www.amazon.com Open in urlscan Pro
143.204.94.173  Public Scan

URL: https://www.amazon.com/Team-Rivals-Political-Abraham-Lincoln/dp/0743270754
Submission: On July 23 via manual from IN — Scanned from DE

Form analysis 5 forms found in the DOM

Name: site-searchGET /s/ref=nb_sb_noss

<form id="nav-search-bar-form" accept-charset="utf-8" action="/s/ref=nb_sb_noss" class="nav-searchbar nav-progressive-attribute" method="GET" name="site-search" role="search">
  <div id="nav-search-bar-internationalization-key" class="nav-progressive-content">
    <input type="hidden" name="__mk_de_DE" value="ÅMÅŽÕÑ">
  </div>
  <div class="nav-left">
    <div id="nav-search-dropdown-card">
      <div class="nav-search-scope nav-sprite">
        <div class="nav-search-facade" data-value="search-alias=aps">
          <span id="nav-search-label-id" class="nav-search-label nav-progressive-content" style="width: auto;">Bücher</span>
          <i class="nav-icon"></i>
        </div>
        <span id="searchDropdownDescription" class="nav-progressive-attribute" style="display:none">Wählen Sie die Kategorie aus, in der Sie suchen möchten.</span>
        <select aria-describedby="searchDropdownDescription" class="nav-search-dropdown searchSelect nav-progressive-attrubute nav-progressive-search-dropdown" data-nav-digest="1SD8NwQshDByAo2UzADo2J0Dtdw=" data-nav-selected="3"
          id="searchDropdownBox" name="url" style="display: block; top: 2.5px;" tabindex="0" title="Suchen in">
          <option value="search-alias=aps">Alle Kategorien</option>
          <option value="search-alias=automotive-intl-ship">Automobil</option>
          <option value="search-alias=baby-products-intl-ship">Baby</option>
          <option selected="selected" current="parent" value="search-alias=stripbooks-intl-ship">Bücher</option>
          <option value="search-alias=computers-intl-ship">Computer</option>
          <option value="search-alias=fashion-womens-intl-ship">Damenmode</option>
          <option value="search-alias=electronics-intl-ship">Elektronik</option>
          <option value="search-alias=movies-tv-intl-ship">Filme und Fernsehen</option>
          <option value="search-alias=luggage-intl-ship">Gepäck</option>
          <option value="search-alias=hpc-intl-ship">Gesundheit &amp; Haushalt</option>
          <option value="search-alias=pets-intl-ship">Haustierbedarf</option>
          <option value="search-alias=kitchen-intl-ship">Heim und Küche</option>
          <option value="search-alias=fashion-mens-intl-ship">Herrenmode</option>
          <option value="search-alias=industrial-intl-ship">Industriell und Wissenschaftlich</option>
          <option value="search-alias=digital-text">Kindle-Shop</option>
          <option value="search-alias=arts-crafts-intl-ship">Kunst und Handwerk</option>
          <option value="search-alias=fashion-boys-intl-ship">Mode für Jungen</option>
          <option value="search-alias=fashion-girls-intl-ship">Mode für Mädchen</option>
          <option value="search-alias=music-intl-ship">Musik, CDs &amp; Vinyl</option>
          <option value="search-alias=digital-music">Musik-Downloads</option>
          <option value="search-alias=instant-video">Prime Video</option>
          <option value="search-alias=deals-intl-ship">Sales &amp; Angebote</option>
          <option value="search-alias=beauty-intl-ship">Schönheit &amp; Körperpflege</option>
          <option value="search-alias=software-intl-ship">Software</option>
          <option value="search-alias=toys-and-games-intl-ship">Spielzeug und Spiele</option>
          <option value="search-alias=sporting-intl-ship">Sport und Freizeit</option>
          <option value="search-alias=videogames-intl-ship">Videospiele</option>
          <option value="search-alias=tools-intl-ship">Werkzeug &amp; Heimwerken</option>
        </select>
      </div>
    </div>
  </div>
  <div class="nav-fill">
    <div class="nav-search-field ">
      <input type="text" id="twotabsearchtextbox" value="" name="field-keywords" autocomplete="off" placeholder="" class="nav-input nav-progressive-attribute" dir="auto" tabindex="0" aria-label="Suche">
    </div>
    <div id="nav-iss-attach"></div>
  </div>
  <div class="nav-right">
    <div class="nav-search-submit nav-sprite">
      <span id="nav-search-submit-text" class="nav-search-submit-text nav-sprite nav-progressive-attribute" aria-label="Los">
        <input id="nav-search-submit-button" type="submit" class="nav-input nav-progressive-attribute" value="Los" tabindex="0">
      </span>
    </div>
  </div>
</form>

