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the city politic

Waiting (and Waiting) for an Adams Doctrine
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the city politic July 1, 2022

WAITING (AND WAITING) FOR AN ADAMS DOCTRINE

SIX MONTHS INTO A HIGHLY ENERGETIC MAYORALTY, HOW HAS ERIC ADAMS CHANGED THE
CITY — IF AT ALL?

By David Freedlander
Photo: Dolly Faibyshev

Photo: Dolly Faibyshev
Photo: Dolly Faibyshev

This article was featured in One Great Story, New York’s reading recommendation
newsletter. Sign up here to get it nightly.

According to the authorities, as a northbound Q train climbed the Manhattan
Bridge one Sunday morning this spring, a 25-year-old passenger named Andrew
Abdullah began to pace and mutter. He paused in front of Daniel Enriquez, a
Goldman Sachs employee who was on his way to meet his brother for brunch.
Abdullah, who had served four months in prison for attempted murder, pulled a
9-mm. pistol from his pocket, pointed it at Enriquez’s chest, and fired. At the
Canal Street station, as Enriquez was bleeding to death, Abdullah exited the
train and slipped into the streets. In a season of unspeakable crimes, the
unprovoked homicide was perhaps the worst. Police launched a citywide manhunt.

The next day, May 23, Abdullah’s aunt called Bishop Lamor Miller-Whitehead, who
runs the Leaders of Tomorrow International Churches — a nondenominational
Christian ministry operating from a banquet hall among the body shops and auto
mechanics on a block in Canarsie. The aunt was in a panic, worried about what
was going to happen to her nephew, whose face was by now all over the news and
social media. She was concerned that the police were going to hurt or kill
Abdullah and that he was going to harm someone else before he could be
apprehended. “And so I made a phone call,” Miller-Whitehead told me, “to my
mentor, the mayor of New York, Eric Adams.”

Before he became a pastor, Miller-Whitehead spent five years at Sing Sing for
running a $2 million identity-theft ring. He used the money to buy luxury cars,
including the Land Rover he was eventually arrested in, wearing mink. After
Miller-Whitehead was released, he began raising money for his newfound ministry
and touting the youth programs he was operating in partnership with the Brooklyn
DA’s office, the NYPD, and the Brooklyn Chamber of Commerce — each of which said
later that no such collaboration existed. But the relationship Miller-Whitehead
developed with Adams, then the Brooklyn borough president, was real. The two
appeared at more than a dozen events together.

After Abdullah’s aunt called Miller-Whitehead, the pastor came up with a plan to
have Abdullah turn himself in: The most wanted killer in New York would go to a
police station and surrender directly to Adams. Miller-Whitehead figured the
mayor’s presence would both entice Abdullah to show up and ensure that the
police wouldn’t shoot him. Miller-Whitehead told me he got Adams to personally
sign on to the operation. “The mayor was in full support of this man turning
himself in and said he would follow my lead,” he says. “And whatever I needed,
he would make sure that it would get done.” (The administration declined to
comment.)

There are good reasons why mayors do not customarily join in taking suspected
murderers into custody. One is that it would create a precedent for all
attention-hungry killers to insist on an audience with the city’s
highest-ranking official. Another is that the mayor has a security detail whose
entire function is to keep him far away from people with a history of shooting
men in the chest. A third is that the mayor’s job is to reduce crime in the
aggregate, through policy, not on a case-by-case basis like Batman.

Adams and the bishop spoke several times, but the handover never happened.
Lawyers for Legal Aid who had been working with Abdullah’s family on another
charge were talking with the police and arranged for the shooter to turn himself
in at their offices. The police ended up seizing Abdullah early, his lawyer,
Kristin Braun, said, because the NYPD was concerned that he would flee while the
bishop was negotiating with the mayor on his behalf.

Mayor Adams at a Juneteenth celebration in Gracie Mansion. Photo: Dolly
Faibyshev

What should a new mayor accomplish with his incoming political capital? In his
first year in office, Bill de Blasio created a universal prekindergarten
program, curtailed stop-and-frisk policing, pushed the Rent Guidelines Board to
approve its lowest-ever hikes, began a $41 billion affordable-housing program,
and signed an executive order raising wages for retail and fast-food workers.
Mike Bloomberg, in his first year, put city schools under mayoral control for
the first time, banned smoking in bars and restaurants, began the rebuilding of
lower Manhattan after 9/11, raised property taxes to plug an enormous budget
gap, and opened a shelter for homeless families in a converted jail.

