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STUDENT SPEED DATING DIWANIYAH IRAQ

To date, Coalition Forces have processed over 30 detainees. The transition to an
Iraqi-run corrections operation is progressing, though.


STUDENT SPEED DATING DIWANIYAH IRAQ

Contents:

Iraq Wars Bibliography Most Popular Videos Mustafa Al-Kadhimi faces many
challenges as Iraq’s new leader Iraq’s new prime minister: What lies ahead (Part
2)



Office of Security Cooperation OSC , responsible for some combination of
training, advising, and mentoring Iraqi security forces, and helping build the
capacity of Iraqi security ministries. Following the usual pattern, the OSC
would be responsible to both the U. Ambassador to Iraq and to the Commanding
General of U. Central Command. One possible model might be the U. It is not
clear to what extent U. In the context of growing potential for low-level U.

How Military Departments fulfill their Title 10 responsibilities to organize,
man, train, and equip the force — how they make decisions about endstrength and
capabilities required—may depend in part on lessons drawn from OIF, and on how
applicable those lessons are deemed to be to potential future engagements.

For example, lessons might be drawn from OIF concerning how to most effectively
train foreign security forces and to prepare U. President Obama's drawdown and
transition policy for Iraq has pressed the Army, in particular, to address the
question of how and whether to institutionalize key capabilities developed,
often through trial and error, for use during OIF. According to DOD officials,
AABs are to be built on the chassis of existing BCTs and augmented as necessary
with capabilities appropriate for the new stability operations mission in Iraq.

The near-term requirement to prepare and deploy such units does not resolve a
more fundamental question — how permanent should AABs be? In theory, for
potential future contingencies, the Army could simply plan to use and adapt its
standard force structure to meet new requirements as they arise, or it could
dedicate resources to establish a standing capacity of some kind.


IRAQ WARS BIBLIOGRAPHY

Secretary of Defense Robert Gates has underscored that "…building the security
capacity of other nations through training and equipping programs has emerged as
a core and enduring military requirement," 54 suggesting the need to
institutionalize such capabilities. John Nagl has proposed one possible
institutional solution — creating a permanent, standing Advisory Corps of 20,
combat advisors, which would be organized, equipped, educated and trained to
develop host nation security forces.

Meanwhile, some officials suggest that Army leaders remain reluctant to make
permanent changes to the Army's force structure, not least because such changes
could mean assuming increased risk in more traditional areas of warfighting.
BESOs, Army officials stressed, would not depart radically from the familiar BCT
construct—they would "remain full-spectrum capable," and would be "…a matter of
augmentation … slight modifications to gain skill sets.

For the Department of Defense as a whole, in turn, OIF experiences may be used
to help frame future discussions about the Department's force planning
construct—a shorthand description of the major contingencies the Department must
be prepared to execute simultaneously—which is used to shape the total force.
Drawing conclusions, however, is not simple. Analytical challenges include
deciding what kind of contingency OIF represents, how likely it is to be
representative of future contingencies, and which chronological "slice" of OIF
requirements given the great variation in troop commitment and equipment over
time to use to represent the effort.

A further strategic consideration concerns how lessons are drawn from OIF
regarding U. One set of questions prompted by OIF experiences concerns the
decision-making process about whether to go to war and if so, how to do so. Key
issues include the rigor of the inter-agency debates, the effectiveness of the
provision of "best military advice" to key decision-makers, and the thoroughness
of congressional oversight in general.

Another set of questions raised by OIF concerns balancing roles,
responsibilities, resources, and authorities among U. Government civilian
agencies, including deployable capabilities, should be enhanced; and that the
modalities for coordinating and integrating civilian and military efforts in the
field should be improved. The President's drawdown and transition announcement
left open a number of operational issues that U.

The Obama Administration transition policy generally calls for a diminishing U.
During the formal occupation of Iraq, from to , the coalition was responsible
for all facets of Iraqi public life. In the early post-occupation days, the
coalition's general approach was to do everything possible to get Iraqi
institutions up and running, limited primarily by resources and personnel
available to implement the efforts. As Iraqi capacity grew, the role of Iraqi
civilian and military officials and institutions shifted, to various degrees,
from sharing responsibilities to leading, with some support or back-up from the
coalition.

By , U. The debates addressed both the U. A number of U. One former brigade
commander in Iraq, from this school of thought, argued, "It's time to let go,"
and added the observation: "The coalition has a very difficult time having the
restraint and discipline to refrain from intervening. Some officials countered
that, given the shrinking U. President Obama's drawdown and transition policy
prescribes the withdrawal of all U. Further, in March , the Obama Administration
announced plans to withdraw a total of 12, U. Counterinsurgency COIN theory
emphasizes the importance of conducting operations "by, with and through" host
nation forces; and helping to build such forces when their capacity or
capabilities are not adequate.

From the outset, the organization and focus of the coalition's efforts to train,
equip, and mentor the ISF varied across the battlespace of Iraq, depending on
the conditions on the ground, the level of development of the locally based ISF,
and the availability of coalition forces for training missions. A key
operational consideration, looking ahead, is how to accomplish the ISF training
mission as U.

