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Contents:
Toward Psychologies of Liberation Project MUSE Mission


Mourning and Witness after Collective Trauma. Rupture and Hospitality.
Non-Subjects and Nomadic Consciousness. Critical Participatory Action Research.
Dreams of Reconciliation and Restoration. Technology and Science in the
Industrializing Nations, Atlantic Highlands, N. Control of Nature; x, pages;
illustrations; bibliography. Reviewed by J. Dauben in Choice 36 Oct. Impact on
the landscape of a German region of various industries, such as forestry,
mining, and viticulture, from the middle ages through the 20th century.

The impact of inventions on civilization. This position might be described as
one of ethical individualism, in that it does not take as its starting point the
well-being of the nation, the community, or the household, but begins from the
equal valuing of all human beings as celebrated in the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights. The human development approach does not entail methodological
individualism, however, a form of analysis that rips individuals from their
social context and that is the foundation of neoclassical economics.

Instead it recognizes that human well-being depends on relations with others,
and that what people are able to do and be their capabilities depends not only
on themselves but on the wider society. It supports an egalitarian mutual
interdependence, rather than relationships in which some people are subordinate
to others, or are alienated from others because their only connection is through
profit-driven markets.

Many feminist economists share the values of the human development approach, but
they place particular emphasis on rethinking economies to include not only paid
work but also nonmarket unpaid work. This unpaid work includes both care for
members of families and communities, and also housework and subsistence
production, like growing food for family consumption and collecting water and
fuel. Most analyses of economies privilege production for the market—try to
measure it, increase it, optimize it.

Feminist economics has challenged this exclusion, arguing that as well as the
economy of the market and the state, we should take account of the unpaid
economy in which people produce goods and services for their families, friends,
and neighbors on the basis of social obligation, altruism, and reciprocity and,
in some cases, coercion—as expressed in domestic violence, for instance. In this
unpaid economy, people produce food and clothing, fetch fuel and water, cook and
clean, and take care of others, especially children, the sick, and frail elderly
people see Folbre, , ; UNDP, , There are two reasons to include the unpaid
economy.

The first is that it is very important for human well-being. For instance, being
required to do too much unpaid work while getting too little care from family
and friends jeopardizes the possibility of living a satisfying life. The second
is that though the unpaid economy is not properly measured and taken into
account in economic analysis and policy, it affects the operations of the paid
economy.

It affects the quantity and quality of labor supplied for production in
businesses, large and small, and the public sector and nongovernmental
organizations NGOs. It affects the quantity and quality of goods demanded from
production. Its operations affect the stability of the social framework in which
the market and state are embedded. This interaction has been analyzed in a
number of contexts relevant to development, with a particular emphasis on the
gender relations that assign most of the responsibility for the supply of unpaid
work to women.

For instance, in the early s I examined the interaction in the context of
structural adjustment programs, arguing that their design implicitly assumed
that unlimited supplies of female labor was available to make good any
shortfalls in provision of public sector nontradable services such as health,
education, and water and sanitation and to increase production of exports, while
at the same time maintaining household food security and the social fabric of
family and community networks Elson, Adjustment theory does not confront this
implication because it appears to treat labor as a nonproduced means of
production and all consumption as discretionary.

There may simply not be enough female labor time available to maintain the
quality and quantity of human resources at its existing level. This may not have
an immediate impact on the level and composition of gross national output, but
in the longer run, deterioration in health, nutrition, and education will tend
to have adverse impacts on output levels ibid.

Further examples of analysis that takes account of the unpaid economy can be
found in a special issue of World Development on macroeconomics and gender
Cagatay et al. William Darity constructed a two-sector model of a
gender-segregated, low-income agrarian economy, in which one sector produced
crops for export and the other produced subsistence food and care for the
family.