Adams does not yet have a comparable accomplishment, nor does he appear to be on
pace for one. It’s not that he’s asleep on the job. Between taking calls from
Miller-Whitehead about capturing Abdullah, Adams kept a schedule that might have
exhausted any number of his predecessors: He met with Border Patrol officials
about the flow of illegal guns, discussed hurricane season with a delegation
from NOAA, hosted two dozen European consuls general, received members of George
Floyd’s family, celebrated incarceration-diversion programs at a courthouse,
huddled with tech executives, and hosted a Jewish Heritage Month party at Gracie
Mansion. What we are seeing is something quite different from mayoralties of
recent memory — a politics that is mostly public performance with a mayor who
makes news more for what he says and how he appears than for what his
administration is actually doing.

As the most prominent citizen of what he likes to call the “City of Swagger,”
Adams has been well documented: hanging out at fashion shows with Anna Wintour,
dining with Paris Hilton, outlasting Jennifer Lopez at the late-night party for
a new film about her, haunting the private club Zero Bond often enough that
lobbyists are strategizing about how to become members. Adams is also
aggressively fundraising for reelection in 2025 at posh events in places from
the Hamptons to Beverly Hills. “I have never had so much fun in my life,” he
told one friend over dinner this spring.

At a Michael Kors runway show with Anna Wintour. Photo: Dimitrios
Kambouris/Getty Images

Ahead of his inauguration, he hitched a private-jet ride with Brock Pierce, the
Mighty Ducks actor turned crypto magnate, and announced he would take his first
three mayoral paychecks in bitcoin. The market has since been cut in half. “He
gets charmed by the worst guy in the industry and looks like a fricking idiot,”
a longtime Adams ally says. “That wouldn’t have happened to any other mayor.
There would have been somebody to say, ‘Let me give you some background on
cryptocurrency, Mr. Mayor.’” On a similarly impulsive but graver note: After a
gunman shot ten people on the N train in April, Adams agreed with a journalist’s
suggestion that the city should screen subway riders with metal detectors. An
uproar ensued over the obvious implausibility — the system has 472 stations and
countless entrances — so a spokesman walked his comments back, writing on
Twitter that the mayor was “of course” not saying there would be literal metal
detectors. Adams then walked back the walk-back, saying he was in fact serious
about exploring the idea. It’s become hard to escape the impression that New
York City is being led by a mayor who is, frankly, winging it.

As an administration official put it, “Sometimes working here can feel like
Jurassic Park, and he is the T. rex and is going to keep on testing the fences
until he breaks through. He needs somebody who can whisper in his ear, ‘Mr.
Mayor, I’m sorry, but you are out of your fucking mind right now.’” (Adams
declined requests to be interviewed for this article. A spokesperson said in a
statement that the mayor’s accomplishments include “driving down rates of
shootings and homicides, safely keeping schools open during the Omicron wave,
putting half a billion dollars into the pockets of working families through an
enhanced Earned Income Tax Credit, passing legislation to invest billions of
dollars in NYCHA, and more.”)

The behavior is confounding to those who never knew Adams to have such a taste
for nightlife and who expected more readiness from someone entering office with
the longest government tenure of any mayor in 70 years. One night in March, as
his administration began clearing homeless encampments from city parks, the
mayor appeared at a Wells Fargo party with Cara Delevingne to boost a new credit
card that bank customers could use to pay rent. Weeks later, Adams announced he
was halting all city business with Wells Fargo, citing accusations that it
discriminated against Black homeowners.

At a Wells Fargo party with Cara Delevingne and Floyd Mayweather. Photo: Johnny
Nunez/WireImage

Six months in, Adams has avoided putting out hard metrics to gauge his success
and has been surprisingly passive on critical issues like housing affordability.
In June, addressing the Association for a Better New York, Adams repeated a
favorite line: New York needs to become a “City of Yes” and a place where things
get built. Two weeks later, on a Brooklyn rooftop, he unveiled what was billed
as a “comprehensive blueprint” for solving the affordable-housing crisis. But it
was so vague that the event turned chaotic, with Adams refusing to tell
reporters how many actual units would be added. The blueprint pushed the
timeline to revise the city’s housing code back to 2024, which means there’s a
decent chance that no new housing not already in the pipeline will actually be
built during Adams’s tenure, even if he serves two terms. Administration
officials have told activists they won’t propose rezonings to permit more
housing unless councilmembers introduce and fight for them.