The "standard" approach to training the ISF has been the use of embedded
"transition teams" that typically live and work with a host nation unit. One key
point of variation over time has been the size of these teams. Transition teams
working with the Iraqi Army, for example, typically included between 11 and 15
members, depending on the size of the Iraqi unit they embedded with.

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Marines, consistently used larger teams, with between 30 and 40 members. In , as
the basic operational capabilities of the ISF grew, the use of embedded
transition teams shifted toward higher-level ISF headquarters, including
brigades and divisions. The substantive efforts of the teams also shifted, from
basic skills like patrolling to leadership and enablers.

For example, teams working with the Iraqi Army increased their focus on staff
functions and logistics, and teams working with the Iraqi Police increased the
emphasis on specialized skills like forensics.


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In effect, transition teams work themselves out of a job, as their host nation
partner unit improves. The U. While logistics experts in the U. Military Police
MPs generally do not have the requisite specialized policing skills and have
thus relied on collaboration with civilian International Police Advisors, who
have been in short supply. In addition to transition teams, coalition forces
throughout Iraq have made substantial use of various forms of "unit partnering,"
in which coalition maneuver units work side-by-side with Iraqi units of equal or
larger size.

Commanders on the ground have stressed the value of unit partnership, as a
complement to the use of embedded teams, as an effective way to "show" rather
than just "tell" ISF unit leaders how they might most effectively organize their
headquarters, lead their troops, and manage staff functions. Coalition forces
have also provided substantial support to the "capacity-building" of the key
security institutions of the Government of Iraq—the Ministry of Defense, the
Ministry of the Interior, and the Counter-Terrorism Bureau.

Coalition officials have stressed the growing importance of maximizing such
capacity-building efforts while Iraqis are still receptive to receiving such
training.


MUSTAFA AL-KADHIMI FACES MANY CHALLENGES AS IRAQ’S NEW LEADER

With appropriate leadership skills, they argued, Iraqi senior leaders in the
security sector could make substantially greater and more effective
contributions to the development of the ISF, gradually reducing the need for U.
Coalition commanders have also underscored the importance of utilizing the right
U. The Obama transition policy for Iraq underscores the importance of the ISF
training and advisory effort, naming it one of the three missions of the U.

The increasingly smaller U. One issue may be the ability of the U. On the other
hand, over time, ISF units are expected to rely increasingly on their own
capabilities for such support. A related issue may be the ability of AABs to
continue the practice of providing mentorship through close relationships with
equivalent Iraqi units. One option, under the AAB footprint, might be a
transition from a relationship of "partnership" to one of "liaison" with less
senior U. By early , many U. Top U. This phrase refers to establishing a
security presence in cities and towns, including small command outposts of U.

That presence, commanders have noted, allowed ongoing collaboration between U.
In , before the terms of the U. Looking ahead, one option is that some U. The
Agreement required the establishment of a committee structure to elaborate more
detailed implementing instructions; by February , such a structure of committees
and sub-committees, including Iraqi and U. In a December letter to the force,
regarding the new Agreement, GEN Odierno noted that the new environment would
"require a subtle shift in how we plan, coordinate, and execute missions
throughout Iraq," and that new rules of engagement would be issued.

In practice, according to commanders on the ground, before the Security
Agreement went into effect, the vast majority of U. Further, most of those
operations were already "combined" with Iraqi forces. These transitions had been
facilitated by the Provincial Iraqi Control PIC process, in which, by decision
of the GoI in consultation with MNF-I, lead security responsibility for a given
province was transferred to Iraqi control, based on assessments of security
conditions and local ISF capabilities. Another common practice, before the
Security Agreement, was that the GoI granted approval in advance for U.

The use of warrant-based arrests—now required—was already frequently practiced
in As of early , U. One U. BCT commander, based in Qadisiyah province where the
8 th Iraqi Army Division is headquartered, stated: "We do all of our operations
… by, with and through the Iraqi security forces. They're all joint. Anybody
that we detain, we detain with a warrant.

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Concerning the use of Iraqi air space, the Security Agreement stated:
"Surveillance and control over Iraqi airspace shall transfer to Iraqi authority
immediately upon entry into force of this Agreement". It added a caveat: "Iraq
may request from the United States forces temporary support for the Iraqi
authorities in the mission of surveillance and control of Iraqi air space. In
addition, that training has focused, first of all, on skills relevant to the
ongoing counter-insurgency COIN fight, such as moving troops and supplies, and
providing some ISR. In late , U. The Security Agreement did not address a
parallel concern related to operational coordination: Iraqi coordination with U.

Article 22 of the Security Agreement described provisions for detainee
operations. One set of provisions placed tight constraints on the circumstances
under which U. The Security Agreement mandated that U. In anticipation of a more
stringent new detention regime, throughout , MNF-I carried out a detainee
release program, releasing detainees to their homes and communities whenever
possible.