The model was used to analyze the gender-differentiated effects of one of the
keystones of neoliberal agricultural reforms: measures to raise the relative
price of export cash crops. If women respond to this demand, through some
combination of compensation, cooperation, and coercion, output of food and care
is liable to fall under reasonable assumptions, with potentially adverse impacts
on the health and nutrition of women and children. On the other hand, if women
are able to resist the demand, the supply response of the export crop is muted
and the devaluation does not have the expected impact a scenario explored by
Warner and Campbell, Mainstream economics has now admitted that agricultural
sector reforms have failed in a large number of countries; however, it continues
to ignore the gender dimensions of agricultural production and the role of the
unpaid economy in rural areas.

As more comprehensive studies of time use become available for developing
countries, it will be possible to carry out richer empirical analyses of the
interaction between the paid and the unpaid economies. Some examples that point
that way can be found in the special issue of World Development on growth,
trade, finance, and gender inequality Grown et al.

The model is calibrated for Bangladesh and is used to explore the implications
of different trade policy regimes. Lim examines the effects of the East Asian
financial crisis on employment in the Philippines and, though the data on paid
work is much richer than on unpaid work, is able to consider some of the
interactions between the two in the aftermath of the crisis. It is important to
extend this approach to examining the current global economic crisis.


TOWARD PSYCHOLOGIES OF LIBERATION

Both women and men will lose jobs, and whether the loss is disproportionately
male or female will depend on which sectors of the economy are hardest hit. In
economies that produce a lot of garments, for example, it will be women who are
hit hardest; in economies that produce a lot of cars, it will be men.

Instead, a more likely outcome is unemployment and underemployment for men and
overwork for women, many of whom try to compensate for loss of male income to
the family by taking on more informal work, where the pay is very low. It is
likely that this will be the effect of the economic crisis in many countries,
with women asked to provide the ultimate safety net.

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The neoclassical framework for judging how well economies are doing allows feast
and famine to coexist without this being regarded as an economic failure. If,
given the prevailing distribution of rights to resources, those who are
experiencing famine cannot be given more food without reducing the amount
available at feasts, then the economy is still judged to be in an optimal
position from the perspective of neoclassical economics. Amartya Sen challenged
this idea by introducing the idea of entitlement failure in his work on famine.

In effect, this provides a way of criticizing the prevailing distribution of
rights to resources rather than taking it for granted. Sen argued that many
deaths in famines occurred not because there was an overall insufficiency of
food in the country as a whole, but because some people were excluded from
obtaining food because they could not produce it themselves, could not pay for
it in the marketplace, and had no institutionalized claim on the state to
provide it for them.

They died because of entitlement failure.

In his words:. Most cases of starvation and famines across the world arise not
from people being deprived of things to which they are entitled, but from people
not being entitled, in the prevailing legal system of institutional rights, to
adequate means for survival. As Fine points out, although entitlements were
defined by Sen on an individual micro basis, he also gave the idea a social
systemic macro dimension, referring to a network of entitlement relations Sen, A
one-sided focus on the fall in food output obscured this important fact.

More generally, we might extend the idea of entitlement failures to cover all
occurrences when the resources people can obtain through their existing
entitlement relations are not sufficient to enable them to live a
well-functioning human life: well-nourished, healthy, literate, able to take
part in the life of their community, and able to define and pursue their own
goals in life. Sen himself has not developed any precise definition of basic or
essential functioning, though such an idea of a basic minimum in relation to
being well nourished is implicit in his work on famine.

Nussbaum has been less reticent and has proposed various lists for discussion.
Economic progress could be judged in terms of success in ensuring that all
citizens do achieve at least the essential functioning for a good life.
Economies marred by widespread entitlement failures would not be judged a
success, even though they might be growing fast.

It has also been criticized for leaving out the informal gifts of income and
property within families and kinship networks to which people may feel they have
moral entitlements Gore, Gore suggests a concept of extended entitlements to
include all of these ways of acquiring resources, through both moral rules and
legal rights. A key issue relevant to these comments is the importance of
examining the processes through which people articulate and claim their
entitlements and recognize their responsibilities, both legal and moral.