For Adams, there’s a danger that the perception of him as a lightweight is
hardening in the eyes of all sorts of political observers. “I TOLD YALL NYC
ELECTED A CLUB PROMOTER 🤣🤣😭🤣😭,” the Kid Mero tweeted in late June over an
image of Adams at Sei Less with French Montana and Rowdy Rebel. “The other
night, he attended the German American Chamber of Commerce White Asparagus
Dinner,” one business leader close to the mayor told me. “I mean, can you
imagine?” The tone was less disdain than Aren’t there more important things to
do? The electorate would seem to agree: A recent Siena College poll for NY1
found that fewer than three in ten city residents rate Adams’s job performance
as good or excellent. Three-quarters said they feared they could be the victim
of a violent crime.

At an album party with French Montana. Photo: Cassidy Sparrow/Getty Images

Adams has made public safety his signature issue, but crime has risen to new
levels during his term (though homicides have begun to abate), and both the
Times and the Post have faulted his plans to combat it as outdated and
ineffectual. In January, after a particularly horrific spate of violence — five
police officers shot, a woman pushed in front of a subway train, a teenage
cashier gunned down in a botched robbery, an 11-month-old baby randomly shot in
the face — Adams convened a roundtable of violence interrupters in the Bronx and
laid out his vision to make the city safer. It was mostly small-bore: directing
police and the health department to support local nonprofits like theirs,
streamlining how city money can go to the groups’ payrolls, leaning on Fortune
500 companies to issue no-interest loans to make up the gap.

Adams also pledged to appoint a “crisis-management liaison” inside every agency
to help simplify the city’s bureaucracy and reorient every agency — of which
there are more than 50, with some 370,000 employees, from the Department for the
Aging to the Department of Youth and Community Development — to see its mission
as driving down crime. Adams sounded tough. “We are not playing this game
anymore where agencies are running the city,” he said. “No. Agencies are going
to respond to what I need done. This is where we are going. This is the Adams
era.” But five months later, agency officials say nothing has substantially
changed. Instead, the mayor recently announced the creation of a Gun Violence
Prevention Task Force, led by a “gun-violence czar,” Andre T. Mitchell. A 2019
Department of Investigations probe into an anti-gang organization Mitchell heads
found that he had directed proceeds from a youth-employment coffee shop to his
personal bank account and had put several family members on the payroll.

On June 27, the same day Adams said his response to a citywide lifeguard
shortage would be a public-awareness campaign about drowning, the Post published
an interview in which he boasted about a new system he had devised for the
police to track homeless encampments. It’s a shared Google doc.

On the set of Late Night With Seth Meyers. Photo: Lloyd Bishop/NBC/Getty Images

Despite Adams’s long years in city and state politics, there were signs early on
that he wasn’t interested in fully exercising his new power. After the June 2021
mayoral primary, the political class turned its attention to who would become
the next Speaker of the City Council. Chosen by the group’s 51 members, the
leader becomes — in the public imagination, at least — something of a psychic
counterweight to the mayor, the second-most-powerful person in city government
and often a contender to eventually hold the top job.

Adams was entering office with such a powerful coalition behind him —
outer-borough homeowners, blue-collar Black voters, downtown financial and
real-estate interests — that the entire political world seemed to be bending to
his will, and its inhabitants assumed the Speaker-selection process would unfold
as it always had. Traditionally, a half-dozen or so councilmembers vie for the
job, gathering as much support among their colleagues as they can, and then, at
the end, the incoming mayor uses his sway to put someone he favors over the top.

Adams liked Francisco Moya. The Queens councilmember could help answer the
complaints that the new administration didn’t have enough Latinos in its upper
ranks, and he was on the right flank of the body, which could have given Adams a
useful foil. But Moya had scarcely any support among his fellow members, which
meant that pumping him up would have taken a serious effort by Adams. Instead,
the mayor left the country twice, heading to the French Riviera on vacation and
then, as he prepared to be sworn in and the Speaker race was in full swing, to
Ghana for what he described as a “spiritual cleansing.”

