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OPINION

DESANTIS’S LATEST APPEAL TO MAGA TOPS TRUMP IN PERFORMATIVE CRUELTY

By Greg Sargent
Columnist|AddFollow
June 27, 2023 at 12:00 p.m. EDT

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis. (Brandon Bell/Getty Images)

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As president, Donald Trump separated migrant families, forced asylum seekers
back into Mexico and built hundreds of miles of border barriers. The border
remained chaotic and the migrants kept coming, yet MAGA ideology continues to
hold that the “crisis” can be solved with just the right mix of cruel
deterrence, tough enforcement and — of course — more walls.



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That disconnect helps explain Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis’s radical new plan to
secure the border, which he rolled out Monday. The plan is meant to propel him
to Trump’s right on a leading MAGA issue. But DeSantis’s blueprint contains a
bunch of warmed-over ideas — mass deportations, draconian efforts to limit
asylum-seeking and legal immigration, even an end to birthright citizenship —
that Trump already tried to execute, yet could not.

The fundamental promise of DeSantis’s GOP presidential primary campaign is that
he’d execute the MAGA agenda far more competently than Trump. But there’s a
reason Trump largely failed in controlling the border, and it has little do with
competence or “toughness.”

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Rather, it’s that presidents lack the authority to close down legal immigration
in any substantial way, and however harsh their enforcement gets, it simply
doesn’t dissuade migrants from coming, including illegally, and settling here
successfully.

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“No excuses: Stop the invasion,” blares DeSantis’s immigration blueprint.
Unveiling his plan in Texas, DeSantis accused Trump of failing to deliver,
saying the unthinkable: “Obama’s first four years had more deportations than
Trump’s term, which is incredible.”

Catherine Rampell | Earth to politicians: The U.S. has too few immigrants — not
too many

It’s true that President Barack Obama, to his discredit, deported more migrants
in his first term than Trump did. But that’s because of many underlying factors:
Under Obama, arrests at the border had begun to plummet, leaving more resources
for deportations from the interior. There were also far fewer sanctuary
localities denying cooperation with federal law enforcement then than now.

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Putting aside how wretched it is to cast mass deportations as a positive — we
should legalize undocumented people, not deport them — DeSantis probably
wouldn’t be able to do much better than Trump. What’s at issue is how much
Congress is willing to spend on removals.

“It would require an immense escalation of resources, which the Congress has to
date shown little interest in providing,” Doris Meissner, a senior fellow at the
Migration Policy Institute, told me. Deportation levels have nothing to do with
some mystical quality of presidential toughness.

But DeSantis’s move does constitute a genuine statement of priorities. Whereas
President Biden deprioritizes the removal of undocumented immigrants who don’t
pose a serious threat — which the Supreme Court upheld last week — DeSantis
would deport them en masse, no matter how deeply connected they are to
communities here.

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DeSantis’s plan also vows to force untold numbers of asylum seekers to wait in
Mexico for their hearings, just as Trump did. But Mexico flatly stated this year
that it opposes restarting this policy. Would DeSantis follow Trump in
threatening enormous tariffs against Mexico to force it to comply?

DeSantis also promises to disregard legal limits on how long child migrants can
be held in detention to facilitate detaining migrant families longer. Guess
what? Trump tried that, too, but it was struck down in court as outside
presidential authority. DeSantis would apparently mandate extended detention of
all migrant families awaiting legal proceedings, but this would likely require
Congress to fund a large expansion of our detention machinery. Good luck with
that.



The DeSantis plan would also end guaranteed citizenship for anyone born on U.S.
soil. Trump proposed that as well, but it’s enshrined by the 14th Amendment.
DeSantis insists this reading of the Constitution is wrong; the vast consensus
among legal experts says otherwise.

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DeSantis also promises to end all of Biden’s parole programs, which admit at
least 30,000 migrants per month who apply from abroad. That’s something DeSantis
might be able to do as president, but no one should call it “securing the
border.”

In fact, widening legal channels for such migration arguably disincentivizes
people from trying to enter via the border and straining infrastructure there.
That helps process overall migration in a more orderly way. The rub is that
DeSantis doesn’t want well-managed migration. He wants far less of it.

Running the immigration system is profoundly challenging for any president
regardless of his priorities. Biden has certainly struggled, and keeping
arrivals at the border manageable has led to limitations on asylum-seeking that
renege on our international commitments.

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But Biden understands that many complex factors throughout the Americas drive
migration to the United States, and he sees letting more applicants in from
abroad, while making border processing more humane wherever possible, as the way
to manage it as a positive good for the country.

By contrast, DeSantis would cut off those applicants entirely while rendering
our immigration system more cruel, more inhumane and more destructive to our
overall national interests. Even if DeSantis would struggle to implement his
plan’s specifics, what’s appalling is the deliberate message it sends: He would
seek to one-up Trump’s hyper-restrictionist agenda, despite all its abominations
and the searing social conflict it unleashed.

In short, DeSantis views Trump’s inability to implement his horrors at full
scale as lamentable — as something that should be rectified, and even outdone.

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