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LESBIAN MATCHMAKING OUDTSHOORN SOUTH AFRICA

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FSAW declared to be the greatest anti-pass year, despite increased police
strength and brutality. Women widened their campaign to include all their
grievances, including a protest against beer halls. In , men of the African
National Congress resolved to join the anti-pass campaign. In , the Pan
Africanist Congress organized a mass surrender to arrest.

Police shot protesters, killing 69 and wounding hundreds more.


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The government then outlawed the Liberation Movement. When Lilian Ngoyi died in
, she was still under banning order. Other leaders of FSAW were detained or
confined to house arrest for years. The government made it so that every act of
normal life was dependent upon the pass before finally making it mandatory in
Women working in the anti-apartheid movement never gave up their fight. A poem
from Lilian Ngoyi's funeral promises to never forget and calls forth a new order
of women fighting for change.

According to calculations based on the census, three Zulu districts have
population densities per square mile of arable land of more than 3, people. Four
districts have average densities per square mile of over people. The Tswana have
lived traditionally in clustered-site dwellings and are now heavily concentrated
in official housing and shanty settlements close to Pretoria, Rustenburg, and
Mafeking.

Only about 25 percent of the populations of Bophuthatswana and about 10 percent
of KwaZulu are officially considered urban, but the statistics seem to
underestimate the extent of real agglomeration in both homelands. Even in rural
areas, such as those around Taung, concentrated villages rather than dispersed
settlements are the rule. In there were fourteen towns in Bophuthatswana, four
with populations between 20, and 50, Mabopane, near Pretoria, probably numbers
over , if the squatters of adjacent Winterveld are included, and GaRankuwa,
eighteen miles from Pretoria and six miles from Rosslyn, is probably as large.

Tlbabane and Temba each have about 25, people. In KwaZulu there are twenty-three
towns, with five more under construction.

Umlazi near Durban numbers over ,, and three more are in the 30, to 60, range. A
majority of the populations of Bophuthatswana and KwaZulu are thus already
living in urban areas or are in close contact with urbanized life. The age and
sex structure of the homelands has significant implications for their economic
and political future.

One of the major reasons why the homelands have such weak, underproductive
economies is that able-bodied men are temporarily or permanently absent in the
white areas. High proportions of older men, women, and young children remain
behind in the rural areas of the homelands, producing little and relying on
remittances from family members working in the Republic. The male: female ratio
in Bophuthatswana is.

At present, however, employment opportunities in the Republic draw and are
expected to continue to draw young adult males away from Bophuthatswana and
KwaZulu with a rhythm and on a scale that has only intensified in thirty years.
One measure of the contemporary population imbalance is the adult male
dependency burden persons up to fourteen years of age divided by males from
fifteen to sixty-four years of age. This proportion suggests how many young
nonproductive dependents an adult male must support with his labor.

It does not include adult females or aged dependents. The average white male
worker in South Africa supports 0. The average Tswana male in an urban area
supports 1. In the rural portions of Bophuthatswana the dependency burden grows
to 3. For Zulu males the pattern is similar, with a rural homeland dependency
factor of 3. For example, both are or will be forced to respond to the needs of
residents who cannot easily pay for the kinds of costly services—housing,
education, medical attention, and social welfare benefits—for which demand will
increase as numbers and expectations grow, and which yield no immediate economic
gains.

The quality, as judged by levels of nutrition and morbidity, as well as the
density and age and sex composition of a population, affects its capacity to
respond to developmental opportunities. Homeland populations lack piped water,
adequate sanitation, and ready access to doctors, nurses, and hospitals. Judged
by the standards of other developing nations, intake levels of calories and
protein are low and deficiency diseases like kwashiokor, marasmus, and pellagra
are common.

Pretorius and H. See also M. Edginton, J. Hodkinson, and H. Reid,
"Malnutrition," in Peter Randall ed.


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See also Alexander R. The American figure is 20 per 1,, and the figure for the
Netherlands, a low of 13 per 1, Even without the kind of detailed figures that
are rarely collected in the underdeveloped parts of the world, it is clear that
the human resource capabilities of Bophuthatswana and KwaZulu may be affected by
presently irreducible nutritional impoverishments. They, in turn, directly,
contribute to retardation and, probably, to an overall energy deficit.
Malnutrition weakens the people to such an extent that they catch it as easily
as a cold.

Since Africans throughout the Republic have suffered the imposition of
constraints without the extension of many new rights. The Africans in the Cape
have been the most affected: until they exercised the franchise subject to
qualifications of literacy and of property or income; their vote had been
important in about twelve constituencies. In they lost the right which had never
been exercised to membership in the House of Assembly of the Cape Colony, and
their votes were not counted in the allocation of seats between the provinces in
the constitution of the Union.

In their vote was further devalued by the extension of voting rights to white
women; it was devalued yet again in when the property and income qualifications
for voting were removed for whites only. In Cape Africans lost the right to vote
on the common voters' roll and in exchange, were given three parliamentary seats
to be filled by whites. The impact of these changes on the Tswana and the Zulu
was different. The Tswana of the Cape lost such political rights as they had
had.