In his absence, whipping the contest fell to Adams’s chief of staff. Mayors
often fill the role with creatures of municipal bureaucracy, but Adams tapped a
kind of insider-outsider: Frank Carone, a Brooklyn lawyer who ten years ago
began to get involved in Democratic politics using his growing influence with
elected officials to build his law practice into one of the most successful in
New York. (He pressured de Blasio’s staff so often that specific workers were
assigned just to deal with him.) Adams has told associates that he knew hiring
him would lead to some bad press — in February, Carone was subpoenaed for
documents in an alleged $4.5 million insurance fraud, though he hasn’t been
accused of wrongdoing — but believed his extraordinary loyalty and
lobbyist’s-eye view of the inner workings of government made him worth the risk.
Carone has made allies on the job: He met with all of his living predecessors,
and he regularly emails the entire senior mayoral staff asking if anyone would
like his standing Thursday-night table at Rao’s, the impossible-to-book East
Harlem eatery. Yet his day-to-day job is strikingly different from anything he
has previously done, which mostly involved raising money and advocating for
clients with business before the city.

Hoping to get Adams the Speaker of his choice, Carone met over breakfast with
the contest’s front-runner: Justin Brannan, a shaven-headed, tattoo-sleeved
former punk-rocker from Bay Ridge. Carone told him he needed to withdraw from
the race and support Moya. Brannan agreed, but after that the pressure campaign
stopped working. Even as the Adams team asked Representatives Adriano Espaillat
and Grace Meng to lean on the councilmembers they were aligned with, the
shallowness of Moya’s support among his 50 colleagues proved too much to
overcome. He had barely campaigned for the Speaker job.

Brannan and the other leading contenders met at a diner for lunch. They realized
that while Adams could block any one of them individually, together they could
be kingmakers. They could line up their backers behind someone they anointed and
be rewarded with plum council posts in the process. They settled on Adrienne
Adams, an under-the-radar member from southeastern Queens. (She’s not related to
Eric, though they went to the same high school at the same time.)

The incoming mayor still had a way to force a win. When Adams returned from
overseas, he met with the leaders of the city’s three most powerful unions, who
wanted an ally in the Speaker’s chair and were willing to use their influence to
make it happen. They told Adams that if it was important to him, they would push
Moya over the line. Faced with the first big decision of his not-yet-mayoralty,
Adams balked. “I am not going to ask you to do that,” he told the labor leaders.

Once Adrienne Adams locked down the vote, Eric Adams tried to prevent her from
placing key allies in positions of importance. (A spokesperson for the mayor
disputes this.) He failed there, too. Brannan became the head of the finance
committee. Another member of the diner group became the head of the
investigations committee, another the deputy Speaker, and a third the majority
leader.

Newly elected councilmembers say the Speaker episode taught them some things
about the new mayor. Just because he says a matter is settled, it doesn’t
necessarily mean that it is. And more to the point, if Adams tells them to do
something, they don’t have to. It’s not just that they might escape penalty;
they might even get rewarded for thwarting him.

Adams has also seemed to misjudge the best use of his power in smaller contests.
As New York’s primary season heated up earlier this year, he surprised many by
endorsing candidates not just for State Assembly but in races for unpaid
Democratic Party positions known as district leaders — an office so far below
the radar that few New Yorkers even know it exists. His campaigning and
fundraising were intended to shore up support for Rodneyse Bichotte Hermelyn,
the Brooklyn party boss, who relies on the district leaders for her power and is
a close Adams ally. But by engaging in such minutiae, the mayor risked not just
embarrassment — several of his chosen candidates lost on June 28, including
Hermelyn’s husband — but making a raft of unnecessary enemies in his political
base. “I don’t know why he is fighting these battles,” says Howard Graubard, a
longtime Brooklyn election lawyer. “I think most mayors would say, ‘This is
beneath me.’ You are asking me to explain the logic behind something that isn’t
logical, and I can’t.”

Even in cases where Adams has gotten his way, it’s not clear that he actually
won. He has repeatedly fought with the United Federation of Teachers, which
backed one of Adams’s opponents in the primary and largely outmaneuvered him in
Albany when the Legislature was debating mayoral control of schools. In his
first budget, Adams proposed more than $200 million in reductions to school
funding, causing hundreds of educators to lose their positions. (Most should be
able to find new jobs within the school system.) After the budget passed, the
union sent parents graphs showing how their children’s schools would face cuts
as large as 20 percent, and teachers took to social media to say they wouldn’t
be coming back in the fall — thanks to the mayor. “They are just at war with the
UFT,” says one senior council aide. “It’s not in the mayor’s interest to have
parents and teachers mad at them, but they seem unable to deal with people who
they don’t feel are loyal or supportive. They think the uproar is all woke
progressives, but it’s parents all over the city who are wondering why they are
cutting school budgets at a time like this.”