POST /gp/product/handle-buy-box/ref=dp_start-bbf_1_glance

<form method="post" id="addToCart" action="/gp/product/handle-buy-box/ref=dp_start-bbf_1_glance" class="a-content">
  <input type="hidden" name="CSRF" value="g7y20j9HMXc6ugSgpkD2dz31wE0FlHPmaxi+Tgl78F5PAAAADAAAAABi23SMcmF3AAAAABVX8CwXqz4nuL9RKX///w=="> <input type="hidden" id="anti-csrftoken-a2z" name="anti-csrftoken-a2z"
    value="gxAQq5kDS2Kr2cGpFEvGd6o6HiIxeutBRYPIlzkX/ZukAAAADAAAAABi23SMcmF3AAAAABVX8CwXqz4nuL9RKf///w==">
  <input type="hidden" id="offerListingID" name="offerListingID" value="">
  <input type="hidden" id="session-id" name="session-id" value="144-9484590-3187245">
  <input type="hidden" id="ASIN" name="ASIN" value="0743270754">
  <input type="hidden" id="isMerchantExclusive" name="isMerchantExclusive" value="0">
  <input type="hidden" id="merchantID" name="merchantID" value="">
  <input type="hidden" id="isAddon" name="isAddon" value="0">
  <input type="hidden" id="nodeID" name="nodeID" value="">
  <input type="hidden" id="sellingCustomerID" name="sellingCustomerID" value="">
  <input type="hidden" id="qid" name="qid" value="">
  <input type="hidden" id="sr" name="sr" value="">
  <input type="hidden" id="storeID" name="storeID" value="">
  <input type="hidden" id="tagActionCode" name="tagActionCode" value="">
  <input type="hidden" id="viewID" name="viewID" value="glance">
  <input type="hidden" id="rebateId" name="rebateId" value="">
  <input type="hidden" id="ctaDeviceType" name="ctaDeviceType" value="desktop">
  <input type="hidden" id="ctaPageType" name="ctaPageType" value="detail">
  <input type="hidden" id="usePrimeHandler" name="usePrimeHandler" value="0">
  <input type="hidden" id="rsid" name="rsid" value="144-9484590-3187245">
  <input type="hidden" id="sourceCustomerOrgListID" name="sourceCustomerOrgListID" value="">
  <input type="hidden" id="sourceCustomerOrgListItemID" name="sourceCustomerOrgListItemID" value="">
  <input type="hidden" name="wlPopCommand" value="">
  <div id="usedOnlyBuybox" class="a-section a-spacing-medium">
    <div class="a-row a-spacing-medium">
      <div class="a-box">
        <div class="a-box-inner">
          <div class="a-section a-spacing-none a-padding-none">
            <div id="usedBuySection" class="rbbHeader dp-accordion-row">
              <div class="a-row a-grid-vertical-align a-grid-center" style="height:41px;">
                <div class="a-column a-span12 a-text-left"> <span class="a-text-bold">Gebraucht kaufen</span> <span class="a-size-base a-color-price offer-price a-text-normal">8,55&nbsp;$</span> </div>
              </div>
              <div class="a-row"> <span class="a-size-base a-color-price offer-price a-text-normal"></span> </div>
            </div>
            <div id="usedbuyBox" class="rbbContent dp-accordion-inner" spacingtop="small">
              <input type="hidden" id="usedMerchantID" name="usedMerchantID" value="A18M87EIBCSR0">
              <input type="hidden" id="usedOfferListingID" name="usedOfferListingID"
                value="6KYyW09P7Qon1b89%2FTjQkrMZ9fSQV%2FJ8xpK8dE6xqyZCZihA5%2FAZ%2BVcGlUpmbULXUokNMpmbvFpt10Ycsdjco%2BUQC8gg66bT1pbChAOswtDxuWlwSQ6ALEEkQIdZWeK3A4wfvz5DzAMgjGvVknFfHiP2xphgRv7711hZMnvjFGbrxuU6T1C2Nw%3D%3D">
              <input type="hidden" id="usedSellingCustomerID" name="usedSellingCustomerID" value="">
              <input type="hidden" name="items[0.base][asin]" value="0743270754">
              <input type="hidden" name="clientName" value="OffersX_OfferDisplay_DetailPage">
              <input type="hidden" name="items[0.base][offerListingId]"
                value="6KYyW09P7Qon1b89%2FTjQkrMZ9fSQV%2FJ8xpK8dE6xqyZCZihA5%2FAZ%2BVcGlUpmbULXUokNMpmbvFpt10Ycsdjco%2BUQC8gg66bT1pbChAOswtDxuWlwSQ6ALEEkQIdZWeK3A4wfvz5DzAMgjGvVknFfHiP2xphgRv7711hZMnvjFGbrxuU6T1C2Nw%3D%3D">
              <div id="usedDeliveryBlockContainer" class="a-row">
                <div id="deliveryBlock_feature_div" class="a-section a-spacing-none">
                  <div id="deliveryBlockMessage" class="a-section">
                    <div id="mir-layout-DELIVERY_BLOCK">
                      <div class="a-spacing-base" id="mir-layout-DELIVERY_BLOCK-slot-NO_PROMISE_UPSELL_MESSAGE"></div>
                      <div class="a-spacing-base" id="mir-layout-DELIVERY_BLOCK-slot-PRIMARY_DELIVERY_MESSAGE_LARGE"><span data-csa-c-type="element" data-csa-c-content-id="DEXUnifiedCXPDM" data-csa-c-delivery-price="" data-csa-c-value-proposition=""
                          data-csa-c-delivery-type="Lieferung" data-csa-c-delivery-time="Freitag, 12. August" data-csa-c-delivery-condition="" data-csa-c-pickup-location="" data-csa-c-distance="" data-csa-c-delivery-cutoff=""
                          data-csa-c-mir-view="CONSOLIDATED_CX" data-csa-c-mir-type="DELIVERY" data-csa-c-mir-sub-type="" data-csa-c-mir-variant="DEFAULT" data-csa-c-delivery-benefit-program-id="paid_shipping"
                          data-csa-c-id="4czw1n-n3b3u9-3860mo-t8m5y5"> Lieferung <span class="a-text-bold">Freitag, 12. August</span> </span></div>
                      <div class="a-spacing-base" id="mir-layout-DELIVERY_BLOCK-slot-CORE_FREE_SHIPPING_SUPPLEMENTARY_MESSAGE"></div>
                      <div class="a-spacing-base" id="mir-layout-DELIVERY_BLOCK-slot-SECONDARY_DELIVERY_MESSAGE_LARGE"><span data-csa-c-type="element" data-csa-c-content-id="DEXUnifiedCXSDM" data-csa-c-delivery-price="schnellste"
                          data-csa-c-value-proposition="" data-csa-c-delivery-type="Lieferung" data-csa-c-delivery-time="3. - 11. August" data-csa-c-delivery-condition="" data-csa-c-pickup-location="" data-csa-c-distance=""
                          data-csa-c-delivery-cutoff="" data-csa-c-mir-view="CONSOLIDATED_CX" data-csa-c-mir-type="DELIVERY" data-csa-c-mir-sub-type="" data-csa-c-mir-variant="DEFAULT" data-csa-c-delivery-benefit-program-id=""
                          data-csa-c-id="g3h50z-w9o9cd-2tjiih-h2v2bd"> Oder schnellste Lieferung <span class="a-text-bold">3. - 11. August</span> </span></div>
                      <div class="a-spacing-base" id="mir-layout-DELIVERY_BLOCK-slot-EXTENDED_DELIVERY_PROMISE_MESSAGE"></div>
                      <div class="a-spacing-base" id="mir-layout-DELIVERY_BLOCK-slot-HOLIDAY_DELIVERY_MESSAGE"></div>
                      <div class="a-spacing-base" id="mir-layout-DELIVERY_BLOCK-slot-SUPPLEMENTAL_DELIVERY_MESSAGE"></div>
                    </div>
                  </div>
                </div>
                <div id="cipInsideDeliveryBlock_feature_div" class="a-section a-spacing-none"> <span class="a-declarative" data-action="dpContextualIngressPt" data-csa-c-type="widget" data-csa-c-func-deps="aui-da-dpContextualIngressPt"
                    data-dpcontextualingresspt="{}" data-csa-c-id="izaqqv-pxob7a-2caxic-ectq2c"> <a class="a-link-normal" href="#"> <div class="a-row a-spacing-small"> <div class="a-column a-span12 a-text-left"> <div id="contextualIngressPt">
                        <div id="contextualIngressPtPin"></div>
                        <span id="contextualIngressPtLabel" class="cip-a-size-small">
                            <div id="contextualIngressPtLabel_deliveryShortLine"><span>Liefern nach&nbsp;</span><span>Deutschland</span></div>
                        </span>
                    </div>
                </div> </div> </a> </span> </div>
              </div>
              <div class="a-section a-spacing-base">
                <div class="a-row"> <strong> Gebraucht: Akzeptabel </strong>
                  <span class="a-size-base"> <span class="a-color-tertiary"> | </span><a id="usedItemConditionInfoLink" class="a-link-normal a-declarative" href="#">Details</a> </span>
                </div>
                <div class="a-row"> Verkauft von <a id="sellerProfileTriggerId" data-is-ubb="true" class="a-link-normal" href="/-/de/gp/help/seller/at-a-glance.html?ie=UTF8&amp;seller=A18M87EIBCSR0&amp;isAmazonFulfilled=1">2nd Life Aloha</a> </div>
                <div class="a-row"> <a id="SSOFpopoverLink_ubb" class="a-link-normal a-declarative" href="/-/de/gp/help/customer/display.html?ie=UTF8&amp;ref=dp_ubb_fulfillment&amp;nodeId=106096011">Versand durch Amazon</a> </div>
              </div>
              <div class="a-popover-preload" id="a-popover-usedItemConditionDetailsPopover">
                <div class="a-section a-spacing-micro"> <span class="a-size-mini"> <strong>Zustand:</strong> Gebraucht: Akzeptabel </span> </div>
                <div class="a-section a-spacing-micro"> <span class="a-size-mini"> <strong>Kommentar:</strong> All pages and the cover are intact but may have significant wear including heavy creasing and curled corners. Pages may include notes,
                    highlighting, or water damage but the text is readable </span> </div>
              </div>
              <div class="a-popover-preload" id="a-popover-SSOFpopoverLink_ubb-content">
                <p>Beim Versand durch Amazon nutzen Verkaufspartner die Logistik der Amazon-Versandzentren: Amazon verpackt und verschickt die Artikel und übernimmt den Kundenservice. <b>Ihre Vorteile:</b> <em>(1) Lieferung ab 29 EUR Bestellwert
                    (Bücher, Bekleidung und Schuhe generell versandkostenfrei, auch zusammen mit Media-Produkten). (2) Kombinieren und sparen - bestellen Sie bei Amazon.de oder Verkaufspartnern, die den Versand durch Amazon nutzen, wird Ihre
                    Bestellung zu einer Lieferung zusammengefasst. (3) Alle Artikel sind mit Amazon Prime für noch schnellere Lieferung bestellbar.</em></p>
                <p>Wenn Sie Verkäufer sind, kann Versand durch Amazon Ihnen dabei helfen, Ihre Umsätze zu steigern. <a href="https://services.amazon.de/programme/versand-durch-amazon/merkmale-und-vorteile.html">Weitere Informationen zum Programm</a>
                </p>
              </div>
              <script type="text/javascript">
                P.when("A", "jQuery", "a-popover", "ready").execute(function(A, $, popover) {
                  "use strict";
                  var title = "Was bedeutet Versand durch Amazon?";
                  var triggerId = "#SSOFpopoverLink_ubb";
                  var contentId = "SSOFpopoverLink_ubb-content";
                  var options = {
                    "header": title,
                    "name": contentId,
                    "activate": "onclick",
                    "width": 430,
                    "position": "triggerBottom"
                  };
                  var $trigger = $(triggerId);
                  var instance = popover.create($trigger, options);
                });
              </script>
              <script type="a-state" data-a-state="{&quot;key&quot;:&quot;atc-page-state&quot;}">{"shouldUseNatcUsed":true}</script>
              <div class="a-button-stack"> <span class="a-declarative" data-action="dp-pre-atc-declarative" data-csa-c-type="widget" data-csa-c-func-deps="aui-da-dp-pre-atc-declarative" data-dp-pre-atc-declarative="{}" id="atc-declarative"
                  data-csa-c-id="f25p22-xsct8n-l38mq0-5b86gi"> <span id="submit.add-to-cart-ubb" class="a-button a-spacing-small a-button-primary a-button-icon natc-enabled"><span class="a-button-inner"><i class="a-icon a-icon-cart"></i><input
                        id="add-to-cart-button-ubb" name="submit.add-to-cart-ubb" title="In den Einkaufswagen" data-hover="Wählen Sie <b>__dims__</b> auf der linken Seite<br> zum Hinzufügen zum Einkaufswagen" class="a-button-input" type="submit"
                        value="In den Einkaufswagen" aria-labelledby="submit.add-to-cart-ubb-announce" formaction="/cart/add-to-cart/ref=dp_start-ubbf_1_glance"><span id="submit.add-to-cart-ubb-announce" class="a-button-text" aria-hidden="true">In
                        den Einkaufswagen</span></span></span> </span> </div>
              <div class="a-section a-spacing-none a-text-center">
                <div class="a-row">
                  <div class="a-button-stack"> </div>
                </div>
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            </div>
          </div>
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      </div>
    </div>
    <div class="a-box a-spacing-top-base">
      <div class="a-box-inner">
        <script>
          function atwlEarlyClick(e) {
            e.preventDefault();
            if (window.atwlLoaded) {
              return; //if JS is loaded then we can ignore the early click case
            }
            var ADD_TO_LIST_FROM_DETAIL_PAGE_VENDOR_ID = "website.wishlist.detail.add.earlyclick";
            var paramMap = {
              "asin": "0743270754",
              "vendorId": ADD_TO_LIST_FROM_DETAIL_PAGE_VENDOR_ID,
              "isAjax": "false"
            }
            var url = "/hz/wishlist/additemtolist?ie=UTF8";
            for (var param in paramMap) {
              url += "&" + param + "=" + paramMap[param];
            }
            var xhr = new XMLHttpRequest();
            xhr.open("POST", url, false);
            xhr.setRequestHeader("anti-csrftoken-a2z", "g1ijpIGYpVNReVcHCfVkNxsXzurIkGjGq8rLtp1o9R8sAAAAAQAAAABi23SMcmF3AAAAAHuL9oHQYR32uqP6iUf9gA==");
            xhr.onload = function() {
              window.location = xhr.responseURL; //Needed to force a redirect; not supported on IE!
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            xhr.send();
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        <style type="text/css">
          #wl-main-inline-wrapper {
            display: grid;
            border-radius: 3px 0 0 3px;
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          #wl-main-inline-wrapper #wishListMainButton {
            border: none;
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        </style>
        <div id="wishlistButtonStack" class="a-button-stack">
          <div id="add-to-wishlist-button-group" data-csa-c-func-deps="aui-da-a-button-group" data-csa-c-type="widget" data-csa-interaction-events="click" data-hover="<!-- If PartialItemStateWeblab is true then, showing different Add-to-wish-list tool-tip message which is consistent with Add-to-Cart tool tip message.  -->
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       Auf die Liste? Bitte wählen Sie aus dem Sortiment links." class="a-button-text a-text-left"> Auf die Liste </a></span></span> </div>
          <div id="atwl-inline-spinner" class="a-section a-hidden">
            <div class="a-spinner-wrapper"><span class="a-spinner a-spinner-medium"></span></div>
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          <div id="atwl-inline" class="a-section a-spacing-none a-hidden">
            <div class="a-row a-text-ellipsis">
              <div id="atwl-inline-sucess-msg" class="a-box a-alert-inline a-alert-inline-success" aria-live="polite" aria-atomic="true">
                <div class="a-box-inner a-alert-container"><i class="a-icon a-icon-alert"></i>
                  <div class="a-alert-content"> <span class="a-size-base" role="alert"> Hinzugefügt zu </span> </div>
                </div>
              </div> <a id="atwl-inline-link" class="a-link-normal" href="/-/de/gp/registry/wishlist/"> <span id="atwl-inline-link-text" class="a-size-base" role="alert"> </span> </a>
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          <div id="atwl-inline-error" class="a-section a-hidden">
            <div class="a-box a-alert-inline a-alert-inline-error" role="alert">
              <div class="a-box-inner a-alert-container"><i class="a-icon a-icon-alert"></i>
                <div class="a-alert-content"> <span id="atwl-inline-error-msg" class="a-size-base" role="alert"> Hinzufügen war nicht erfolgreich. Bitte versuchen Sie es erneut. </span> </div>
              </div>
            </div>
          </div>
          <div id="atwl-dd-spinner-holder" class="a-section a-hidden">
            <div class="a-row a-dropdown">
              <div class="a-section a-popover-wrapper">
                <div class="a-section a-text-center a-popover-inner">
                  <div class="a-box a-popover-loading">
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                </div>
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            </div>
          </div>
          <div id="atwl-dd-error-holder" class="a-section a-hidden">
            <div class="a-section a-dropdown">
              <div class="a-section a-popover-wrapper">
                <div class="a-section a-spacing-base a-padding-base a-text-left a-popover-inner">
                  <h3 class="a-color-error"> Es ist ein Fehler aufgetreten. </h3> <span> Es gab einen Fehler beim Abrufen Ihres Wunschzettels. Bitte versuchen Sie es noch einmal. </span>
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          <div id="atwl-dd-unavail-holder" class="a-section a-hidden">
            <div class="a-section a-dropdown">
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                  <h3 class="a-color-error"> Es ist ein Fehler aufgetreten. </h3> <span> Liste nicht verfügbar. </span>
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Doris Kearns Goodwin
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TEAM OF RIVALS: THE POLITICAL GENIUS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN TASCHENBUCH –
ILLUSTRIERT, 26. SEPTEMBER 2006

von
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One of the most influential books of the past fifty years, Team of Rivals is
Pulitzer Prize–winning author and esteemed presidential historian Doris Kearns
Goodwin’s modern classic about the political genius of Abraham Lincoln, his
unlikely presidency, and his cabinet of former political foes.

