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Analysis: U.S. Security Assistance to Burkina Faso Laid the Groundwork for a
Coup U.S. Security Assistance to Burkina Faso L... | View Comments (0)
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ANALYSIS
U.S. SECURITY ASSISTANCE TO BURKINA FASO LAID THE GROUNDWORK FOR A COUP
SINCE 2009, THE UNITED STATES HAS SUPPORTED THE COUNTRY’S MILITARY WITH FUNDING,
WEAPONS, AND TRAINING.
By Stephanie Savell, an anthropologist and co-director of the Costs of War
project at Brown University’s Watson Institute for International and Public
Affairs.
Uniformed soldiers wearing surgical face masks and holding weapons stand at
attention.
An honor guard stands at attention as Col. Maj. Gilbert Ouédraogo takes command
as army chief of staff in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, on Oct. 12, 2021. OLYMPIA
DE MAISMONT/AFP via Getty Images
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February 3, 2022, 11:36 AM
Burkina Faso’s military seized power last week, claiming President Roch Marc
Christian Kaboré’s democratically elected government was not adequately dealing
with the country’s unrest. This is the same military that, in the name of
fighting supposed jihadism, has been implicated in widespread human rights
abuses and targeted killings of ethnic Fulani people, a minority group that made
up about 6.3 percent of Burkina Faso’s population in 2019 (though some estimates
put it at 8.4 percent as of 2010). The Fulani traditionally are Muslim
pastoralists who live across West Africa and herd cattle semi-nomadically.
Since 2009, the United States has been supporting Burkina Faso’s military with
funding, weapons, and training as part of Washington’s post-9/11
counterterrorism efforts. That support, while not directly responsible for last
week’s coup, helped lay the groundwork for the country’s increased
militarism—and, ultimately, the coup it produced.
Most Burkinabe explain the violence tearing apart their country in terms of
local dynamics and intimate, person-to-person interactions. When asked, very few
see the United States as having any role at all in the current conflict in the
tri-border region of the Sahel between Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger. Violent
actors include military and police forces, militants such as the al
Qaeda-affiliated Jamaat Nusrat al-Islam wal Muslimin coalition and the Islamic
State in the Greater Sahara, and other armed militias. France, the region’s
former colonial power, has been the primary Western nation involved through its
Operation Barkhane, targeting Islamist militants and backing regional
governments in the fight.
Burkina Faso’s military seized power last week, claiming President Roch Marc
Christian Kaboré’s democratically elected government was not adequately dealing
with the country’s unrest. This is the same military that, in the name of
fighting supposed jihadism, has been implicated in widespread human rights
abuses and targeted killings of ethnic Fulani people, a minority group that made
up about 6.3 percent of Burkina Faso’s population in 2019 (though some estimates
put it at 8.4 percent as of 2010). The Fulani traditionally are Muslim
pastoralists who live across West Africa and herd cattle semi-nomadically.
Since 2009, the United States has been supporting Burkina Faso’s military with
funding, weapons, and training as part of Washington’s post-9/11
counterterrorism efforts. That support, while not directly responsible for last
week’s coup, helped lay the groundwork for the country’s increased
militarism—and, ultimately, the coup it produced.
Most Burkinabe explain the violence tearing apart their country in terms of
local dynamics and intimate, person-to-person interactions. When asked, very few
see the United States as having any role at all in the current conflict in the
tri-border region of the Sahel between Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger. Violent
actors include military and police forces, militants such as the al
Qaeda-affiliated Jamaat Nusrat al-Islam wal Muslimin coalition and the Islamic
State in the Greater Sahara, and other armed militias. France, the region’s
former colonial power, has been the primary Western nation involved through its
Operation Barkhane, targeting Islamist militants and backing regional
governments in the fight.
Among the many complexities wrapped up in the conflict are clashes between
different livelihood groups such as farmers and herders; environmental changes
wrought by climate change and desertification; historical race relations between
ethnic groups that date back to colonial and pre-colonial times; widespread
poverty; and frustration with a corrupt government that does little to provide
opportunities or even basic infrastructure for the majority of its people.
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Nonetheless, closer examination reveals the U.S. role in promoting the idea that
terrorism in Burkina Faso required a military response—even though the local
dynamics were far too complicated to align neatly with the U.S. view that “good”
government forces battle “evil” terrorists.
“It’s not that all Fulani are terrorists, it’s that most terrorists are Fulani,”
a Burkinabe army communications officer, speaking in an unofficial capacity,
told me over a lunch of chicken and rice in a bustling outdoor eatery in
Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso’s capital, in January 2019. As an anthropologist and
co-director of the Costs of War project at Brown University’s Watson Institute,
I was in the capital to conduct research on the growing conflict in the West
African Sahel and the United States’ involvement. This piece draws heavily from
that research, which I’ve also written about elsewhere.
In Burkina Faso alone, the violence has had an enormous human toll, leaving over
7,000 people dead, over 1.4 million displaced, and more than 3.5 million in need
of humanitarian assistance. In 2021, data from the Armed Conflict Location &
Event Data Project suggests that Burkina Faso’s state forces were responsible
for over 1,100 fatalities—close to half of the people killed in the conflict
that year by all parties to the violence.