PROJECT MUSE MISSION

In doing this, however, it is important not to lose sight of the core idea of
the exercise of rights. To have an entitlement implies access to an accountable
process in which the discretion of decision-makers is limited and in which they
can be held to account—for instance, through courts of law. If my access to a
resource is at the arbitrary discretion of a public official, or dependent on
the favor of a patron, the goodwill of a husband, or the price-fixing power of a
monopoly supplier, then I do not get that resource as of right.

The notion of rights is at the heart of the notion of entitlements. Worries are
often expressed that a focus on rights and entitlements ignores, minimizes, or
undermines reciprocity. These worries are shared by some feminist economists.

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She contends that such care can only be partially provided through public and
commercial services, suggesting that much of its value comes from it being given
as a gift, without immediate recompense, in a context of mutuality. Of course,
she recognizes that the reciprocal provision of unpaid care is far from
symmetrical, with women providing more and receiving less than men. There needs
to be a change to symmetrical reciprocity, in particular a redistribution of
responsibilities between men and women. I think this problem can be addressed by
the construction of entitlements in ways that promote the reduction of unpaid
care work for women and promote an increase in unpaid care work by men, even if
these changes cannot be prescribed.

We need reciprocity as well as rights, but without rights, reciprocity is
unlikely to be symmetrical. In judging the effectiveness of an economic policy
regime, we could examine how far the system of entitlement relations that it
promotes has adequate safeguards against entitlement failures. Entitlement
relations that operate through buying and selling in liberalized markets seem to
have the advantage of autonomy; they seem to avoid the problem of dependence,
either on the family or the state. However, the independence that markets seem
to provide is an illusion, masking a many-sided dependence on people scattered
far and wide whose only social bond is the market.

Moreover, such markets are inherently risky and volatile. There is absolutely
nothing to guarantee that the prices a person gets for the goods or services he
sells including the labor will be high enough to enable him to purchase the
minimum levels of food, education, and health, let alone the other requirements
for a well-functioning life. Nor is it clear who in the market can be held
accountable. Responsibility is diffused through many buyers and sellers, none of
whom has an overview of the market system, and different decisions made by any
one of them acting alone will make no perceptible difference to the outcomes.

Everyone can say with truth that they are merely offering the going rate for the
good or service in question. This diffusion of responsibility gives rise to the
illusion that the outcome is a result of ineluctable market forces acting beyond
human control, whereas in fact it is the result of human decisions to establish
a set of entitlement relations that have no provision for mutual scrutiny of
interactions of individual decisions and mutual assurance of social security.

The only kind of security that markets offer is through the purchase of private
insurance, which is beyond the means of those who need it most. This private
security is in turn subject to the inherent risks of markets. Of course, all
other kinds of entitlement relations are also subject to risk, but they tend to
be more stable and less volatile, and their failure is not so likely to engulf a
large number of people simultaneously, as they do in a financial crisis or
recession.

Neoclassical economists do recognize that competitive markets are risky, which
is why they advocate state provision of narrowly targeted social safety nets.
But there are several problems with this kind of residual provision. There may
be no minimum standards; access is determined by means tests of various kinds;
criteria is often complex and difficult to understand; and public officials may
exercise such discretion that the claimant has very few, if any rights, so that
the provision is not properly described as an entitlement.

The effectiveness of such provision in meeting needs is also limited by the
unwillingness of the better-off to pay taxes to finance services that they do
not themselves make use of. This depends on the illusion noted earlier that
exercising entitlements via the market constitutes providing for oneself, being
independent, not being a burden on others; whereas making claims via the state
entails being dependent.




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Contents:
50 Ambassadors sign letter supporting LGBT rights in Poland 'An imminent threat'
Poland Gay Personals Gay Hookups, Dating, and Sex in Poland –


Juha Ottman, Ambassador of Finland H. Michael-Efstratios C. Daratzikis,
Ambassador of the Hellenic Republic H. Tsewang Namgyal, Ambassador of India H.
Aldo Amati, Ambassador of Italy H. Tsukasa Kawada, Ambassador of Japan H. Edgars
Bondars, Ambassador of Latvia H. Stefan Gullgren, Ambassador of Sweden H.