At a restaurant opening with Mary J. Blige. Photo: Johnny Nunez/WireImage

Adams prefers to talk about crime and a post-COVID city, but for months certain
New Yorkers had a question that surpassed all others in urgency: When would the
mayor let Kyrie Irving play? He was cornered by his friends at exclusive clubs,
asked by the press, heckled on the street. If the mayor posted on Twitter about
park-restoration projects or his plans for an equitable recovery from the
pandemic, his mentions would fill up with Kyrie reply guys.

Irving, the Brooklyn Nets’ transcendentally talented point guard, is what is
euphemistically known as a freethinker. He has said that Earth is flat, that he
has an “all-seeing” third eye that allows him to commune with Nikola Tesla, and
that Bob Marley was the victim of a CIA plot. He has also refused to get
vaccinated against COVID. When Adams took office, a city regulation forbade
businesses from allowing unvaccinated employees into workplaces. That meant
Irving was barred from taking the floor with the Nets at Barclays Center.

Courting centrist voters, Adams had been dovish on COVID as a candidate, and
once elected, he ended his predecessor’s daily pandemic briefings. When it came
to Irving, though, Adams didn’t have the option of laxity. He was boxed in. On
February 14, the city fired 1,430 municipal workers for refusing the vaccine.
Adams could hardly make an exception for an athlete with a $136 million
contract.

The Nets hired Corey Johnson, the former Speaker of the City Council, to lobby
City Hall on the team’s behalf, even though he was not previously a registered
lobbyist, and Johnson spoke to either Adams, Carone, or administration lawyer
Brendan McGuire nearly every day for seven weeks. Publicly, the Irving clangor
escalated. Adams doesn’t like being yelled at, and he especially didn’t like it
in the honeymoon phase of his term. He could sense that Irving was gathering
power as fans made him a martyr, but he didn’t want to look like he was backing
down. “We want to find a way to get Kyrie on the court, but this is a bigger
issue,” Adams said in late February. “I can’t have my city closed down again. It
would send the wrong message just to have an exception for one player when we’re
telling countless numbers of New York City employees, ‘If you don’t follow the
rules, you won’t be able to be employed.’”

In early March, Adams ended vaccine requirements for indoor settings and the
mask mandate for schools. The employee rule stayed in place. It meant Irving
could practice with the Nets and even attend games at Barclays, but he couldn’t
lace up. Adams dug in. “Kyrie can play tomorrow: Get vaccinated,” he told a
heckler at a press conference on March 13. Later that day, Kevin Durant, the
Nets’ other superstar, blasted the mayor. “I don’t get it,” Durant said after a
game Irving had watched from the stands. “It feels like somebody’s trying to
make a statement or a point to flex their authority. But everybody’s looking for
attention, and that’s what I feel like the mayor wants right now — some
attention.” Durant added, “It just looks stupid. So hopefully, Eric, you’ve
gotta figure this out.”

The same week, the situation got even more complicated when Major League
Baseball ended its lockout. The Mets and Yankees reportedly employed several
anti-vaxxers, and back in January, representatives from both clubs had contacted
Carone to feel out whether the employee mandate might somehow exempt baseball,
which is played outdoors. Carone had assured them they would be okay. Now the
city was saying publicly they were bound by the vaccine rules after all. “All of
us started shitting ourselves,” said one baseball official. “Are the Mets even
going to field a team?”

Randy Levine, the Yankees president, called Adams’s office. “I was aggressive in
providing information,” he told me. The Mets had other ins. The team’s
billionaire owner, Steve Cohen, is a major Republican donor who financed Donald
Trump’s inauguration but also gave $1.5 million to a super-PAC supporting
Adams’s mayoral bid last year. (In January, Cohen personally took Adams on a
tour of the mostly vacant area around Citi Field, where Cohen hopes to build a
casino.) Adams’s aides began to worry that the mayor would be booed on opening
day if the top Mets and Yankees weren’t in cleats.

