impoverishment and neglect.

To make matters worse, China is turning away from the package of policies
that promoted rapid growth. Under Xi, Beijing has slid back toward
totalitarianism. Xi has appointed himself “chairman of everything,”
destroyed any semblance of collective rule, and made adherence to “Xi
Jinping thought” the ideological core of an increasingly rigid regime. And
he has relentlessly pursued the centralization of power at the expense of
economic prosperity.

State zombie firms are being propped up while private firms are starved of
capital. Objective economic analysis is being replaced by government
propaganda. Innovation is becoming more difficult in a climate of
stultifying ideological conformity. Meanwhile, Xi’s brutal anti-corruption
campaign has deterred entrepreneurship, and a wave of politically driven
regulations has erased more than $1 trillion from the market capitalization
of China’s leading tech firms. Xi hasn’t simply stopped the process of
economic liberalization that powered China’s development: He has thrown it
hard into reverse.

The economic damage these trends are causing is starting to accumulate—and
it is compounding the slowdown that would have occurred anyway as a
fast-growing economy matures. The Chinese economy has been losing steam for
more than a decade: The country’s official growth rate declined from 14
percent in 2007 to 6 percent in 2019, and rigorous studies suggest the true
growth rate is now closer to 2 percent. Worse, most of that growth stems
from government stimulus spending. According to data from the Conference
Board, total factor productivity declined 1.3 percent every year on average
between 2008 and 2019, meaning China is spending more to produce less each
year. This has led, in turn, to massive debt: China’s total debt surged
eight-fold between 2008 and 2019 and exceeded 300 percent of GDP prior to
COVID-19. Any country that has accumulated debt or lost productivity at
anything close to China’s current pace has subsequently suffered at least
one “lost decade” of near-zero economic growth.

All of this is happening, moreover, as China confronts an increasingly
hostile external environment. The combination of COVID-19, persistent human
rights abuses, and aggressive policies have caused negative views of China
to reach levels not seen since the Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989.
Countries worried about Chinese competition have slapped thousands of new
trade barriers on its goods since 2008. More than a dozen countries have
dropped out of Xi’s Belt and Road Initiative while the United States wages
a global campaign against key Chinese tech companies—notably, Huawei—and
rich democracies across multiple continents throw up barriers to Beijing’s
digital influence. The world is becoming less conducive to easy Chinese
growth, and Xi’s regime increasingly faces the sort of strategic
encirclement that once drove German and Japanese leaders to desperation.

Case in point is U.S. policy. Over the past five years, two U.S.
presidential administrations have committed the United States to a policy
of “competition”—really, neo-containment—vis-à-vis China. U.S. defense
strategy is now focused squarely on defeating Chinese aggression in the
Western Pacific; Washington is using an array of trade and technological
sanctions to check Beijing’s influence and limit its prospects for economic
primacy. “Once imperial America considers you as their ‘enemy,’ you’re in
big trouble,” one senior People’s Liberation Army officer warned. Indeed,
the United States has also committed to orchestrating greater global
resistance to Chinese power, a campaign that is starting to show results as
more and more countries respond to the threat from Beijing.

In maritime Asia, resistance to Chinese power is stiffening. Taiwan is
boosting military spending and laying plans to turn itself into a strategic
porcupine in the Western Pacific. Japan is carrying out its biggest
military buildup since the end of the Cold War and has agreed to back the
United States if China attacks Taiwan. The countries around the South China
Sea, particularly Vietnam and Indonesia, are beefing up their air, naval,
and coast guard forces to contest China’s expansive claims.

Other countries are pushing back against Beijing’s assertiveness as well.
Australia is expanding northern bases to accommodate U.S. ships and
aircraft and building long-range conventional missiles and nuclear-powered
attack submarines. India is massing forces on its border with China while
sending warships through the South China Sea. The European Union has
labeled Beijing a “systemic rival,” and Europe’s three greatest
powers—France, Germany, and the United Kingdom—have dispatched naval task
forces to the South China Sea and Indian Ocean. A variety of multilateral
anti-China initiatives—the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue; supply chain
alliances; the new so-called AUKUS alliance with Washington, London, and
Canberra; and others—are in the works. The United States’ “multilateral
club strategy,” hawkish and well-connected scholar Yan Xuetong acknowledged
in July, is “isolating China” and hurting its development.