The officer’s comment revealed more about his own prejudice than about the true
makeup of militant groups: Research has shown that people from several different
ethnic groups are involved. Yet state forces, along with government-backed
citizen militia groups, have systematically targeted the Fulani.
Not long after U.S. President George W. Bush launched what he called the “global
war on terror” in Afghanistan in 2001, the Defense and State departments began
to extend this war to Africa. Officials followed a preemptive logic that
suggested that the smallest possibility of an attack warranted preventative
action, and they focused particularly on “undergoverned” areas in “weak” or
“fragile” states. The U.S. military started to build a network of bases and
training activities across Africa, boosting what had been a limited presence
across the continent since World War II.
Though U.S. strategists did not identify a significant threat of terrorism from
Sahelian West Africa, the United States nevertheless created the Pan Sahel
Initiative in 2003. At first training military units from Chad, Mali,
Mauritania, and Niger, in 2005 the Pan Sahel Initiative became the Trans-Sahara
Counterterrorism Partnership and was expanded to include Algeria, Morocco,
Nigeria, Senegal, and Tunisia. Though the United States saw Burkina Faso as
peaceful and stable, the country was added to the counterterrorism partnership
in 2009.
Only seven years later, around 2016, did Burkina Faso begin to see a surge in
militant attacks. The violence spilled over from neighboring Mali in the wake of
the 2011 U.S.- and NATO-backed revolution in Libya that toppled longtime Libyan
dictator Muammar al-Qaddafi and contributed to the 2012 political
destabilization of Mali.
According to data from the Security Assistance Monitor, U.S. security funding
for Burkina Faso skyrocketed from annual rates that were in the $200,000 range
before 2009 to $1.8 million in 2010 and more than $16 million by 2018. This is
only an accounting of publicly disclosed funding, and investigative work
suggests the total amount of U.S. security cooperation aid to Burkina Faso in
2018 and 2019 was as high as $100 million. Most of this funding has supported
military operations and equipment, including vehicles, weapons, and generators.
Data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute shows a parallel
spike in Burkina Faso’s military expenditures since 2009. That year the
country’s military spent $110 million; 10 years later, in 2019, it spent $358
million.
The United States has also provided extensive counterterrorism training, both in
West Africa and in America, to Burkinabe military and police forces. The leader
of Burkina Faso’s current coup, Lt. Col. Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba, has an
extensive history of participating in U.S.-sponsored military training. Among
others, he participated in the United States’ Exercise Flintlock in West Africa
in 2010 and 2020, a U.S.-sponsored Military Intelligence Basic Officer Course in
Senegal in 2013 and 2014, and a Department of Defense Civil Military Support
Element in Burkina Faso in 2018 and 2019. A prior coup in Burkina Faso in 2014
was led by a military official, Lt. Col. Isaac Zida, who had also attended U.S.
counterterrorism and military intelligence training courses.
Through all this activity, the United States established the ideological
framework and military supports that ensured Burkina Faso would respond to the
problem of violent militant attacks, when this problem arose, with its own
so-called war on terror. The state’s chosen enemy? The Fulani.
I heard stories from Fulani people about government forces arresting and
disappearing Fulani men from their homes, marketplaces, and roadside
checkpoints. Victims are often found shot in the head or chest. One man told me
how soldiers put his brother in a military prison and prohibited visits from
family members, so they could not bring him food. They heard he was tortured,
starved, and even without water. After a month, he died. In July 2020, Human
Rights Watch reported on mass graves found near the northern town of Djibo that
held the remains of at least 180 people, most of them Fulani. Evidence suggested
that state security forces were the killers.
Meanwhile, the government is arming citizen militia groups, known as the
Koglweogo, who also target and kill the Fulani. Fulani people live in daily fear
of being attacked. Human rights watchdogs and foreign governments have called
for Burkina Faso to investigate security force abuses, and the United States has
warned the country that military aid could be at risk, but so far Burkina Faso’s
government has enjoyed impunity.
Beyond causing widespread death, suffering, and fear, the result of this
government violence has been to fuel militancy. My interviews in 2019 and
additional sources suggest the state’s targeting of the Fulani has led many
people to join militant groups out of their desire to retaliate and their
desperation to protect themselves and their communities. According to Diallo
Souaibou, who works with Fulani religious leaders through his nonprofit
organization to promote peace, “About 80 percent of those who join terrorist
groups told us that it isn’t because they support jihadism, it is because their
father or mother or brother was killed by the security forces. So many people
have been killed—assassinated—but there has been no justice.”
At the same time, Burkina Faso’s war on jihadis obscures the government’s
failure to alleviate poverty or fix state corruption, which are the deepest
drivers of the militant movement.
The incessant violence and enormous suffering have led to many Burkinabes’
frustration with Kaboré’s government—a feeling that coup leaders capitalized on
to justify their takeover, with the claim that they are best suited to get a
handle on the violence. Yet their record suggests that their leadership will
open the door to further state violence against Fulani people and an
ever-worsening conflict.
Stephanie Savell is an anthropologist and co-director of the Costs of War
project at Brown University’s Watson Institute for International and Public
Affairs. Twitter: @stephsavell
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