Winner of the prestigious Lincoln Prize and the inspiration for the Oscar Award
winning–film Lincoln, starring Daniel Day-Lewis, directed by Steven Spielberg,
and written by Tony Kushner.

On May 18, 1860, William H. Seward, Salmon P. Chase, Edward Bates, and Abraham
Lincoln waited in their hometowns for the results from the Republican National
Convention in Chicago. When Lincoln emerged as the victor, his rivals were
dismayed and angry.

Throughout the turbulent 1850s, each had energetically sought the presidency as
the conflict over slavery was leading inexorably to secession and civil war.
That Lincoln succeeded, Goodwin demonstrates, was the result of a character that
had been forged by experiences that raised him above his more privileged and
accomplished rivals. He won because he possessed an extraordinary ability to put
himself in the place of other men, to experience what they were feeling, to
understand their motives and desires.

It was this capacity that enabled Lincoln as president to bring his disgruntled
opponents together, create the most unusual cabinet in history, and marshal
their talents to the task of preserving the Union and winning the war.

We view the long, horrifying struggle from the vantage of the White House as
Lincoln copes with incompetent generals, hostile congressmen, and his raucous
cabinet. He overcomes these obstacles by winning the respect of his former
competitors, and in the case of Seward, finds a loyal and crucial friend to see
him through.

This brilliant multiple biography is centered on Lincoln's mastery of men and
how it shaped the most significant presidency in the nation's history.

Mehr lesen



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Previous page
 1. Seitenzahl der Print-Ausgabe
    
    944 Seiten
 2. Sprache
    
    Englisch
 3. Herausgeber
    
    Simon & Schuster
 4. Erscheinungstermin
    
    26. September 2006
 5. Abmessungen
    
    15.56 x 4.32 x 23.5 cm
 6. ISBN-10
    
    0743270754
 7. ISBN-13
    
    978-0743270755
 8. Alle Details anzeigen

Next page













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--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Beliebte Markierungen in diesem Buch
Was sind beliebte Markierungen?
Previous page
 1. In order to “win a man to your cause,” Lincoln explained, you must first
    reach his heart, “the great high road to his reason.”
    Von2,447 Kindle-Lesern markiert
 2. Lincoln understood that the greatest challenge for a leader in a democratic
    society is to educate public opinion. “With public sentiment, nothing can
    fail; without it nothing can succeed,” he said. “Consequently he who moulds
    public sentiment, goes deeper than he who enacts statutes or pronounces
    decisions.”
    Von1,637 Kindle-Lesern markiert
 3. “With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right,
    as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are
    in; to bind up the nation’s wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the
    battle, and for his widow, and his orphan—to do all which may achieve and
    cherish a just, and a lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations.”
    Von1,628 Kindle-Lesern markiert

Next page







REZENSIONEN DER REDAKTION


REVIEW

"An elegant, incisive study....Goodwin has brilliantly described how Lincoln
forged a team that preserved a nation and freed America from the curse of
slavery."

—James M. McPherson, The New York Times Book Review

"Goodwin's narrative abilities...are on full display here, and she does an
enthralling job of dramatizing...crucial moments in Lincoln's life....A portrait
of Lincoln as a virtuosic politician and managerial genius."

—Michiko Kakutani, The New York Times

"Splendid, beautifully written....Goodwin has brilliantly woven scores of
contemporary accounts...into a fluid narrative....This is the most richly
detailed account of the Civil War presidency to appear in many years."

—John Rhodehamel, Los Angeles Times

"Endlessly absorbing....[A] lovingly rendered and masterfully fashioned book."

—Jay Winik, The Wall Street Journal


ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Doris Kearns Goodwin’s interest in leadership began more than half a century ago
as a professor at Harvard. Her experiences working for Lyndon B. Johnson in the
White House and later assisting him on his memoirs led to her bestselling Lyndon
Johnson and the American Dream. She followed up with the Pulitzer Prize–winning
No Ordinary Time: Franklin & Eleanor Roosevelt: The Home Front in World War II.
She earned the Lincoln Prize for the runaway bestseller Team of Rivals, the
basis for Steven Spielberg’s Academy Award–winning film Lincoln, and the
Carnegie Medal for The Bully Pulpit, the New York Times bestselling chronicle of
the friendship between Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft. She lives in
Concord, Massachusetts. Visit her at DorisKearnsGoodwin.com or @DorisKGoodwin.


EXCERPT. © REPRINTED BY PERMISSION. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

Chapter 1: Four Men Waiting

On May 18, 1860, the day when the Republican Party would nominate its candidate
for president, Abraham Lincoln was up early. As he climbed the stairs to his
plainly furnished law office on the west side of the public square in
Springfield, Illinois, breakfast was being served at the 130-room Chenery House
on Fourth Street. Fresh butter, flour, lard, and eggs were being put out for
sale at the City Grocery Store on North Sixth Street. And in the morning
newspaper, the proprietors at Smith, Wickersham & Company had announced the
arrival of a large spring stock of silks, calicos, ginghams, and linens, along
with a new supply of the latest styles of hosiery and gloves.

The Republicans had chosen to meet in Chicago. A new convention hall called the
"Wigwam" had been constructed for the occasion. The first ballot was not due to
be called until 10 a.m. and Lincoln, although patient by nature, was visibly
"nervous, fidgety, and intensely excited." With an outside chance to secure the
Republican nomination for the highest office of the land, he was unable to focus
on his work. Even under ordinary circumstances many would have found
concentration difficult in the untidy office Lincoln shared with his younger
partner, William Herndon. Two worktables, piled high with papers and
correspondence, formed a T in the center of the room. Additional documents and
letters spilled out from the drawers and pigeonholes of an outmoded secretary in
the corner. When he needed a particular piece of correspondence, Lincoln had to
rifle through disorderly stacks of paper, rummaging, as a last resort, in the
lining of his old plug hat, where he often put stray letters or notes.

Restlessly descending to the street, he passed the state capitol building, set
back from the road, and the open lot where he played handball with his friends,
and climbed a short set of stairs to the office of the Illinois State Journal,
the local Republican newspaper. The editorial room on the second floor, with a
central large wood-burning stove, was a gathering place for the exchange of news
and gossip.

He wandered over to the telegraph office on the north side of the square to see
if any new dispatches had come in. There were few outward signs that this was a
day of special moment and expectation in the history of Springfield, scant
record of any celebration or festivity planned should Lincoln, long their fellow
townsman, actually secure the nomination. That he had garnered the support of
the Illinois delegation at the state convention at Decatur earlier that month
was widely understood to be a "complimentary" gesture. Yet if there were no firm
plans to celebrate his dark horse bid, Lincoln knew well the ardor of his
staunch circle of friends already at work on his behalf on the floor of the
Wigwam.

The hands of the town clock on the steeple of the Baptist church on Adams Street
must have seemed not to move. When Lincoln learned that his longtime friend
James Conkling had returned unexpectedly from the convention the previous
evening, he walked over to Conkling's office above Chatterton's jewelry store.
Told that his friend was expected within the hour, he returned to his own
quarters, intending to come back as soon as Conkling arrived.

Lincoln's shock of black hair, brown furrowed face, and deep-set eyes made him
look older than his fifty-one years. He was a familiar figure to almost everyone
in Springfield, as was his singular way of walking, which gave the impression
that his long, gaunt frame needed oiling. He plodded forward in an awkward
manner, hands hanging at his sides or folded behind his back. His step had no
spring, his partner William Herndon recalled. He lifted his whole foot at once
rather than lifting from the toes and then thrust the whole foot down on the
ground rather than landing on his heel. "His legs," another observer noted,
"seemed to drag from the knees down, like those of a laborer going home after a
hard day's work."

His features, even supporters conceded, were not such "as belong to a handsome
man." In repose, his face was "so overspread with sadness," the reporter Horace
White noted, that it seemed as if "Shakespeare's melancholy Jacques had been
translated from the forest of Arden to the capital of Illinois." Yet, when
Lincoln began to speak, White observed, "this expression of sorrow dropped from
him instantly. His face lighted up with a winning smile, and where I had a
moment before seen only leaden sorrow I now beheld keen intelligence, genuine
kindness of heart, and the promise of true friendship." If his appearance seemed
somewhat odd, what captivated admirers, another contemporary observed, was "his
winning manner, his ready good humor, and his unaffected kindness and
gentleness." Five minutes in his presence, and "you cease to think that he is
either homely or awkward."

Springfield had been Lincoln's home for nearly a quarter of a century. He had
arrived in the young city to practice law at twenty-eight years old, riding into
town, his great friend Joshua Speed recalled, "on a borrowed horse, with no
earthly property save a pair of saddle-bags containing a few clothes." The city
had grown rapidly, particularly after 1839, when it became the capital of
Illinois. By 1860, Springfield boasted nearly ten thousand residents, though its
business district, designed to accommodate the expanding population that arrived
in town when the legislature was in session, housed thousands more. Ten hotels
radiated from the public square where the capitol building stood. In addition,
there were multiple saloons and restaurants, seven newspapers, three billiard
halls, dozens of retail stores, three military armories, and two railroad
depots.

Here in Springfield, in the Edwards mansion on the hill, Lincoln had courted and
married "the belle of the town," young Mary Todd, who had come to live with her
married sister, Elizabeth, wife of Ninian Edwards, the well-to-do son of the
former governor of Illinois. Raised in a prominent Lexington, Kentucky, family,
Mary had received an education far superior to most girls her age. For four
years she had studied languages and literature in an exclusive boarding school
and then spent two additional years in what was considered graduate study. The
story is told of Lincoln's first meeting with Mary at a festive party.
Captivated by her lively manner, intelligent face, clear blue eyes, and dimpled
smile, Lincoln reportedly said, "I want to dance with you in the worst way."
And, Mary laughingly told her cousin later that night, "he certainly did." In
Springfield, all their children were born, and one was buried. In that spring of
1860, Mary was forty-two, Robert sixteen, William nine, and Thomas seven.
Edward, the second son, had died at the age of three.

Their home, described at the time as a modest "two-story frame house, having a
wide hall running through the centre, with parlors on both sides," stood close
to the street and boasted few trees and no garden. "The adornments were few, but
chastely appropriate," one contemporary observer noted. In the center hall stood
"the customary little table with a white marble top," on which were arranged
flowers, a silver-plated ice-water pitcher, and family photographs. Along the
walls were positioned some chairs and a sofa. "Everything," a journalist
observed, "tended to represent the home of a man who has battled hard with the
fortunes of life, and whose hard experience had taught him to enjoy whatever of
success belongs to him, rather in solid substance than in showy display."

