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CHICAGO (AP) — Abortion wasn't technically on the ballot in Ohio's special
election. But the overwhelming defeat of a measure that would have made it
tougher to enshrine abortion rights in the state constitution this fall was the
latest indicator that the issue remains a powerful force at the ballot box.



The election saw record turnout for what's typically a sleepy August election
date and sets up another battle in November, when Ohio will be the only state
this year to have reproductive rights on the ballot. It also gives hope to
Democrats and other abortion rights supporters who say the matter could sway
voters their way again in 2024. That's when it could affect races for president,
Congress and statewide offices, and when places such as the battleground of
Arizona may put abortion questions on their ballots as well.

Democrats described the victory in Ohio, a one-time battleground state that has
shifted markedly to the right, as a “major warning sign” for the GOP.

“Republicans’ deeply unpopular war on women’s rights will cost them district
after district, and we will remind voters of their toxic anti-abortion agenda
every day until November,” said Aidan Johnson, a spokesperson for the Democratic
Congressional Campaign Committee.

The measure voters rejected Tuesday, known as Issue 1, would have required
ballot questions to pass with 60% of the vote rather than a simple majority.
With the count nearly completed, votes against the measure, or No votes,
received 57% compared with 43% in favor, a lead of almost 430,000 votes.

Interest was unusually high, with millions spent on each side and turnout by far
the highest for an August election in Ohio, which in the past have been mainly
limited to local races. Turnout was even higher than the most recent off-year
election in November, when voters in 2017 decided two statewide ballot measures.




Opposition to the measure, which became a kind of proxy for the November
abortion vote, extended even into traditionally Republican areas. In early
returns, support for the measure fell far short of Donald Trump’s performance
during the 2020 election in nearly every county.



The November ballot question will ask voters whether individuals should have the
right to make their own reproductive health care decisions, including
contraception, abortion, fertility treatment and miscarriage care.

Ohio's GOP-led state government in 2019 approved a ban on abortion after cardiac
activity is detected — around six weeks, before many women know they are
pregnant — but the ban was not enforced because of the U.S. Supreme Court ruling
in Roe v. Wade, which granted a federal right to the procedure. When a new
conservative majority on the high court last year overturned the nearly
50-year-old ruling, sending authority over the procedure back to the states,
Ohio's ban briefly went into effect. But a state court put the ban on hold again
while a challenge alleging it violates the state constitution plays out.




During the time the ban was in place, an Indiana doctor came forward to say she
had performed an abortion on a 10-year-old rape victim from Ohio who could not
legally have the procedure in her home state. The account became a national
flashpoint in the debate over abortion rights and underscored the stakes in
Ohio.



Ohio is one of about half of U.S. states where citizens may bypass the
Legislature and put ballot questions directly to voters, making it an option
that supporters of reproductive rights have increasingly turned to since Roe v.
Wade fell. After abortion rights supporters said they hoped to ask voters in
November to enshrine the right in the state constitution, Ohio Republicans put
Issue 1 on Tuesday’s ballot. In addition to raising the threshold to pass a
measure, it would have required signatures to be collected in all 88 counties,
rather than 44.



The 60% threshold was no accident, abortion rights supporters say, and was aimed
directly at defeating the Ohio abortion measure. Since Roe v. Wade was
overturned, six states have had elections regarding reproductive rights. In
every election — including in conservative states like Kansas — voters have
supported abortion rights.



In Kansas, 59% voted to preserve abortion rights protections, while in Michigan
57% favored an amendment that put protections in the state constitution. Last
year, 59% of Ohio voters said abortion should generally be legal, according to
AP VoteCast, a broad survey of the electorate.

Last month, a poll by the Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs
Research found the majority of U.S. adults want abortion to be legal at least
through the initial stages of pregnancy. The poll found that opinions on
abortion remain complex, with most people believing abortion should be allowed
in some circumstances and not in others.

Opponents of the Ohio abortion question ran ads that suggested the measure could
strip parents of their ability to make decisions about their child’s health care
or to even be notified about it. Amy Natoce, spokesperson for the anti-abortion
campaign Protect Women Ohio, called the ballot measure a “dangerous anti-parent
amendment.”



Several legal experts have said there is no language in the amendment supporting
the ads’ claims.

Peter Range, CEO of Ohio Right to Life, said he has been traveling across Ohio
talking to people and “I’ve never seen the grassroots from the pro-life side
more fired up to go and defend and protect the pre-born.”

While the November question pertains strictly to Ohio, access to abortion there
is pivotal to access across the Midwest, said Alison Dreith, director of
strategic partnership for the abortion fund Midwest Access Coalition.

Nine Midwestern states — Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Ohio, Nebraska, Missouri, North
Dakota, South Dakota and Wisconsin — are considered restrictive, very
restrictive or most restrictive of abortion rights by the Guttmacher Institute,
a research and policy organization that supports legal access to abortion.

