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Opinion


COLUMN: DESANTIS AND TRUMP COMPETE TO TAKE THE MOST EXTREME STANCE ON
IMMIGRATION

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis speaks to voters at a rally in Council Bluffs, Iowa.
(Josh Funk / Associated Press)
By Jean GuerreroColumnist 
June 2, 2023 3 AM PT
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Donald Trump was the most anti-immigrant U.S. president in nearly 100 years. He
oversaw a family separation policy at the border that traumatized countless
children and lost track of hundreds of parents; slashed refugee admissions to
record lows; gutted access to asylum; and much more.

But for some of the most influential U.S. nativists and white nationalists —
people Republican presidential candidates have decided they need to court during
and after the primary season — Trump’s crackdowns were not enough. Some see
greater potential in his top rival for the 2024 nomination, Florida Gov. Ron
DeSantis.

Opinion Columnist

Jean Guerrero

Jean Guerrero is the author, most recently, of “Hatemonger: Stephen Miller,
Donald Trump and the White Nationalist Agenda.”

Read more from Jean Guerrero



Can DeSantis successfully co-opt Trump’s trademark issue? DeSantis is trying to
paint the MAGA leader as soft on immigration. At the end of May, he attacked
Trump as pro-amnesty for his one-time support of a failed GOP bill that would
have legalized some immigrants brought here as children in exchange for more
border militarization and cuts to legal immigration. And last weekend, DeSantis
met with families of victims of the 9/11 terror attacks as they criticized
Trump’s decision to host a Saudi-funded golf tournament.

On Tuesday, Trump sought to reclaim his position as the No. 1 anti-immigrant
crusader by reviving one of the most extreme ideas explored during his
presidency: an executive order ending birthright citizenship.

The proposed order, which he promised to sign his first day in office if
reelected, would face immediate legal challenges for its clear violation of the
Constitution’s 14th Amendment, which guarantees citizenship to everyone born in
the U.S. His plan relies on a tortured reading of the amendment from
pseudo-intellectuals at California’s Claremont Institute, such as Trump’s former
lawyer John Eastman, a key player in the effort to overturn the 2020 election
who also wrote an unhinged article questioning Vice President Kamala Harris’
citizenship (it led to an editors’ apology).


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If the Supreme Court ruled in Trump’s favor — not impossible to imagine — it
would defy more than a century of legal precedent. And it would create a shadow
population of millions of U.S.-born people who could be jailed and deported. In
the eyes of restrictionists, it would all be worth it for a decline in “anchor
babies,” their slur for the U.S.-born children of people who lack legal
immigration status.

But restrictionists are skeptical that Trump would follow through on his promise
given his record of sloppy executive orders and their chaotic implementation.
Past orders were often blocked by courts.

“I fear this will be one more example of him writing up an executive order and
either it fizzles out or they don’t pursue it with the seriousness and
professionalism it deserves,” Mark Krikorian, a lead architect of the 21st
century movement to strangle legal and illegal immigration, told me. He frowns
on Trump’s occasional expressions of support for legal immigration.



“He’s not even a restrictionist,” he complained to me, criticizing Trump’s
failure to stop guest worker and other visa programs. Krikorian heads the Center
for Immigration Studies, classified as an anti-immigrant hate group by the
Southern Poverty Law Center despite Krikorian’s claims to the contrary. He
prefers DeSantis over Trump.

So do some open white nationalists, who cheer on his policies and rhetoric
online and see them as signs that he’s more hostile toward overall immigration,
which is important for those who fear demographic change. DeSantis recently
signed Senate Bill 1718, which turned Florida into the most anti-immigrant state
in the nation. It makes it a felony to give undocumented people rides, jobs or
shelter; requires employers to verify workers’ immigration statuses and
invalidates certain out-of-state driver’s licenses for undocumented people.
DeSantis also banned sanctuary cities in his state.

Some of DeSantis’ actions were on the wish list of Trump’s senior advisor
Stephen Miller, whose ideas were shaped by Krikorian’s Center for Immigration
Studies and other groups created by John Tanton — a well-connected white
supremacist who fathered the modern nativist movement. But while Miller did push
Trump in a more hardline direction on overall immigration, he wasn’t able to
implement the full Tanton agenda because of his inexperience and an uphill
battle in a White House with more moderate voices on the immigration issue, such
as Jared Kushner.

Miller remains loyal to Trump. But DeSantis is positioning himself as more in
line with Miller than Trump himself, who sometimes caved to pressure to temper
his harsh positions, such as when he called off family separations at the border
in response to national outrage.

Trump’s promise to end birthright citizenship seeks to correct the notion that
he’s the less ruthless candidate. One shudders to imagine how DeSantis will try
to one-up Trump’s threat. “Those two guys are in a white nationalist arms race,”
Chris Newman, legal director for the National Day Laborer Organizing Network,
told me.

At the core of the GOP’s ever-expanding multiverse of scapegoats are immigrant
communities, who represent a real threat to white male minority rule. The GOP
has proved it’s just getting started with persecution of them. Whether it’s a
Trump or DeSantis White House, it’ll be worse than anything that came before.

@jeanguerre

OpinionOp-EdElection 2024
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Jean Guerrero

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Jean Guerrero is an opinion columnist at the Los Angeles Times. Her writing has
been featured in Vanity Fair, Politico, the Nation, Wired, the New York Times,
the Washington Post and “Best American Essays 2019,” and she has contributed to
NPR, “PBS NewsHour” and more. She started her career as a commodities
correspondent in Mexico City for the Wall Street Journal and Dow Jones
Newswires. She is the author, most recently, of “Hatemonger: Stephen Miller,
Donald Trump and the White Nationalist Agenda.” Her first book, “Crux: A
Cross-Border Memoir,” won a PEN Literary Award. A native of San Diego, she is a
graduate of USC’s journalism school and has a master of fine arts in nonfiction
from Goucher College. Twitter: @jeanguerre


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