During his years in Springfield, Lincoln had forged an unusually loyal circle of
friends. They had worked with him in the state legislature, helped him in his
campaigns for Congress and the Senate, and now, at this very moment, were
guiding his efforts at the Chicago convention, "moving heaven & Earth," they
assured him, in an attempt to secure him the nomination. These steadfast
companions included David Davis, the Circuit Court judge for the Eighth
District, whose three-hundred-pound body was matched by "a big brain and a big
heart"; Norman Judd, an attorney for the railroads and chairman of the Illinois
Republican state central committee; Leonard Swett, a lawyer from Bloomington who
believed he knew Lincoln "as intimately as I have ever known any man in my
life"; and Stephen Logan, Lincoln's law partner for three years in the early
forties.

Many of these friendships had been forged during the shared experience of the
"circuit," the eight weeks each spring and fall when Lincoln and his fellow
lawyers journeyed together throughout the state. They shared rooms and sometimes
beds in dusty village inns and taverns, spending long evenings gathered together
around a blazing fire. The economics of the legal profession in sparsely
populated Illinois were such that lawyers had to move about the state in the
company of the circuit judge, trying thousands of small cases in order to make a
living. The arrival of the traveling bar brought life and vitality to the county
seats, fellow rider Henry Whitney recalled. Villagers congregated on the
courthouse steps. When the court sessions were complete, everyone would gather
in the local tavern from dusk to dawn, sharing drinks, stories, and good cheer.

In these convivial settings, Lincoln was invariably the center of attention. No
one could equal his never-ending stream of stories nor his ability to reproduce
them with such contagious mirth. As his winding tales became more famous, crowds
of villagers awaited his arrival at every stop for the chance to hear a master
storyteller. Everywhere he went, he won devoted followers, friendships that
later emboldened his quest for office. Political life in these years, the
historian Robert Wiebe has observed, "broke down into clusters of men who were
bound together by mutual trust." And no political circle was more loyally bound
than the band of compatriots working for Lincoln in Chicago.

The prospects for his candidacy had taken wing in 1858 after his brilliant
campaign against the formidable Democratic leader, Stephen Douglas, in a
dramatic senate race in Illinois that had attracted national attention. Though
Douglas had won a narrow victory, Lincoln managed to unite the disparate
elements of his state's fledgling Republican Party -- that curious amalgamation
of former Whigs, antislavery Democrats, nativists, foreigners, radicals, and
conservatives. In the mid-1850s, the Republican Party had come together in state
after state in the North with the common goal of preventing the spread of
slavery to the territories. "Of strange, discordant, and even, hostile
elements," Lincoln proudly claimed, "we gathered from the four winds, and formed
and fought the battle through." The story of Lincoln's rise to power was
inextricably linked to the increasing intensity of the antislavery cause. Public
feeling on the slavery issue had become so flammable that Lincoln's seven
debates with Douglas were carried in newspapers across the land, proving the
prairie lawyer from Springfield more than a match for the most likely Democratic
nominee for the presidency.

Furthermore, in an age when speech-making prowess was central to political
success, when the spoken word filled the air "from sun-up til sun-down,"
Lincoln's stirring oratory had earned the admiration of a far-flung audience who
had either heard him speak or read his speeches in the paper. As his reputation
grew, the invitations to speak multiplied. In the year before the convention, he
had appeared before tens of thousands of people in Ohio, Iowa, Indiana,
Wisconsin, Kentucky, New York, and New England. The pinnacle of his success was
reached at Cooper Union in New York, where, on the evening of February 27, 1860,
before a zealous crowd of more than fifteen hundred people, Lincoln delivered
what the New York Tribune called "one of the happiest and most convincing
political arguments ever made in this City" in defense of Republican principles
and the need to confine slavery to the places where it already existed. "The
vast assemblage frequently rang with cheers and shouts of applause, which were
prolonged and intensified at the close. No man ever before made such an
impression on his first appeal to a New-York audience."

Lincoln's success in the East bolstered his supporters at home. On May 10, the
fired-up Republican state convention at Decatur nominated him for president,
labeling him "the Rail Candidate for President" after two fence rails he had
supposedly split in his youth were ceremoniously carried into the hall. The
following week, the powerful Chicago Press and Tribune formally endorsed
Lincoln, arguing that his moderate politics represented the thinking of most
people, that he would come into the contest "with no clogs, no embarrassment,"
an "honest man" who represented all the "fundamentals of Republicanism," with
"due respect for the rights of the South."

Still, Lincoln clearly understood that he was "new in the field," that outside
of Illinois he was not "the first choice of a very great many." His only
political experience on the national level consisted of two failed Senate races
and a single term in Congress that had come to an end nearly a dozen years
earlier. By contrast, the three other contenders for the nomination were
household names in Republican circles. William Henry Seward had been a
celebrated senator from New York for more than a decade and governor of his
state for two terms before he went to Washington. Ohio's Salmon P. Chase, too,
had been both senator and governor, and had played a central role in the
formation of the national Republican Party. Edward Bates was a widely respected
elder statesman, a delegate to the convention that had framed the Missouri
Constitution, and a former congressman whose opinions on national matters were
still widely sought.

Recognizing that Seward held a commanding lead at the start, followed by Chase
and Bates, Lincoln's strategy was to give offense to no one. He wanted to leave
the delegates "in a mood to come to us, if they shall be compelled to give up
their first love." This was clearly understood by Lincoln's team in Chicago and
by all the delegates whom Judge Davis had commandeered to join the fight. "We
are laboring to make you the second choice of all the Delegations we can, where
we can't make you first choice," Scott County delegate Nathan Knapp told Lincoln
when he first arrived in Chicago. "Keep a good nerve," Knapp advised, "be not
surprised at any result -- but I tell you that your chances are not the
worst...brace your nerves for any result." Knapp's message was followed by one
from Davis himself on the second day of the convention. "Am very hopeful," he
warned Lincoln, but "dont be Excited."

The warnings were unnecessary -- Lincoln was, above all, a realist who fully
understood that he faced an uphill climb against his better-known rivals.
Anxious to get a clearer picture of the situation, he headed back to Conkling's
office, hoping that his old friend had returned. This time he was not
disappointed. As Conkling later told the story, Lincoln stretched himself upon
an old settee that stood by the front window, "his head on a cushion and his
feet over the end," while Conkling related all he had seen and heard in the
previous two days before leaving the Wigwam. Conkling told Lincoln that Seward
was in trouble, that he had enemies not only in other states but at home in New
York. If Seward was not nominated on the first ballot, Conkling predicted,
Lincoln would be the nominee.

Lincoln replied that "he hardly thought this could be possible and that in case
Mr. Seward was not nominated on the first ballot, it was his judgment that Mr.
Chase of Ohio or Mr. Bates of Missouri would be the nominee." Conkling
disagreed, citing reasons why each of those two candidates would have difficulty
securing the nomination. Assessing the situation with his characteristic
clearheadedness, Lincoln could not fail to perceive some truth in what his
friend was saying; yet having tasted so many disappointments, he saw no benefit
in letting his hopes run wild. "Well, Conkling," he said slowly, pulling his
long frame up from the settee, "I believe I will go back to my office and
practice law."

? ? ?

While Lincoln struggled to sustain his hopes against the likelihood of failure,
William Henry Seward was in the best of spirits. He had left Washington three
days earlier to repair to his hometown of Auburn, New York, situated in the
Finger Lakes Region of the most populous state of the Union, to share the
anticipated Republican nomination in the company of family and friends.

Nearly sixty years old, with the vitality and appearance of a man half his age,
Seward typically rose at 6 a.m. when first light slanted into the bedroom window
of his twenty-room country home. Rising early allowed him time to complete his
morning constitutional through his beloved garden before the breakfast bell was
rung. Situated on better than five acres of land, the Seward mansion was
surrounded by manicured lawns, elaborate gardens, and walking paths that wound
beneath elms, mountain ash, evergreens, and fruit trees. Decades earlier, Seward
had supervised the planting of every one of these trees, which now numbered in
the hundreds. He had spent thousands of hours fertilizing and cultivating his
flowering shrubs. With what he called "a lover's interest," he inspected them
daily. His horticultural passion was in sharp contrast to Lincoln's lack of
interest in planting trees or growing flowers at his Springfield home. Having
spent his childhood laboring long hours on his father's struggling farm, Lincoln
found little that was romantic or recreational about tilling the soil.

When Seward "came in to the table," his son Frederick recalled, "he would
announce that the hyacinths were in bloom, or that the bluebirds had come, or
whatever other change the morning had brought." After breakfast, he typically
retired to his book-lined study to enjoy the precious hours of uninterrupted
work before his doors opened to the outer world. The chair on which he sat was
the same one he had used in the Governor's Mansion in Albany, designed specially
for him so that everything he needed could be right at hand. It was, he joked,
his "complete office," equipped not only with a writing arm that swiveled back
and forth but also with a candleholder and secret drawers to keep his inkwells,
pens, treasured snuff box, and the ashes of the half-dozen or more cigars he
smoked every day. "He usually lighted a cigar when he sat down to write," Fred
recalled, "slowly consuming it as his pen ran rapidly over the page, and lighted
a fresh one when that was exhausted."

Midmorning of the day of the nomination, a large cannon was hauled from the
Auburn Armory into the park. "The cannoneers were stationed at their posts," the
local paper reported, "the fire lighted, the ammunition ready, and all waiting
for the signal, to make the city and county echo to the joyful news" that was
expected to unleash the most spectacular public celebration the city had ever
known. People began gathering in front of Seward's house. As the hours passed,
the crowds grew denser, spilling over into all the main streets of Auburn. The
revelers were drawn from their homes in anticipation of the grand occasion and
by the lovely spring weather, welcome after the severe, snowy winters Auburn
endured that often isolated the small towns and cities of the region for days at
a time. Visitors had come by horse and carriage from the surrounding villages,
from Seneca Falls and Waterloo to the west, from Skaneateles to the east, from
Weedsport to the north. Local restaurants had stocked up with food. Banners were
being prepared, flags were set to be raised, and in the basement of the chief
hotel, hundreds of bottles of champagne stood ready to be uncorked.

A festive air pervaded Auburn, for the vigorous senator was admired by almost
everyone in the region, not only for his political courage, unquestioned
integrity, and impressive intellect but even more for his good nature and his
genial disposition. A natural politician, Seward was genuinely interested in
people, curious about their families and the smallest details of their lives,
anxious to help with their problems. As a public man he possessed unusual
resilience, enabling him to accept criticism with good-humored serenity.

Even the Democratic paper, the New York Herald, conceded that probably fewer
than a hundred of Auburn's ten thousand residents would vote against Seward if
he received the nomination. "He is beloved by all classes of people,
irrespective of partisan predilections," the Herald observed. "No philanthropic
or benevolent movement is suggested without receiving his liberal and thoughtful
assistance....As a landlord he is kind and lenient; as an advisor he is frank
and reliable; as a citizen he is enterprising and patriotic; as a champion of
what he considers to be right he is dauntless and intrepid."