Andrii Deshchytsia, Ambassador of Ukraine H. Share this page Share on Facebook
Share on Twitter.

During the peak of campaigning for his re-election this year, President Andrzej
Duda denounced the LGBT rights movement as an "ideology worse than communism"
and signed a draft amendment to the constitution banning same-sex adoption in a
bid to protect Polish children. While none of these bills are legally binding,
they were met by widespread condemnation from the international community and EU
institutions.

The head of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, labelled them:
"humanity-free-zones" that "have no place in our Union".

There is nothing controversial about that". The judges ruled that the
resolutions violated the constitution stipulating that its anti-discrimination
clause has unlimited scope. Due to the lack of governmental steps ensuring the
protection of the LGBT community, the EU undertook even more restrictive
measures by denying funds to six such Polish towns that applied for the Town
Twinning programme.

It is obvious that no Polish citizen should not be subjected to discrimination
and this is beyond any discussion," said Fogiel. Since shaking off the yoke of
communism in , democratic governments in Poland, a country where 98 per cent of
people identify as Catholics, have defined national identity through the prism
of Christian values.

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Greatest sport's pub ever visited! I was in sport pubs in United Kingdom and
Ireland. The police used tear gas several times to disperse the peaceful
protesters. Meanwhile, in Slovakia, a group of ultra-conservative MPs from the
Christian Union, a faction of the ruling OLANO Ordinary People and Independent
Personalities party, managed to push through a quiet, unannounced vote on
Tuesday afternoon, out of the glare of media and public attention, even though
all non-pandemic related proposals were supposed to be forwarded to a later date
this month.

They also sought to require the certification of two doctors, instead of one, in
situations where an abortion is necessary for medical reasons. Yet despite their
best efforts and the strength of the conservative bloc in parliament, the
proposal failed by one vote; out of the MPs present, 58 voted for the
legislation.

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Thanks to their leader, Marian Kotleba, being stuck in quarantine, they were one
vote short. As countries across the region struggle to contain the second wave
of the pandemic, Slovakia announced some radical new measures, including the
possible mass testing of the whole population. The mass testing, he said, had
been discussed by the experts and the government for weeks, and seemed like the
best idea to prevent a catastrophe occurring in this small country.

Although the breakthrough idea garnered support from all the coalition partners,
as well as the leading medical experts on the crisis staff, it received a lot of
criticism from the opposition, non-parliamentary parties and outside medical and
legal experts.

While Matovic proposed that the testing would be voluntary, those who refused to
get tested would have to stay in quarantine for 10 days, which multiple lawyers
have argued might be unconstitutional. So, worryingly, did President Zuzana
Caputova.

The pilot phase of mass testing should be carried out this weekend in four of
the worst-hit districts in Northern Slovakia — Namestovo, Dolny Kubin, Tvrdosin
and Bardejov. Then general national testing would continue over the two
subsequent weekends — October 30 to November 1 and November As such, Slovakia
needs to pull the emergency break — and soon, he said, adding that testing
itself might not be enough anymore.


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With the pandemic continuing to surge, the Czech government was forced on
Wednesday to announce additional measures, pushing the country even closer to a
full lockdown — a state of affairs that Prime Minister Andrej Babis has been
trying to avoid with increasing desperation for many weeks.

Starting on Thursday and running to November 3, all retail outlets save basic
shops and services will be closed and non-essential movement restricted. Babis
explained that the measures are needed to avert the potential collapse of the
healthcare system. Officials are worried that capacity will be sorely tested in
early November, despite the government having secured help from Germany and the
US.

The country recorded a staggering 14, new cases on Wednesday, leaving it with
over infections per , population.


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