It was obvious that Adams wanted to be on the side of the “Over With COVID”
crowd; he was always on TV masklessly chiding office workers to get back into
their skyscrapers. More to the point, Adams craved being on the side of the
celebrities — the billionaire owners and the courtside millionaires. “He always
wants to be the guy who gets invited to the party,” says one longtime associate.
Now the biggest stars in town were calling him out, his largest donors were
unhappy, and Adams was stuck defending COVID caution. “He was just all over the
map,” says one person who spoke with him at the time. “He doesn’t like being
questioned publicly,” says another. “And when he is, he ends up making rash
decisions to remove the problem from his orbit.”

On March 24, Adams caved. “He just wanted to get it over with,” says a person
close to the mayor. “It got to the point where he couldn’t take the public
humiliation of it all.” In a subtle dig at Irving, the mayor appeared not at
Barclays Center but at Citi Field to announce an “athletes and performers”
exemption to the private-sector mandate. (It immediately became known as the
Kyrie Carve-Out.) The stated reason for the reversal was that New York teams
would otherwise be at a disadvantage and that playing ball at less than full
strength would damage New York’s fiscal health. (The idea was laughable: If New
York’s $1.6 trillion economy is dependent on championships, then the mayor’s
first priority should be a municipal takeover of the Knicks.)

“We’re doing it because the city has to function,” Adams said at the event. He
denied having been lobbied on the subject. “Tough choices take a tough person to
be able to make them. We’re not doing it because there are pressures to do it.”
Ashwin Vasan, the city’s new health commissioner, was not present. Just days
earlier, at his first press conference, Vasan had said the city was going to
follow the science and keep the private-sector mandate in place.

The heads of the city’s public-sector unions — only weeks removed from seeing
hundreds of their members fired — were apoplectic. The rest of the city’s
political class was beginning to recognize a pattern. Had Adams dealt with the
Irving situation earlier, it would never have become such an albatross. Instead,
the mayor blustered and drew lines in the sand only to erase them, and in the
end he did something he wanted to do all along while making it look to all
involved as if he were doing a favor for a donor. Adams, many learned, can be
waited out. And he yields to pressure. “The lesson here is the same lesson we
keep learning,” says one person involved in the dispute. “Don’t take anything
the mayor says at face value. He’s got a glass jaw. That is just what it comes
down to.”

At a Tribeca Festival after-party with RHONJ stars Joe and Melissa Gorga. Photo:
Noam Galai/Getty Images

One of the more remarkable features of Adams’s weak start is that it’s largely
self-inflicted. It hasn’t come because an outside antagonist is beating him up.
Eight years ago, when de Blasio won with relative ease, city comptroller Scott
Stringer immediately set himself up in opposition and railed on the new mayor
about questions of managerial competence. Adams hasn’t faced anything like that.

Jumaane Williams, the ultraprogressive public advocate, spent the first half of
the year focusing on a failed run for governor, and despite their ideological
differences, he is close enough to Adams that the mayor attended his wedding in
2021. Brad Lander, who has Stringer’s old job as comptroller, has seemed
hesitant to engage. Adrienne Adams, the Council Speaker whom Adams worked to
defeat, has, according to people close to her, been reluctant to be too
aggressive in her criticism of the mayor for fear of playing into a media
narrative of two Black leaders squaring off.

Even the Post has eschewed the sort of hounding coverage that helped crater de
Blasio’s popularity. The tabloid is ideologically in sync with the mayor on
crime — both talk about it constantly — and is more focused on targeting
easier-to-lampoon Democrats. In June, President Biden was dragged on the front
page seven times; Adams appeared once, with editors positioning him favorably in
an “all-out war” against Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. It has helped to give Adams
cover on what might otherwise have been administration-defining scandals. Most
recently, the tabloid underplayed coverage of Adams’s admission in late June
that he did, after all, own half of an apartment he had long claimed to have
given to a former partner.

Part of the reason for the muted criticism is that Adams is difficult to pin
down, the kind of operator who embraces his critics by letting them into his
fold. Adams is for tough-on-crime policing but says he will not tolerate police
abuses. He has pledged to build more housing across the city but has hesitated
when that means engaging in specific fights in specific neighborhoods over
determined opposition. He speaks often of governing on behalf of forgotten
communities but has formed alliances with some of the most powerful elites in
the city’s fabric.

The lesson here is the same lesson we keep learning. Don’t take anything the
mayor says at face value. He’s got a glass jaw.