Seward customarily greeted personal friends at the door and was fond of walking
them through his tree-lined garden to his white summerhouse. Though he stood
only five feet six inches tall, with a slender frame that young Henry Adams
likened to that of a scarecrow, he was nonetheless, Adams marveled, a commanding
figure, an outsize personality, a "most glorious original" against whom larger
men seemed smaller. People were drawn to this vital figure with the large,
hawklike nose, bushy eyebrows, enormous ears; his hair, once bright red, had
faded now to the color of straw. His step, in contrast to Lincoln's slow and
laborious manner of walking, had a "school-boy elasticity" as he moved from his
garden to his house and back again with what one reporter described as a
"slashing swagger."

Every room of his palatial home contained associations from earlier days,
mementos of previous triumphs. The slim Sheraton desk in the hallway had
belonged to a member of the First Constitutional Congress in 1789. The fireplace
in the parlor had been crafted by the young carpenter Brigham Young, later
prophet of the Mormon Church. The large Thomas Cole painting in the drawing room
depicting Portage Falls had been presented to Seward in commemoration of his
early efforts to extend the canal system in New York State. Every inch of wall
space was filled with curios and family portraits executed by the most famous
artists of the day -- Thomas Sully, Chester Harding, Henry Inman. Even the ivy
that grew along the pathways and up the garden trellises had an anecdotal
legacy, having been cultivated at Sir Walter Scott's home in Scotland and
presented to Seward by Washington Irving.

As he perused the stack of telegrams and newspaper articles arriving from
Chicago for the past week, Seward had every reason to be confident. Both
Republican and Democratic papers agreed that "the honor in question was [to be]
awarded by common expectation to the distinguished Senator from the State of New
York, who, more than any other, was held to be the representative man of his
party, and who, by his commanding talents and eminent public services, has so
largely contributed to the development of its principles." The local Democratic
paper, the Albany Atlas and Argus, was forced to concede: "No press has opposed
more consistently and more unreservedly than ours the political principles of
Mr. Seward....But we have recognised the genius and the leadership of the man."

So certain was Seward of receiving the nomination that the weekend before the
convention opened he had already composed a first draft of the valedictory
speech he expected to make to the Senate, assuming that he would resign his
position as soon as the decision in Chicago was made. Taking leave of his Senate
colleagues, with whom he had labored through the tumultuous fifties, he had
returned to Auburn, the place, he once said, he loved and admired more than any
other -- more than Albany, where he had served four years in the state senate
and two terms as governor as a member of the Whig Party; more than the U.S.
Senate chamber, where he had represented the leading state of the Union for
nearly twelve years; more than any city in any of the four continents in which
he had traveled extensively.

Auburn was the only place, he claimed, where he was left "free to act in an
individual and not in a representative and public character," the only place
where he felt "content to live, and content, when life's fitful fever shall be
over, to die." Auburn was a prosperous community in the 1860s, with six
schoolhouses, thirteen churches, seven banks, eleven newspapers, a woolen mill,
a candle factory, a state prison, a fine hotel, and more than two hundred
stores. Living on the northern shore of Owasco Lake, seventy-eight miles east of
Rochester, the citizens took pride in the orderly layout of its streets, adorned
by handsome rows of maples, elms, poplars, and sycamores.

Seward had arrived in Auburn as a graduate of Union College in Schenectady, New
York. Having completed his degree with highest honors and finished his training
for the bar, he had come to practice law with Judge Elijah Miller, the leading
citizen of Cayuga County. It was in Judge Miller's country house that Seward had
courted and married Frances Miller, the judge's intelligent, well-educated
daughter. Frances was a tall, slender, comely woman, with large black eyes, an
elegant neck, and a passionate commitment to women's rights and the antislavery
cause. She was Seward's intellectual equal, a devoted wife and mother, a calming
presence in his stormy life. In this same house, where he and Frances had lived
since their marriage, five children were born -- Augustus, a graduate of West
Point who was now serving in the military; Frederick, who had embarked on a
career in journalism and served as his father's private secretary in Washington;
Will Junior, who was just starting out in business; and Fanny, a serious-minded
girl on the threshold of womanhood, who loved poetry, read widely, kept a daily
journal, and hoped someday to be a writer. A second daughter, Cornelia, had died
in 1837 at four months.

Seward had been slow to take up the Republican banner, finding it difficult to
abandon his beloved Whig Party. His national prominence ensured that he became
the new party's chief spokesman the moment he joined its ranks. Seward, Henry
Adams wrote, "would inspire a cow with statesmanship if she understood our
language." The young Republican leader Carl Schurz later recalled that he and
his friends idealized Seward and considered him the "leader of the political
anti-slavery movement. From him we received the battle-cry in the turmoil of the
contest, for he was one of those spirits who sometimes will go ahead of public
opinion instead of tamely following its footprints."

In a time when words, communicated directly and then repeated in newspapers,
were the primary means of communication between a political leader and the
public, Seward's ability to "compress into a single sentence, a single word, the
whole issue of a controversy" would irrevocably, and often dangerously, create a
political identity. Over the years, his ringing phrases, calling upon a "higher
law" than the Constitution that commanded men to freedom, or the assertion that
the collision between the North and South was "an irrepressible conflict,"
became, as the young Schurz noted, "the inscriptions on our banners, the
pass-words of our combatants." But those same phrases had also alarmed
Republican moderates, especially in the West. It was rhetoric, more than
substance, that had stamped Seward as a radical -- for his actual positions in
1860 were not far from the center of the Republican Party.

Whenever Seward delivered a major speech in the Senate, the galleries were full,
for audiences were invariably transfixed not only by the power of his arguments
but by his exuberant personality and, not least, the striking peculiarity of his
appearance. Forgoing the simpler style of men's clothing that prevailed in the
1850s, Seward preferred pantaloons and a long-tailed frock coat, the tip of a
handkerchief poking out its back pocket. This jaunty touch figured in his
oratorical style, which included dramatic pauses for him to dip into his snuff
box and blow his enormous nose into the outsize yellow silk handkerchief that
matched his yellow pantaloons. Such flamboyance and celebrity almost lent an
aura of inevitability to his nomination.

If Seward remained serene as the hours passed to afternoon, secure in the belief
that he was about to realize the goal toward which he had bent his formidable
powers for so many years, the chief reason for his tranquillity lay in the
knowledge that his campaign at the convention was in the hands of the most
powerful political boss in the country: Thurlow Weed. Dictator of New York State
for nearly half a century, the handsome, white-haired Weed was Seward's closest
friend and ally. "Men might love and respect [him], might hate and despise him,"
Weed's biographer Glyndon Van Deusen wrote, "but no one who took any interest in
the politics and government of the country could ignore him." Over the years, it
was Weed who managed every one of Seward's successful campaigns -- for the state
senate, the governorship, and the senatorship of New York -- guarding his career
at every step along the way "as a hen does its chicks."

They made an exceptional team. Seward was more visionary, more idealistic,
better equipped to arouse the emotions of a crowd; Weed was more practical, more
realistic, more skilled in winning elections and getting things done. While
Seward conceived party platforms and articulated broad principles, Weed built
the party organization, dispensed patronage, rewarded loyalists, punished
defectors, developed poll lists, and carried voters to the polls, spreading the
influence of the boss over the entire state. So closely did people identify the
two men that they spoke of Seward-Weed as a single political person: "Seward is
Weed and Weed is Seward."

Thurlow Weed certainly understood that Seward would face a host of problems at
the convention. There were many delegates who considered the New Yorker too
radical; others disdained him as an opportunist, shifting ground to strengthen
his own ambition. Furthermore, complaints of corruption had surfaced in the
Weed-controlled legislature. And the very fact that Seward had been the most
conspicuous Northern politician for nearly a decade inevitably created jealousy
among many of his colleagues. Despite these problems, Seward nonetheless
appeared to be the overwhelming choice of Republican voters and politicians.

Moreover, since Weed believed the opposition lacked the power to consolidate its
strength, he was convinced that Seward would eventually emerge the victor.
Members of the vital New York State delegation confirmed Weed's assessment. On
May 16, the day the convention opened, the former Whig editor, now a Republican,
James Watson Webb assured Seward that there was "no cause for doubting. It is
only a question of time....And I tell you, and stake my judgment upon it
entirely, that nothing has, or can occur...to shake my convictions in regard to
the result." The next day, Congressman Eldridge Spaulding telegraphed Seward:
"Your friends are firm and confident that you will be nominated after a few
ballots." And on the morning of the 18th, just before the balloting was set to
begin, William Evarts, chairman of the New York delegation, sent an optimistic
message: "All right. Everything indicates your nomination today sure." The dream
that had powered Seward and Weed for three decades seemed within reach at last.

? ? ?

While friends and supporters gathered about Seward on the morning of the 18th,
Ohio's governor, Salmon Chase, awaited the balloting results in characteristic
solitude. History records no visitors that day to the majestic Gothic mansion
bristling with towers, turrets, and chimneys at the corner of State and Sixth
Streets in Columbus, Ohio, where the handsome fifty-two-year-old widower lived
with his two daughters, nineteen-year-old Kate and her half sister,
eleven-year-old Nettie.

There are no reports of crowds gathering spontaneously in the streets as the
hours passed, though preparations had been made for a great celebration that
evening should Ohio's favorite son receive the nomination he passionately
believed he had a right to expect. Brass bands stood at the ready. Fireworks had
been purchased, and a dray procured to drag an enormous cannon to the
statehouse, where its thunder might roll over the city once the hoped-for
results were revealed. Until that announcement, the citizens of Columbus
apparently went about their business, in keeping with the reserved, even
austere, demeanor of their governor.

Chase stood over six feet in height. His wide shoulders, massive chest, and
dignified bearing all contributed to Carl Schurz's assessment that Chase "looked
as you would wish a statesman to look." One reporter observed that "he is one of
the finest specimens of a perfect man that we have ever seen; a large, well
formed head, set upon a frame of herculean proportions," with "an eye of
unrivaled splendor and brilliancy." Yet where Lincoln's features became more
warm and compelling as one drew near him, the closer one studied Chase's
good-looking face, the more one noticed the unattractive droop of the lid of his
right eye, creating "an arresting duality, as if two men, rather than one,
looked out upon the world."

Fully aware of the positive first impression he created, Chase dressed with
meticulous care. In contrast to Seward or Lincoln, who were known to greet
visitors clad in slippers with their shirttails hanging out, the dignified Chase
was rarely seen without a waistcoat. Nor was he willing to wear his glasses in
public, though he was so nearsighted that he would often pass friends on the
street without displaying the slightest recognition.

An intensely religious man of unbending routine, Chase likely began that day, as
he began every day, gathering his two daughters and all the members of his
household staff around him for a solemn reading of Scripture. The morning meal
done, he and his elder daughter, Kate, would repair to the library to read and
discuss the morning papers, searching together for signs that people across the
country regarded Chase as highly as he regarded himself -- signs that would
bolster their hope for the Republican nomination.

During his years as governor, he kept to a rigid schedule, setting out at the
same time each morning for the three-block walk to the statehouse, which was
usually his only exercise of the day. Never late for appointments, he had no
patience with the sin of tardiness, which robbed precious minutes of life from
the person who was kept waiting. On those evenings when he had no public
functions to attend, he would sequester himself in his library at home to answer
letters, consult the statute books, memorize lines of poetry, study a foreign
language, or practice the jokes that, however hard he tried, he could never
gracefully deliver.