No doubt, counter-China cooperation has remained imperfect. But the overall
trend is clear: An array of actors is gradually joining forces to check
Beijing’s power and put it in a strategic box. China, in other words, is
not a forever-ascendant country. It is an already-strong, enormously
ambitious, and deeply troubled power whose window of opportunity won’t stay
open for long.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

A Chinese military band plays after Chinese President Xi Jinping’s speech
at the opening session of the 19th Communist Party Congress in Beijing on
Oct. 18, 2017. KEVIN FRAYER/GETTY IMAGES

In some ways, all of this is welcome news for Washington: A China that is
slowing economically and facing growing global resistance will find it
exceedingly difficult to displace the United States as the world’s leading
power—so long as the United States doesn’t tear itself apart or otherwise
give the game away. In other ways, however, the news is more troubling.
History warns the world should expect a peaking China to act more boldly,
even erratically, over the coming decade—to lunge for long-sought strategic
prizes before its fortunes fade.

What might this look like? We can make educated guesses based on what China
is presently doing.

Beijing is already redoubling its efforts to establish a 21st century
sphere of economic influence by dominating critical technologies—such as
artificial intelligence, quantum computing, and 5G telecommunications—and
using the resulting leverage to bend states to its will. It will also race
to perfect a “digital authoritarianism” that can protect an insecure
Chinese Communist Party’s rule at home while bolstering Beijing’s
diplomatic position by exporting that model to autocratic allies around the
world.

Most troubling of all, China will be sorely tempted to use force to resolve
the Taiwan question on its terms in the next decade.

In military terms, the Chinese Communist Party may well become increasingly
heavy-handed in securing long, vulnerable supply lines and protecting
infrastructure projects in Central and Southwest Asia, Africa, and other
regions, a role some hawks in the People’s Liberation Army are already
eager to assume. Beijing could also become more assertive vis-à-vis Japan,
the Philippines, and other countries that stand in the way of its claims to
the South and East China Seas.

Most troubling of all, China will be sorely tempted to use force to resolve
the Taiwan question on its terms in the next decade before Washington and
Taipei can finish retooling their militaries to offer a stronger defense.
The People’s Liberation Army is already stepping up its military exercises’
intensity in the Taiwan Strait. Xi has repeatedly declared Beijing cannot
wait forever for its “renegade province” to return to the fold. When the
military balance temporarily shifts further toward China’s favor in the
late 2020s and as the Pentagon is forced to retire aging ships and
aircraft, China may never have a better chance of seizing Taiwan and
dealing Washington a humiliating defeat.

To be clear, China probably won’t undertake an all-out military rampage
across Asia, as Japan did in the 1930s and early 1940s. But it will run
greater risks and accept greater tensions as it tries to lock in key gains.
Welcome to geopolitics in the age of a peaking China: a country that
already has the ability to violently challenge the existing order and one
that will probably run faster and push harder as it loses confidence that
time is on its side.

The United States, then, will face not one but two tasks in dealing with
China in the 2020s. It will have to continue mobilizing for long-term
competition while also moving quickly to deter aggression and blunt some of
the more aggressive, near-term moves Beijing may make. In other words,
buckle up. The United States has been rousing itself to deal with a rising
China. It’s about to discover that a declining China may be even more
dangerous.

Hal Brands is the Henry Kissinger distinguished professor of global affairs
at Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies. He
is also a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and
a Bloomberg Opinion columnist.