“Ohio in particular has always been a destination state for the states around
it,” Dreith said. “If we don’t protect abortion access in Ohio, the options just
continue to shrink for people seeking care in the Midwest.”



Sri Thakkilapati, the executive director of the Cleveland-based nonprofit
abortion clinic Preterm, said the effect of the Ohio vote will reverberate
throughout the country.

“When we restrict access in one state, other states have to take up that patient
load,” she said. “That leads to longer wait times, more travel, higher costs for
patients."

Thakkilapati called the energy around abortion rights in last year's midterms
“exciting.” But she said the media attention died down, and people quickly
forgot “how tenuous abortion access is right now.” The special election and
ballot measure in Ohio are “a reminder of what’s at stake," Thakkilapati said.

“Other states are watching how this plays out in Ohio, and it may give
anti-abortion groups in other states another strategy to threaten abortion
rights elsewhere,” she said. “And for the majority who do want abortion access
in their states but are seeing it threatened, the results in November could give
them hope that the democratic process may give them relief.”



Kimberly Inez McGuire, the executive director of Unite for Reproductive and
Gender Equity, which focuses on young people of color under age 30, says the
results of elections involving reproductive rights show that support doesn't
come just from Democrats or in cities and states considered liberal bastions.

“There was this idea that we couldn’t win on abortion in red states and that
idea has really been smashed,” McGuire said. So, too, she said, is the
“mythology” that people in the South and Midwest won't support abortion rights.

“I think 2024 is going to be huge,” she said. “And I think in many ways, Ohio is
a proving ground, an early fight in the lead up to 2024.”

Dreith said that since abortion hasn't been on a major ballot since last year,
the Ohio vote this fall is “a good reminder” for the rest of the country.

“Abortion is always on the ballot — if not literally but figuratively through
the politicians we elect to serve us,” she said. "It’s also a reminder that this
issue isn’t going away.”

___

Associated Press reporter Stephen Ohlemacher contributed from Washington.




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The lines that divide Americans by economic class have always been blurry. For
many households, where they stand on the income ladder comes down to a feeling
rather than numbers.



But how can you know if your feelings line up with reality?


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Pew Research Center’s income calculator is the quickest way to find the answer
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UPPER

Based on Pew’s analysis, a household of three needs an income of $156,600 to
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In analyzing the trends, Pew points out that the wealthiest households are the
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MIDDLE

Many Americans associate themselves with the middle class. In fact, a Gallup
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Based on Pew’s calculator, middle class earners are actually those whos income
falls between $52,200 and $156,600, or two-thirds to double the national median
when adjusted for local cost of living and household size. In 2021, the median
income was $70,784, according to Census Bureau data.




However, while household incomes have been trending upward since 1970, Pew’s
research reveals that most of the increases were seen before 2000. In just three
decades, the median income rose by 41% to $70,800.



If after 2000 household income had continued to grow at the same rate, the
current median would be about $87,000 — significantly more than it is now.

Read more: Thanks to Jeff Bezos, you can now use $100 to cash in on prime real
estate — without the headache of being a landlord. Here's how


LOWER

Based on Pew’s analysis, a three-person household would be considered low-income
if they’re bringing in less than $52,200 a year. This group makes up a
significant chunk of the U.S. population, with about 38% of households making
less than $50,000 in 2021.

However, keep in mind that geography matters here: In Kansas City, Mo., for
instance, that national figure represents a middle-class income but would be
considered fairly low in New York City.



But what’s important to highlight when discussing lower-income households is the
opportunities for advancement. While middle-class households rely on home equity
to build their net worth and upper-class families rely on financial assets and
investments to build their wealth, Pew found lower-income earners have fewer
options to get ahead.

In fact, research indicates that the wider the wealth gap, the harder it is for
lower-income Americans to move up the class ladder.


IT’S NOT JUST ABOUT THE NUMBERS

It’s important to remember that economic status as a holistic snapshot that
considers far more than simple income.

Researchers have determined that education, location, social connections and
other factors can inform a person’s class identification.

On top of that, less-tangible measures of holistic wealth — mental and physical
well-being, access to cultural assets, a healthy social network — can all factor
in as heavily as income and lead someone with a technically lower-class income
to feel as fulfilled as any upper-income earner.



Consider, too, that some high-income earners could technically qualify as an
upper-class household even as debt and other financial obligations leave them,
practically, in a much different place.

So do the numbers matter? Maybe. But they can always change.

What might matter more is snatching up the opportunities available to your
family to continue to keep your household moving up those rungs.


PROTECT YOUR POSITION

When it comes to building wealth (and a secure financial future), you never want
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If you're unsure how to safeguard your hard-earned savings, it’s better to find
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This article provides information only and should not be construed as advice. It
is provided without warranty of any kind.




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