On the rare nights when he indulged in a game of backgammon or chess with Kate,
he would invariably return to work at his fastidiously arranged drop-leaf desk,
where everything was always in its "proper place" with not a single pen or piece
of paper out of order. There he would sit for hours, long after every window on
his street was dark, recording his thoughts in the introspective diary he had
kept since he was twenty years old. Then, as the candle began to sink, he would
turn to his Bible to close the day as it had begun, with prayer.

Unlike Seward's Auburn estate, which he and Frances had furnished over the
decades with objects that marked different stages of their lives, Chase had
filled his palatial house with exquisite carpets, carved parlor chairs, elegant
mirrors, and rich draperies that important people of his time ought to display
to prove their eminence to the world at large. He had moved frequently during
his life, and this Columbus dwelling was the first home he had really tried to
make his own. Yet everything was chosen for effect: even the dogs, it was said,
seemed "designed and posed."

Columbus was a bustling capital city in 1860, with a population of just under
twenty thousand and a reputation for gracious living and hospitable
entertainment. The city's early settlers had hailed largely from New England,
Pennsylvania, and Virginia, but in recent decades German and Irish immigrants
had moved in, along with a thousand free blacks who lived primarily in the Long
Street district near the Irish settlement. It was a time of steady growth and
prosperity. Spacious blocks with wide shade trees were laid out in the heart of
the city, where, the writer William Dean Howells recalled, beautiful young
women, dressed in great hoopskirts, floated by "as silken balloons walking in
the streets." Fashionable districts developed along High and State Streets, and
a new Capitol, nearly as big as the United States Capitol, opened its doors in
January 1857. Built in Greek Revival style, with tall Doric columns defining
each of the entrances and a large cupola on top, the magnificent structure,
which housed the governor's office as well as the legislative chambers, was
proclaimed to be "the greatest State capitol building" in the country.

Unlike Seward, who frequently attended theater, loved reading novels, and found
nothing more agreeable than an evening of cards, fine cigars, and a bottle of
port, Chase neither drank nor smoked. He considered both theater and novels a
foolish waste of time and recoiled from all games of chance, believing that they
unwholesomely excited the mind. Nor was he likely to regale his friends with
intricate stories told for pure fun, as did Lincoln. As one contemporary noted,
"he seldom told a story without spoiling it." Even those who knew him well,
except perhaps his beloved Kate, rarely recalled his laughing aloud.

Kate Chase, beautiful and ambitious, filled the emotional void in her father's
heart created by the almost incomprehensible loss of three wives, all having
died at a young age, including Kate's mother when Kate was five years old. Left
on his own, Chase had molded and shaped his brilliant daughter, watching over
her growth and cultivation with a boundless ardor. When she was seven, he sent
her to an expensive boarding school in Gramercy Park, New York, where she
remained for ten years, studying Latin, French, history, and the classics, in
addition to elocution, deportment, and the social graces. "In a few years you
will necessarily go into society," he had told her when she was thirteen. "I
desire that you may be qualified to ornament any society in our own country or
elsewhere into which I may have occasion to take you. It is for this reason that
I care more for your improvement in your studies, the cultivation of your
manners, and the establishment of your moral & religious principles, than for
anything else."

After Kate graduated from boarding school and returned to Columbus, she
blossomed as Ohio's first lady. Her father's ambitions and dreams became the
ruling passions of her life. She gradually made herself absolutely essential to
him, helping with his correspondence, editing his speeches, discussing political
strategy, entertaining his friends and colleagues. While other girls her age
focused on the social calendar of balls and soirees, she concentrated all her
energies on furthering her father's political career. "She did everything in her
power," her biographers suggest, "to fill the gaps in his life so that he would
not in his loneliness seek another Mrs. Chase." She sat beside him at lyceum
lectures and political debates. She presided over his dinners and receptions.
She became his surrogate wife.

Though Chase treated his sweet, unassuming younger daughter, Janette (Nettie),
with warmth and affection, his love for Kate was powerfully intertwined with his
desire for political advancement. He had cultivated her in his own image, and
she possessed an ease of conversation far more relaxed than his own. Now he
could depend on her to assist him every step along the way as, day after day,
year after year, he moved steadily toward his goal of becoming president. From
the moment when the high office appeared possible to Chase, with his stunning
election in 1855 as the first Republican governor of a major state, it had
become the consuming passion of both father and daughter that he reach the White
House -- a passion that would endure even after the Civil War was over. Seward
was no less ambitious, but he was far more at ease with diverse people, and more
capable of discarding the burdens of office at the end of the day.

Yet if Chase was somewhat priggish and more self-righteous than Seward, he was
more inflexibly attached to his guiding principles, which, for more than a
quarter of a century, had encompassed an unflagging commitment to the cause of
the black man. Whereas the more accommodating Seward could have been a
successful politician in almost any age, Chase functioned best in an era when
dramatic moral issues prevailed. The slavery debate of the antebellum period
allowed Chase to argue his antislavery principles in biblical terms of right and
wrong. Chase was actually more radical than Seward on the slavery issue, but
because his speeches were not studded with memorable turns of phrase, his
positions were not as notorious in the country at large, and, therefore, not as
damaging in more moderate circles.

"There may have been abler statesmen than Chase, and there certainly were more
agreeable companions," his biographer Albert Hart has asserted, "but none of
them contributed so much to the stock of American political ideas as he." In his
study of the origins of the Republican Party, William Gienapp underscores this
judgment. "In the long run," he concludes, referring both to Chase's
intellectual leadership of the antislavery movement and to his organizational
abilities, "no individual made a more significant contribution to the formation
of the Republican party than did Chase."

And no individual felt he deserved the presidency as a natural result of his
past contributions more than Chase himself. Writing to his longtime friend the
abolitionist Gamaliel Bailey, he claimed: "A very large body of the people --
embracing not a few who would hardly vote for any man other than myself as a
Republican nominee -- seem to desire that I shall be a candidate in 1860. No
effort of mine, and so far as I know none of my immediate personal friends has
produced this feeling. It seems to be of spontaneous growth."

A vivid testimony to the power of the governor's wishful thinking is provided by
Carl Schurz, Seward's avid supporter, who was invited to stay with Chase while
lecturing in Ohio in March 1860. "I arrived early in the morning," Schurz
recalled in his memoirs, "and was, to my great surprise, received at the
uncomfortable hour by the Governor himself, and taken to the breakfast room."
Kate entered, greeted him, "and then let herself down upon her chair with the
graceful lightness of a bird that, folding its wings, perches upon the branch of
a tree....She had something imperial in the pose of the head, and all her
movements possessed an exquisite natural charm. No wonder that she came to be
admired as a great beauty and broke many hearts."

The conversation, in which "Miss Kate took a lively and remarkably intelligent
part, soon turned upon politics," as Chase revealed to Schurz with surprising
candor his "ardent desire to be President of the United States." Aware that
Schurz would be a delegate at the convention, Chase sounded him on his own
candidacy. "It would have given me a moment of sincerest happiness could I have
answered that question with a note of encouragement, for nothing could have
appeared to me more legitimate than the high ambition of that man," Schurz
recalled. Chagrined, he nonetheless felt compelled to give an honest judgment,
predicting that if the delegates were willing to nominate "an advanced
anti-slavery man," they would take Seward before Chase.

Chase was taken aback, "as if he had heard something unexpected." A look of
sadness came over his face. Quickly he regained control and proceeded to deliver
a powerful brief demonstrating why he, rather than Seward, deserved to be
considered the true leader of the antislavery forces. Schurz remained
unconvinced, but he listened politely, certain that he had never before met a
public man with such a serious case of "presidential fever," to the extent of
"honestly believing that he owed it to the country and that the country owed it
to him that he should be President." For his part, Chase remained hopeful that
by his own unwavering self-confidence he had cast a spell on Schurz. The
following day, Chase told his friend Robert Hosea about the visit, suggesting
that in the hours they spent together Schurz had seemed to alter his opinion of
Chase's chance at winning, making it "desirable to have him brought in contact
with our best men." Despite Chase's best efforts Schurz remained loyal to
Seward.

In the weeks before the convention, the Chase candidacy received almost daily
encouragement in the Ohio State Journal, the Republican newspaper in Columbus.
"No man in the country is more worthy, no one is more competent," the Journal
declared. By "steady devotion to the principles of popular freedom, through a
long political career," he "has won the confidence and attachment of the people
in regions far beyond the State."

Certain that his cause would ultimately triumph, Chase refused to engage in the
practical methods by which nominations are won. He had virtually no campaign. He
had not conciliated his many enemies in Ohio itself, and as a result, he alone
among the candidates would not come to the convention with the united support of
his own state. Remaining in his Columbus mansion with Kate by his side, he
preferred to make inroads by reminding his supporters in dozens of letters that
he was the best man for the job. Listening only to what he wanted to hear,
discounting troubling signs, Chase believed that "if the most cherished wishes
of the people could prevail," he would be the nominee.

"Now is the time," one supporter told him. "You will ride triumphantly on the
topmost wave." On the eve of the convention, he remained buoyant. "There is
reason to hope," he told James Briggs, a lawyer from Cleveland -- reason to hope
that he and Kate would soon take their place as the president and first lady of
the United States.

? ? ?

Judge Edward Bates awaited news from the convention at Grape Hill, his large
country estate four miles from the city of St. Louis. Julia Coalter, his wife of
thirty-seven years, was by his side. She was an attractive, sturdy woman who had
borne him seventeen children, eight of whom survived to adulthood. Their
extended family of six sons, two daughters, and nearly a dozen grandchildren
remained unusually close. As the children married and raised families of their
own, they continued to consider Grape Hill their primary home.

The judge's orderly life was steeped in solid rituals based on the seasons, the
land, and his beloved family. He bathed in cold water every morning. A supper
bell called him to eat every night. In the first week of April, he "substituted
cotton for wollen socks, and a single breasted satin waistcoat for a
double-breasted velvet." In July and August, he would monitor the progress of
his potatoes, cabbage, squash, beets, and sweet corn. In the fall he would
harvest his grape arbors. On New Year's Day, the Bates family followed an old
country custom whereby the women remained home all day greeting visitors, while
the men rode together from one house or farm to the next, paying calls on
friends.

At sixty-six, Bates was among the oldest and best-loved citizens of St. Louis.
In 1814, when he first ventured to the thriving city, it was a small fur trading
village with a scattering of primitive cabins and a single ramshackle church.
Four decades later, St. Louis boasted a population of 160,000 residents, and its
infrastructure had boomed to include multiple churches, an extensive private and
public educational system, numerous hospitals, and a variety of cultural
facilities. The ever-increasing prosperity of the city, writes a historian of
St. Louis, "led to the building of massive, ornate private homes equipped with
libraries, ballrooms, conservatories, European paintings and sculpture."

Over the years, Bates had held a variety of respected offices -- delegate to the
convention that had drafted the first constitution of the state, member of the
state legislature, representative to the U.S. congress, and judge of the St.
Louis Land Court. His ambitions for political success, however, had been
gradually displaced by love for his wife and large family. Though he had been
asked repeatedly during the previous twenty years since his withdrawal from
public life to run or once again accept high government posts, he consistently
declined the offers.