As of late November , U. In many cases, for the detainees it held, the coalition
lacked releasable evidence with legal sufficiency in Iraqi courts. Scrupulous
collection of evidence—such as photographs, diagrams, eye-witness
accounts—common in civilian law enforcement, was not always an integral part of
coalition combat operations in Iraq.

Such legacy detainees could pose real security threats to the Iraqi population,
or to the coalition, commanders warned. Some coalition officials and outside
observers also expressed concerns that the GoI adjudication of legacy detainee
cases, whether or not legally sufficient evidence exists, might evince a
sectarian bias—in particular, a tendency to treat Shiite Arabs more leniently
than Sunni Arabs.


IRAQ’S NEW PRIME MINISTER: WHAT LIES AHEAD (PART 2)

At the start of a speed dating session, students are given a topic or question
to discuss. Each student sits facing another student. The physical set-up of the
session. This report contains a situation analysis of girls' education in Iraq
and analysis that it not as up-date as it might have been and that the saying1,
'There are more , students this year than that in ' Fewest girls enrolled for
intermediate school in Diwaniyah, Nineveh It increases the speed of.

In January , Iraqi and U. At the first such transfer, Iraqi officials had
warrants for 42 of the 1,; they chose to keep about 70 others for further
investigation; and they planned to release the remaining persons to their home
communities at a rate of about 50 per day. Some detainees have expressed fears
that they may face harm if they return to their home communities, as part of the
new release process; in those cases, the GoI reportedly agreed to help them
resettle elsewhere.

Over the course of Operation Iraqi Freedom, the balance of U. Looking ahead, as
U. As a rule, the military has played the preponderant role in OIF, including in
non-traditional fields such as governance and reconstruction. As of , the U. As
MNC-I officials noted, "Our job at Corps is to establish the connective tissue
between the center and the provinces.

Some commanders continued to facilitate the reopening of small businesses—and to
use the number of reopened businesses as a metric of economic progress—while
others decided to "give back," that is, "not spend," their Commanders Emergency
Response Program CERP funds, in order to encourage Iraqis to budget and spend
their own money. As security conditions on the ground in Iraq improved, civilian
and military officials all pointed to increased opportunities for civilian
assistance initiatives, particularly capacity-building at all levels.

As one U. In theory, one option, as U. In , some key steps were taken to amplify
U. Embassy Baghdad and at the Department of State noted that it was likely that
peak PRT staffing levels in Iraq had already been reached. In , the Embassy—in
response to direction from Congress—began working on "PRT strategic drawdown"
plans. In testimony before the House Armed Services Committee in January ,
describing future plans, Secretary Gates noted: "The plans that General Odierno
has developed in conjunction with Ambassador Crocker foresee that as we
consolidate our forces, we would also consolidate our PRTs … so that the two
would be stationed together and our forces would be in a position to continue to
protect the civilian element.

Good test cases are already available, in Najaf and Karbala provinces, for the
ability of PRTs to function without a substantial co-located U. In May , the
personnel of the PRTs for Najaf and Karbala provinces, who had been operating
from a remote base in Hillah, in Babil province, relocated to their respective
areas of operation. In Najaf, for example, in late , the PRT, including a
diverse team of civilian experts and a small U. Army transition team that worked
with the local Iraqi Army battalion and a small U. In early , U. Over the course
of OIF, the role of contractors supporting the operation has varied in both
scope and scale.

While some substantive requirements for contractor support may diminish, others
could increase. For example, one of the three pillars of the mission of Advise
and Assist Brigades, after August , is to provide force protection to U. As of
early , that function was performed, in many cases, by private security
contractors. At the same time, requirements for some specialized contractor
skills—for example, training and advisory support to the ISF — may increase as
the U.

Another factor shaping the role of contractors may be explicit U. The Directive
noted that commanders should seek to replace them, where possible, with Iraqi
contractors, and added, "As we transition more responsibility and control to the
government of Iraq, it's time to make this change. A third factor shaping the
role of contractors may be decisions stemming from provisions in the U.

S-Iraqi Security Agreement that mandate, "Iraq shall have the primary right to
exercise jurisdiction over United States contractors and United States
contractor employees. Government "term employee" status. For example, members of
Human Terrain Teams—small teams of academic social scientists who support
military units by engaging with the local population and "mapping" population
characteristics and trends—were employed as contractors by BAE Systems.

But in early , reportedly in response to concerns about jurisdiction, the jobs
were shifted to term appointments under the Department of the Army. One of the
key operational issues with great potential impact on costs is the future
disposition of U. Several factors, in combination, are likely to shape equipment
disposition decisions:.

A number of tools are available to Congress to help shape U. For example, the
Duncan Hunter National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year stated that no
funding appropriated pursuant to authorizations in the Act could be used "to
establish any military installation or base for the purpose of providing for the
permanent stationing of United States Armed Forces in Iraq," or "to exercise
United States control of the oil resources of Iraq.


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