Michael Beckley is an associate professor of political science at Tufts
University, a Jeane Kirkpatrick visiting scholar at the American Enterprise
Institute, and the author of Unrivaled: Why America Will Remain the World’s
Sole Superpower.

https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/09/24/china-great-power-united-states/

Posted 6 days ago by kalyan97
Labels: Itihāsa

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10. Sep
27

MY FATHER WAS BRUTALLY KILLED BY THE TALIBAN. THE US IGNORED HIS PLEAS FOR
HELP -- MUSKA NAJIBULLAH

MY FATHER WAS BRUTALLY KILLED BY THE TALIBAN. THE US IGNORED HIS PLEAS FOR
HELP

Muska Najibullah.
I am the daughter of a former Afghan president. I am sharing my story for
the first time because I see history repeating itself

‘Afghanistan and Afghans have always been misunderstood, but the tragedy of
my country is one of geopolitics, not of genes.’ Former Afghan president
Najibullah with his daughter, Muska, in Kabul, 1989. Photograph: Muska
Najibullah
Mon 27 Sep 2021 02.00 BST
*
*
*

The night of 27 September 1996 was always going to be a long one. I was
awake studying for midterm exams when my mother, calm but uneasy, heard the
news that my father had been taken out of the United Nations compound in
Kabul.

I was ecstatic at first. My father, Najibullah, the former president of
Afghanistan, would finally be reunited with his family. He, along with my
uncle, had been living in the UN compound since 16 April 1992, when forces
within his government had defected. His resignation and departure was part
of a UN plan, intended to end the civil war and clear the way for a
peaceful coalition government. But the resulting power vacuum quickly
sucked Afghanistan into a vortex of anarchy.

After four years apart, my mum, sisters and I were eagerly awaiting my
father. And now that a faction known as the Taliban were creeping closer to
the Afghan capital, I was convinced that my family’s reunification was days
away. While I had the naive positivity of a child yearning for her father,
my mother sensed a more grim reality on the horizon. She watched the news
all night. “My sixth sense tells me he’s not coming,” she told us, fear in
her eyes.

In the 1990s, before the internet connected the world, little was known
about the Taliban. Radio reports would herald their significant gains made
in the south-west of the country, describing the militia group as fighting
for “peace, security and stability”, an appeal that was popular with
war-weary Afghans. That night, I thought we would meet my father soon. We
spoke to him hours before the Taliban entered Kabul. There was nothing
unusual in his voice. It was a normal exchange of words, one that I vaguely
remember. The conversation was meant to be one of many, yet fate had
different plans.

In the early hours of the night, when they entered the capital city, the
Taliban went knocking on the gates of the UN compound to visit their
“special guest”. Hours later, a breaking news flash: “Former Afghan leader,
President Najibullah executed.” I didn’t know what the word meant. I turned
to my sister but her expressionless face made me panic. Rushing to grab a
dictionary, I flipped to the letter E.

This is the first time I have shared my personal story. Not because I am
the daughter of a former president of Afghanistan, but because what is
happening to my country now is distressingly similar to what happened then:
25 years ago today, the Taliban took over Afghanistan. And 25 years ago
today my life, and those of so many others of my generation, changed for
ever – and not all for the better.

Before my father, Aba, became the president, our life in Kabul was
blissful. We lived in a tiny apartment in a vibrant neighbourhood called
Macroyan. The early years of my childhood was a time when my family was
still together, when we were a unit of five. We spent most of our time in
the aftaw-khana, the sunroom. In the evenings, Aba returned home, and we
gathered around him for dinner, catching up on the day’s highlights – from
work, school or what the elders heard on the news. But all this changed
when Aba became the president.

We moved from our modest, cosy apartment to the grandiose presidential
palace, the Arg. Our new residence, though heavily guarded and safe,
isolated my siblings and me from everything we had ever known. Evening
gatherings at the playground and the impromptu market runs for bubblegum
and balloons came to a halt. At barely four years old, I found our new home
claustrophobic. There was ample space but no one to play with. As the
changing seasons came round, we hardly saw Aba. He was always busy, away at
work. Eventually, those commonplace family meals were also a rare occasion.