Described by the portrait artist Alban Jasper Conant as "the quaintest looking
character that walked the streets," Bates still wore "the old-fashioned Quaker
clothes that had never varied in cut since he left his Virginia birthplace as a
youth of twenty." He stood five feet seven inches tall, with a strong chin,
heavy brows, thick hair that remained black until the end of his life, and a
full white beard. In later years, Lincoln noted the striking contrast between
Bates's black hair and white beard and teasingly suggested it was because Bates
talked more than he thought, using "his chin more than his head." Julia Bates
was also plain in her dress, "unaffected by the crinolines and other
extravagances of the day, preferring a clinging skirt, a deep-pointed fichu
called a Van Dyck, and a close-fitting little bonnet."

"How happy is my lot!" Bates recorded in his diary in the 1850s. "Blessed with a
wife & children who spontaneously do all they can to make me comfortable,
anticipating my wishes, even in the little matter of personal convenience, as if
their happiness wholly depended on mine. O! it is a pleasure to work for such a
family, to enjoy with them the blessings that God so freely gives." He found his
legal work rewarding and intellectually stimulating, reveled in his position as
an elder in the Presbyterian Church, and loved nothing more than to while away
the long winter nights in his treasured library.

In contrast to Seward, whose restless energy found insufficient outlet in the
bosom of his family, and to Chase, plagued all his days by unattained ambition,
Bates experienced a passionate joy in the present, content to call himself "a
very domestic, home, man." He had come briefly to national attention in 1847,
when he delivered a spellbinding speech at the great River and Harbor Convention
in Chicago, organized to protest President Polk's veto of a Whig-sponsored bill
to provide federal appropriations for the internal improvement of rivers and
harbors, especially needed in the fast-growing West. For a short time after the
convention, newspapers across the country heralded Bates as a leading prospect
for high political office, but he refused to take the bait. Thus, as the 1860
election neared, he assumed that, like his youth and early manhood, his old
ambitions for political office had long since passed him by.

In this assumption, he was mistaken. Thirteen months before the Chicago
convention, at a dinner hosted by Missouri congressman Frank Blair, Bates was
approached to run for president by a formidable political group spearheaded by
Frank's father, Francis Preston Blair, Sr. At sixty-six, the elder Blair had
been a powerful player in Washington for decades. A Democrat most of his life,
he had arrived in Washington from Kentucky during Andrew Jackson's first
presidential term to publish the Democratic organ, the Globe newspaper. Blair
soon became one of Jackson's most trusted advisers, a member of the famous
"kitchen cabinet." Meetings were often held in the "Blair House," the stately
brick mansion opposite the White House where Blair lived with his wife and four
children. (Still known as the Blair House, the elegant dwelling is now owned by
the government, serving as the president's official guesthouse.) To the lonely
Jackson, whose wife had recently died, the Blairs became a surrogate family. The
three Blair boys -- James, Montgomery, and Frank Junior -- had the run of the
White House, while Elizabeth, the only girl, actually lived in the family
quarters for months at a time and Jackson doted on her as if she were his own
child. Indeed, decades later, when Jackson neared death, he called Elizabeth to
his home in Tennessee and gave her his wife's wedding ring, which he had worn on
his watch chain from the day of her death.

Blair Senior had broken with the Democrats after the Mexican War over the
extension of slavery into the territories. Although born and bred in the South,
and still a slaveowner himself, he had become convinced that slavery must not be
extended beyond where it already existed. He was one of the first important
political figures to call for the founding of the Republican Party. At a
Christmas dinner on his country estate in Silver Spring, Maryland, in 1855, he
instigated plans for the first Republican Convention in Philadelphia that
following summer.

Over the years, Blair's Silver Spring estate, just across the District of
Columbia boundary, had become a natural gathering place for politicians and
journalists. The house was situated amid hundreds of rolling acres surrounded by
orchards, brooks, even a series of grottoes. From the "Big Gate" at the
entrance, the carriage roadway passed through a forest of pine and poplar,
opening to reveal a long driveway winding between two rows of chestnut trees and
over a rustic bridge to the main house. In the years ahead, the Blairs' Silver
Spring estate would become one of Lincoln's favorite places to relax.

The group that Blair convened included his two accomplished sons, Montgomery and
Frank; an Indiana congressman, Schuyler Colfax, who would later become vice
president under Ulysses Grant; and Charles Gibson, one of Bates's oldest friends
in Missouri. Montgomery Blair, tall, thin, and scholarly, had graduated from
West Point before studying law and moving to Missouri. In the 1850s he had
returned to Washington to be closer to his parents. He took up residence in his
family's city mansion on Pennsylvania Avenue. In the nation's capital, Monty
Blair developed a successful legal practice and achieved national fame when he
represented the slave Dred Scott in his bid for freedom.

Monty's charismatic younger brother Frank, recently elected to Congress, was a
natural politician. Strikingly good-looking, with reddish-brown hair, a long red
mustache, high cheekbones, and bright gray eyes, Frank was the one on whom the
Blair family's burning ambitions rested. Both his father and older brother
harbored dreams that Frank would one day become president. But in 1860, Frank
was only in his thirties, and in the meantime, the Blair family turned its
powerful gaze on Edward Bates.

The Blairs had settled on the widely respected judge, a longtime Whig and former
slaveholder who had emancipated his slaves and become a Free-Soiler, as the
ideal candidate for a conservative national ticket opposed to both the radical
abolitionists in the North and the proslavery fanatics in the South. Though he
had never officially joined the Republican Party, Bates held fast to the
cardinal principle of Republicanism: that slavery must be restricted to the
states where it already existed, and that it must be prevented from expanding
into the territories.

As a man of the West and a peacemaker by nature, Bates was just the person,
Blair Senior believed, to unite old-line Whigs, antislavery Democrats, and
liberal nativists in a victorious fight against the Southern Democratic
slaveocracy. The fact that Bates had receded from the political scene for
decades was an advantage, leaving him untainted by the contentious battles of
the fifties. He alone, his supporters believed, could quell the threats of
secession and civil war and return the nation to peace, progress, and
prosperity.

Unsurprisingly, Bates was initially reluctant to allow his name to be put
forward as a candidate for president. "I feel, tho' in perfect bodily health, an
indolence and indecision not common with me," he conceded in July 1859. "The
cause, I fear, is the mixing up of my name in Politics....A large section of the
Republican party, who think that Mr. Seward's nomination would ensure defeat,
are anxious to take me up, thinking that I could carry the Whigs and Americans
generally....I must try to resist the temptation, and not allow my thoughts to
be drawn off from the common channels of business and domestic cares. Ambition
is a passion, at once strong and insidious, and is very apt to cheet a man out
of his happiness and his true respectability of character."

Gradually, however, as letters and newspaper editorials advocating his candidacy
crowded in upon him, a desire for the highest office in the land took command of
his nature. The office to which he heard the call was not, as he had once
disdained, "a mere seat in Congress as a subaltern member," but the presidency
of the United States. Six months after the would-be kingmakers had approached
him, Frank Blair, Jr., noted approvingly that "the mania has bitten old Bates
very seriously," and predicted he would "play out more boldly for it than he has
heretofore done."

By the dawn of the new year, 1860, thoughts of the White House monopolized the
entries Bates penned in his diary, crowding out his previous observations on the
phases of the moon and the state of his garden. "My nomination for the
Presidency, which at first struck me with mere wonder, has become familiar, and
now I begin to think my prospects very fair," he recorded on January 9, 1860.
"Circumstances seem to be remarkably concurrent in my favor, and there is now
great probability that the Opposition of all classes will unite upon me: And
that will be equivalent to election....Can it be reserved for me to defeat and
put down that corrupt and dangerous party [the Democratic Party]? Truly, if I
can do my country that much good, I will rejoice in the belief that I have not
lived in vain."

In the weeks that followed, his days were increasingly taken up with politics.
Though he did not enjoy formal dinner parties, preferring intimate suppers with
his family and a few close friends, Bates now spent more time than ever before
entertaining political friends, educators, and newspaper editors. Although still
tending to his garden, he immersed himself in periodicals on politics,
economics, and public affairs. He felt he should prepare himself intellectually
for the task of presidential leadership by reading historical accounts of
Europe's most powerful monarchs, as well as theoretical works on government. He
sought guidance for his role as chief executive in Carlyle's Frederick the Great
and Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations. Evenings once devoted to family were now
committed to public speeches and correspondence with supporters. Politics had
fastened a powerful hold upon him, disrupting his previous existence.

The chance for his nomination depended, as was true for Chase and Lincoln as
well, on Seward's failure to achieve a first ballot victory at the convention.
"I have many strong assurances that I stand second," Bates confided in his
diary, "first in the Northwest and in some states in New England, second in New
York, Pa." To be sure, there were pockets of opposition, particularly among the
more passionate Republicans, who argued that the party must nominate one of its
own, and among the German-Americans, who recalled that Bates had endorsed
Millard Fillmore when he ran for president on the anti-immigrant American Party
four years earlier. As the convention approached, however, his supporters were
increasingly optimistic.

"There is no question," the New York Tribune predicted, "as there has been none
for these three months past, that [Bates] will have more votes in the Convention
than any other candidate presented by those who think it wiser to nominate a man
of moderate and conservative antecedents." As the delegates gathered in Chicago,
Francis Blair, Sr., prophesied that Bates would triumph in Chicago.

Though Bates acknowledged he had never officially joined the Republican Party,
he understood that many Republicans, including "some of the most moderate and
patriotic" men, believed that his nomination "would tend to soften the tone of
the Republican party, without any abandonment of its principles," thus winning
"the friendship and support of many, especially in the border States." His
chances of success looked good. How strangely it had all turned out, for surely
he understood that he had followed an unusual public path, a path that had
curved swiftly upward when he was young, then leveled off, even sloped downward
for many years. But now, as he positioned himself to reenter politics, he
sighted what appeared to be a relatively clear trail all the way to the very
top.

? ? ?

On that morning of May 18, 1860, Bates's chief objective was simply to stop
Seward on the first ballot. Chase, too, had his eye on the front-runner, while
Seward worried about Chase. Bates had become convinced that the convention would
turn to him as the only real moderate. Neither Seward nor Chase nor Bates
seriously considered Lincoln an obstacle to their great ambition.

Lincoln was not a complete unknown to his rivals. By 1860, his path had crossed
with each of them in different ways. Seward had met Lincoln twelve years before
at a political meeting. The two shared lodging that night, and Seward encouraged
Lincoln to clarify and intensify his moderate position on slavery. Lincoln had
met Bates briefly, and had sat in the audience in 1847 when Bates delivered his
mesmerizing speech at the River and Harbor Convention. Chase had campaigned for
Lincoln and the Republicans in Illinois in 1858, though the two men had never
met.

There was little to lead one to suppose that Abraham Lincoln, nervously rambling
the streets of Springfield that May morning, who scarcely had a national
reputation, certainly nothing to equal any of the other three, who had served
but a single term in Congress, twice lost bids for the Senate, and had no
administrative experience whatsoever, would become the greatest historical
figure of the nineteenth century.