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Africans, and therefore the Zulu, in Natal before the Union, had had the right
to vote, but the conditions were so stringent that in only six Africans were on.
Leary and D. Donald Mackenzie, head of St. The South Africa Act of therefore
affected law rather than practice in Natal. Zulu traditional government had been
broken up in the immediate aftermath of the war of , and after the Bambatha
rebellion of , their king, Dinizulu, was exiled to the Transvaal, where he died.
No major change followed.

Indeed, for both Tswana and Zulu, constitutional developments after notably
worsened their positions only if they had acquired rights through residence in
the Cape. The Representation of Natives Act of gave Africans in the Cape three
white members of Parliament, and Africans in the other provinces four white
senators, all chosen by a complex system of indirect election.


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Besides the violence in Alexandra — where it all started in May as the latest
wave of violence against foreigners — and other parts of Johannesburg, similar
attacks occurred african american speed dating in Mabopane South Africa other
parts of the country, although the Xhosa and members of other tribes who had
some conflicts with the Zulu in Alexandra also attacked foreigners; for example,
in the Eastern Cape Province, the ethnic stronghold of the Xhosa where some
members of the Xhosa ethnic group targeted black African immigrants. Women
widened their campaign to include all their grievances, including a protest
against beer halls. February sales were up just units on the same month last
year with a total of 53 new vehicles delivered for the month. The attacks broke
out after a meeting called to prevent anti-foreigner violence in the Dunoon
township. There is also a perception that, because no one was brought to book
for the attacks, it is safe to carry them. Like the African Representative
Councils in Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland, it discussed, advised, and prepared
resolutions. I cannot stand this kind of life. Enabling JavaScript in your
browser will allow you to experience all the features of our site. Black South
Africans were also given financial, material, moral and diplomatic support in
their struggle against apartheid by fellow Africans in the independent African
countries. This labour was considered more reliable than migrant labour, as
permanently settled residents seldom left the area. By the late s, the local
residents of Lady Selbourne had exhausted all domestic resistance strategies and
now looked to approach the United Nations for assistance. In order to avoid this
problem, and to give the government greater freedom to devise and proclaim new
arrangements, Parliament passed the Bantu African american speed dating in
Mabopane South Africa Citizenship Act of and the Bantu Homelands Constitution
Act of The provincial cabinet said: 'The security forces reported that in KZN
there have not been such attacks as experienced in Gauteng province. The major
crops are maize, wheat, vegetables, groundnuts, tobacco, and fruit. But, other
issues had cropped up and a criminal element had hijacked the initiative for
their own ends, looting, pillaging and rampaging through the township.

Limited and segregated though it was, the act gave Africans throughout South
Africa increased representation in Parliament. While the system lasted, eloquent
white spokesmen ensured that some African grievances were brought to the
attention of legislators in a way they had not been before This was small
compensation, however, for the disparities between black and white participation
in electoral politics. The steady elimination of Africans from political roles
held in common with whites without the elaboration of new structures in, and
concession of new powers to, the African areas, was a development analogous to
the closing to Africans of the market in land in without at the same time
increasing the size of the reserves.

It is the urban Africans who have been most conspicuously disadvantaged by South
African constitution making.

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As in the case of their rural brethren, they originally possessed limited
freedom to acquire property in all of the provinces except the Orange Free
State. The Urban Areas Act of extended territorial segregation from the
countryside to the towns, and the notion that Africans were "temporary"
residents of the urban areas began to find its expression in law.

Advisory boards were set up to represent the views of township residents. They
were usually under the chairmanship of a white location superintendent and did
little beyond noting grievances, having no power to do anything about them. Yet
the urban black populations continued to grow, attracted by new opportunities in
industry and commerce that, despite the constraints of legal and customary color
bars, were preferable to farming in the reserves or working for white farmers.

Before virtually no institutional provision had been made for urban Africans nor
were any links provided between the peoples of the cities and the reserves. When
the National Party came to power in it was able to build upon a long and
cumulative tradition of segregation in South African politics and
decision-making.

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From that time it embarked upon a systematic program intended to "retribalize"
Africans, to eliminate all participation by Africans, Asians, and coloureds in
the disposition of power at national or local levels in the white areas, and to
develop new, ethnically-based institutions in the. African areas. These new
institutions were ultimately to represent all Africans of a particular ethnic
group no matter where they lived. This institutionalized ethnicity, not of their
own making, presented homeland leaders with certain opportunities. Despite their
long involvement in an urbanizing economy, the development of a tradition of
African, not ethnic, nationalism, and the close links of their homelands to the
modern Republic, the Tswana and the Zulu in the s and s may be able to draw upon
their own traditions of incipient modernization in the nineteenth century, while
avoiding the danger of serving the needs of the Republic more than those of
black South Africans.

The very emphasis by the government of the Republic on ethnicity, on the
historic struggle of Afrikaners, and on the legitimacy of the white presence may
encourage the Tswana and the Zulu not only to question the boundaries of the
homelands, but to rely upon their past for inspiration and example.

There are in both Tswana and Zulu history examples of adaptive modernizing
leaders—"conscious social planners" in the case of the Tswana, great military
innovators in the case of the Zulu.

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