None of those bonds is as revealing as the one with Mike Bloomberg. Back when
Adams was a state senator and Bloomberg was seeking to overturn term-limit laws,
Adams held a “FOR SALE: NYC” sign at a council hearing and admonished its
members not to be the billionaire’s “puppets.” He charged that Bloomberg’s NYPD
was racist, telling a federal court the former mayor’s police commissioner had
admitted that his stop-and-frisk policy was designed to intimidate young Black
men. (The commissioner denied making the comment.) But in 2019, with Bloomberg
preparing to seek the Democratic nomination for president, the two had breakfast
at a Brooklyn diner the morning before Bloomberg gave a speech apologizing for
stop and frisk. Adams never endorsed Bloomberg but did release a statement
backing him up, saying his apology would “provide a spark for greater healing.”
Adams also later said that stop and frisk was “a great tool” and that the NYPD
should never have taken it out of its arsenal.

Bloomberg is still seen as radioactive by much of the local Democratic
electorate’s progressive base, but soon after Adams won the mayoral primary in
June, he visited the billionaire at his Upper East Side corporate headquarters.
Bloomberg later hosted a fundraiser for him. Top Bloomberg officials advised the
Adams transition, and the two speak regularly on the phone. At least half a
dozen key hires in the early Adams administration were senior Bloomberg
officials. “You know how in Washington when the Democrats lose power and the
Republicans come in or vice versa?” says a former de Blasio aide who briefly
continued under Adams. “It’s like that, but instead all the de Blasio people are
gone and the Bloomberg people are back and are crowing about it.”

On Valentine’s Day, Adams hosted an 80th-birthday party for Bloomberg at Gracie
Mansion. The feeling in the room was one of triumph, people in attendance said
later, of a regime restored. It was the first time denizens of Bloomberg World
had been back after eight years of exile under de Blasio. Adams arrived an hour
late — he had been in Albany, failing to sway lawmakers on bail reform. He
presented Bloomberg with a key to the city and read a proclamation, ad-libbing
that his predecessor, who was wearing a maroon V-neck sweater over a checked
shirt, was “the original mayor of swagger.” He teased Bloomberg about his many
houses and made light of his own variable living situation: “Nobody knows where
you live, but that’s okay. They are still trying to figure out where I live.” At
the end of his remarks, the mayor said, “I love you, Mike.”

The two continue to speak regularly. They make an odd pair, the billionaire
mayor and his blue-collar counterpart, but the fact that they are aligned so
tightly speaks to this political moment. Both are pro-business, pro–Wall Street,
and pro–charter school. In a city where the Democratic primary has grown whiter,
better educated, and more progressive over the past several years, working-class
Black New Yorkers and Wall Street titans can reign only if they coalesce against
the rising left. And yet the alliance is only as strong as the mayor at its
core. When Adams submitted his first city budget — ordinarily an X-ray of what a
mayor cares about — it was an austerity slate that only a Bloombergian could
love, with spending cuts of $2 billion in areas such as schools, the arts,
parks, and sanitation while the police stayed at par. Howls came from
councilmembers representing Adams’s working- and middle-class constituents. He
acquiesced on several fronts, restoring $1.2 billion, and the city was once
again left wondering what his governing priorities truly are.

After the speeches at Gracie, staffers for both administrations lingered,
drinking the free booze. But Bloomberg didn’t stick around much longer, and
neither did Adams. Never mind that Gracie Mansion is his house, that his bedroom
is upstairs, and that there were people with long experience in the trenches of
government in his living room. The mayor greeted a few people, walked out the
front door into a waiting black SUV, and left into the night.

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* Is Eric Adams All Talk?
* Mayor Adams’s Big, Beaming Debut
* Who Will Be Eric Adams’s Partner in Power?

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nymag.com Open in urlscan Pro 151.101.129.91 Public Scan

Form analysis 24 forms found in the DOM

Name: search — GET https://nymag.com/search.html

Name: search — GET https://nymag.com/search.html

GET /newsletter/subscribe/new/

GET /api/newsletter/users

GET /newsletter/subscribe/new/

GET /api/newsletter/users

GET /newsletter/subscribe/new/

GET /api/newsletter/users

GET /newsletter/subscribe/new/

GET /api/newsletter/users

GET /newsletter/subscribe/new/

GET /api/newsletter/users

GET https://tr.snapchat.com/cm/i

Text Content

nymag.com Open in urlscan Pro
151.101.129.91 Public Scan

Form analysis
24 forms found in the DOM