Aba was a big man; imposingly tall and burly. He had acquired the nickname
“Najib the Bull” because of his dominant personality. He had an
intimidating gaze and a voice that roared with force. But for me, just like
any little girl and her father, Aba was my hero. One night in 1986, the
mujahideen set ablaze an army ammunition depot in Qargha lake, near Kabul.
I cried for him to stop the noise, as the explosions echoed across the
city. He wrapped me in a blanket and held me tightly in his arms. “You are
safe with me. No one will harm you,” he said, and I believed him. But in
1996, when the Taliban marched into Kabul, there was no one to keep him
safe.

The image has haunted me since the day of Aba’s brutal passing. Take a
moment to look, or don’t, but it was the last I saw of him: hanging from a
traffic pole, he and his brother mutilated for the whole world to see. As I
watched the Taliban display them like some spectacle, I felt helpless and
humiliated. At 13, I became an adult overnight. I lost my father, my home
and any hope of returning to Afghanistan.

People try to imagine what it feels like to be an Afghan living in exile at
this point. It’s difficult to describe the feeling of displacement to
someone who hasn’t been through it. Although you are safe, you feel
dislocated. There is too much to hold, too much to bear and sometimes it
all feels so purposeless. There are glimpses of happiness when you hear
stories of hope. You feel alive and inspired, and imagine what normality
could look like in the country. You fantasise about your own life once you
return. Like a jigsaw puzzle, you piece together old stories of your family
and envisage a future that is absolute. Then, all that is suspended once
another cycle of conflict takes over.

In 1992, my father appealed to the US to help Afghanistan become a bulwark
against the spread of Islamic fundamentalism. He said: “If fundamentalism
comes to Afghanistan, war will continue for many more years. Afghanistan
will turn into a centre of world smuggling for narcotic drugs. Afghanistan
will be turned into a centre for terrorism.” His warnings were ignored.
With the withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan in February 1989,
virtually all western nations abandoned their embassies and ostracised my
father’s regime. Calling him a communist puppet, a murderer, a traitor, he
found himself isolated, fighting a very lonely war. And then, a decade
later, his premonitions came true. Triggered by the 9/11 attacks, the US
invaded my country to fight Islamic terrorism and began what would be its
longest war. I wonder, had the world listened to him, would it all have
turned out differently?

Afghanistan and Afghans have always been misunderstood. Respected
commentators talk about the brave and barbaric tribes who roam through our
forbidding mountains, and how difficult it has been to unify us. This
thinking is trite. The tragedy of my country is one of geopolitics, not of
genes. A nation on the margins, we are constantly being betrayed by
mercenaries in the pay of foreign rulers. All Afghans are yearning for
peace.

As individualism and individual expression are once again taken hostage by
the Taliban, many Afghans are fleeing. They fear losing their identity to a
group that does not represent them, and in leaving they are being stripped
of who they really are. Like my family, many will restart their lives from
scratch along with a suitcase of memories and a hope to return. What will
become of the nation’s brightest? Your next Uber driver in New York City?
Or the cheerful kebab seller at your corner shop in Kilburn? And what about
those back home? How many girls and women will you see on the streets? Will
the kids go to school? Will they get a chance to see their fathers grow
old?

Democracy didn’t bring peace to Afghanistan. Nor did the Doha agreement, a
foreign and flawed deal that neglected the voices of the common people.
Despite all these adversities, Afghans have come a long way. The old ways
are not for this world, and many Afghans expect something different out of
life, far more so than they did even 25 years ago. What it means to be
Afghan has changed over the course of decades of conflict and violence.
Perhaps now is an opportune time for us to educate the rest of the world
about who we really are – our shared values, unity, dreams. Afghanistan is
not a “graveyard of empires”, nor a nation of refugees. We are displaced,
but one day will return – soon, inshallah!

* Muska Najibullah is an Afghan-born writer, visual storyteller and
activist.

* https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2021/sep/27/father-killed-taliban-us-ignored-pleas-daughter-afghan-president

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