Copyright © 2005 by Blithedale Productions, Inc.



















































































































































































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PRODUKTINFORMATION

 * Herausgeber ‏ : ‎ Simon & Schuster (26. September 2006)
 * Sprache ‏ : ‎ Englisch
 * Taschenbuch ‏ : ‎ 944 Seiten
 * ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0743270754
 * ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0743270755
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DORIS KEARNS GOODWIN

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DORIS KEARNS GOODWIN’s interest in leadership began more than half a century ago
as a professor at Harvard. Her experiences working for LBJ in the White House
and later assisting him on his memoirs led to her bestselling Lyndon Johnson and
the American Dream. She followed up with the Pulitzer Prize–winning No Ordinary
Time: Franklin &amp; Eleanor Roosevelt: The Home Front in World War II. Goodwin
earned the Lincoln Prize for the runaway bestseller Team of Rivals, the basis
for Steven Spielberg’s Academy Award-winning film Lincoln, and the Carnegie
Medal for The Bully Pulpit, the New York Times bestselling chronicle of the
friendship between Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft. She lives in
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This is a special book. There is no other way to say it. I cannot imagine the
hours, the years, the research, the extensive compiling and organization it must
have taken Goodwin to write this masterpiece. Over the last two months I have
been plodding through this Pulitzer prize winning book, enjoying every detail,
savoring every character—in what has to be one of my favorite periods of
American history. Goodwin is a very good writer and because the book is so laden
with direct source material, I feel assured that she is giving nothing more than
the full flavor of Lincoln and the figures that composed his cabinet.

Team of Rivals traces the story of Lincoln (primarily), Bates, Seward, and
Chase—all political figures running for the 1860 Republican Presidential
nomination. After Lincoln shockingly won the nomination, he assembled these
three “rivals” as the primary cogs of his cabinet, key players who would prove
indispensable throughout the most turbulent period in our nation’s history.
Goodwin also brings us up to speed on other key players of the times: Secretary
of Navy Welles, Secretary of War Stanton (my personal favorite), General
McClellan, General Grant, Senator Sumner, Mary Lincoln, Republican Operative
Thurlow Weed…etc.

Goodwin does a biographical sketch of each key figure and, most importantly, the
unlikely rise to power of the “rail splitter,” Abraham Lincoln. Lincoln peaked
politically at the right time, and though he was less accomplished than his
opponents for the nomination he was active in the build up to the election. With
only one congressional term under his belt, his highly publicized debates with
Stephen Douglas over the divisive issue of slavery were paramount to his quick
rise. Furthermore, Lincoln’s patience and delayed gratification in years prior
were foundational to him gaining allies necessary for the 1860 upset.

There are many, many leadership gems throughout this book. I actually cannot
imagine a better way to learn leadership than through well-written history of
great leaders of the past. Here are some qualities we can learn from Abraham
Lincoln:

We can learn from Lincoln’s caution: not impulsively making a decision or taking
a public stance before we are sure it is the correct approach. Though often
criticized for being late to the party on the progressive issue of slavery, once
Lincoln made up his mind there was no looking back. This resolution and
determination to “see it to the end” once a decision had been made was key to
Lincoln’s success throughout the war.

We can learn from Lincoln’s magnanimity. Lincoln had an overwhelming ability to
overlook offense and personal slights, to the point where I was frustrated with
his longsuffering treatment of General McClellan. I found his handling of the
gifted yet difficult Secretary Chase humorous. The ambitious Chase was
not-so-subtly trying to undermine Lincoln in order that he would be able to take
the Presidency in the next term. While Lincoln was well aware of this, he
recognized Chase to be indispensable to the war effort as Secretary of Treasury.
Three times Lincoln denied Chase’s resignation and continually pandered to his
easily wounded and offended ego. Lincoln even nominated Chase to Chief Justice
of the Supreme Court after he eventually accepted his resignation from the
office of the treasury, which showed a practically inhuman ability to overlook
personal animosity.

We can learn from Lincoln’s love for people and his empathy. Lincoln had a
profound capability to connect with people, to share in the sorrows of others,
to form a bond with constituents. His speeches, while loaded with precise logic
our modern times may struggle to keep pace with, had a unique ability to connect
with the common, everyday man through his frequent illustrations, idioms, and
stories. People were attracted to Lincoln; they were assured of his goodwill.
Suffice it to say, the guy was likeable.

We can learn from Lincoln’s ways of coping with stress. While the war weighed
heavily on him and took a shocking emotional toll (not to mention it overlapping
with the death of his beloved son), Lincoln found healthy ways to deal with the
inner turmoil. He went to plays at the local theaters frequently. He had close
friendships with other men (Seward, Hay), which consisted of plenty of late
night conversations and light hearted debates. These relationships allowed him
to frequently share his stories and good natured humor, which helped check the
internal anguish he was experiencing.

We can learn from Lincoln’s welcome of opposing viewpoints. Lincoln loved
debate. He relished the iron sharpening experience brought by opposition.
Instead of being daunted by a cabinet full of politically ambitious, superiorly
educated and experienced men than he, Lincoln welcomed the often lively
pushback. Yet, he was never intimidated by them, nor did his will repeatedly
bend to the wishes of such celebrated politicians. Lincoln was his own man, and
he had a deep confidence in his own aptitude for the job as well as his own
ideas. While many expected key figures in the cabinet to perhaps control the
Presidency by proxy, Lincoln would remain the President through and through—a
fact his cabinet came to recognize rather quickly.

The Civil War era captivates me. I cannot quite place my finger on it: the times
are romantic and desperate, filled with immense tragedy and yet bold triumph.
There is the issue of profound morality at stake, and yet the War remains
drastically convoluted and nuanced. While I have read books on some generals and
battles—I had not yet received an exclusively political perspective. Team of
Rivals took me there, placed me in that time among these larger than life
statesmen, in the greatest upheaval in our nation’s history. For that I am
thankful.

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Maalika Manoharan
5,0 von 5 Sternen A must read for anyone who aspires to make an ...
Rezension aus den Vereinigten Staaten vom 20. Januar 2018
Verifizierter Kauf
A must read for anyone who aspires to make an impact in the world and leave a
legacy. Lincoln shows us how can be humble, true, kind, and yet politically
astute and persuasive. The position of United States in the world and what it
stands for is made all that stronger thanks to Lincoln. I learnt a lot from this
book, especially about being non-judgmental, patient and thoughtful. The amount
of time Lincoln took to write all his speeches, and the care and thought behind
each word - yes, they deserve to be enshrined and read over and over by millions
of people.

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Kelley Ridings
5,0 von 5 Sternen Rediscover Lincoln’s Brilliant Leadership
Rezension aus den Vereinigten Staaten vom 25. November 2018
Verifizierter Kauf
Team of Rivals is a brilliant look at Abraham Lincoln and his cabinet appointees
and how they all shaped the American Civil War. Lincoln seemingly appeared a
political neophyte in many ways when he was elected president. Without question
Lincoln faced the worst crisis in US history, when after his election, many
slave holding states seceded from the union. Doris Kearns Goodwin brilliantly
showed how Lincoln had wisely assembled and then led his cabinet through this
tumultuous time, even though the cabinet often adamantly disagreed, and
sometimes even worked at cross purposes to undermine each other. Popular opinion
at first was that Lincoln was the weak link among this group of politicians, and
was led to certain political positions, especially at the hands of Secretary of
State William Seward. Kearns shows that Lincoln however was adept at gathering
people with diverse views, valuing their positions, and then reaching his own
conclusions about the final action to take. As a brilliant leader, Lincoln was
willing to evolve his views of the critical issues of the day. The prime example
is how he arrived at issuing his Emancipation Proclamation in 1863. Emancipation
wasn’t a fait accompli when Lincoln first became president, yet his view evolved
as the complexities of the war played out month after month as he realized that
the most important way to end the war was to end slavery in the states in
rebellion. Even after issuing the Proclamation, the fate of the freed slaves was
still uncertain, yet Lincoln steadfastly stood behind his groundbreaking
document and wouldn’t waiver in his support for freedom for those former slaves.
Lincoln also was masterful in understanding public opinion, perhaps uniquely
among politicians of his era and before. He seemed to be at the forefront of
knowing when the public would support him and when not. All of this made him a
highly effective president, war-time leader, and most importantly, shaper of
groundbreaking moral values. I found this book to be a well-written and
engrossing read, and it certainly helped me understand Lincoln and his
leadership style much more. While I have always revered him, this book helped me
see him in a new light. The prime example was how he wrote the Gettysburg
Address, his most famous speech. After reading about how it evolved, I read
those words with a completely different understanding that after 35 years of
study of them I hadn’t seen before. While not a quick read, Team of Rivals
allows the reader to discover a much deeper appreciation of Lincoln’s
brilliance.

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Betsy Robinson
5,0 von 5 Sternen Great Book--some Kindle drawbacks
Rezension aus den Vereinigten Staaten vom 27. September 2017
Verifizierter Kauf
A wonderful nuanced book that resonates mightily with and informs what is going
on today. Read it if you want to understand any kind of historical basis for
what is now happening in the U.S. Read it if you love the minutia of
history—every conversation ever recorded during the Lincoln period, every
permutation and convolution of the Civil War, the complex emotional motivations
behind the factions—or if you feel as if you need to learn U.S. history.

Regarding Kindle version:
Pros: It is lightweight, which is a lot easier than reading a 900 page book.

Cons: The search function is not enabled in the Kindle version. The
back-of-the-book Index has hyperlinks, but you have to manually page through it
to find what you want to search for. This is a real drawback in a book of so
many characters that you often want to be reminded about who somebody is.

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David Herdson
5,0 von 5 Sternen Lincoln’s team and his brilliance at leading them
Rezension aus dem Vereinigten Königreich vom 5. Oktober 2017
Verifizierter Kauf
Doris Kearns Goodwin deserves thanks from her readers twice over. Firstly, in
the crowded field of writings on the US Civil War and on Abraham Lincoln, she
has found a new and fascinating way of illuminating the man, his life and times.
And secondly, having identified that opportunity, she had then written an
outstanding book.

Her book’s concept is simple enough. Four men (excluding also-rans) contested
the Republican nomination in 1860: William Seward, Salmon Chase, Abraham Lincoln
and Edward Bates. Unusually, after Lincoln won his party’s endorsement and,
subsequently, the presidential election, he invited his former competitors to
take seats in the cabinet – hence the book’s title. Goodwin’s is the story of
how the four came to be the principle Republican candidates and how they
interacted once on the same team after the election.

That’s a lot of weight for a book to carry and one of its remarkable features is
how lightly it does so. Despite measuring in at a little over 750 pages (or well
over 900 if notes and index are included), it never plods. Partly, that’s
because Goodwin doesn’t stick rigidly to her mission. The first part, leading up
to 1860, is essentially four parallel biographies. The temptation, which she
rightly resists, is to over-write their early lives. Instead, she focusses on
the key experiences that made them who they became, on what they shared in
common and where they differed: the essential building blocks of the post-1860
story. What she does write though is comprehensively researched and packed with
relevant anecdote and reference. She not only brings the people to life but also
the times they lived in.

She also lightens the load by ensuring that it is not a Civil War book, as such.
The conflict does, of course, dominate Lincoln’s presidency but she’s interested
in how it was managed from DC, not the details of the campaigns themselves,
unless they link into the main narrative.

The four men also do not get equal billing. Lincoln, of course, is pre-eminent
but the index is revealing: against Lincoln’s near-six columns of entries,
Seward has three, Chase, a little over two and Bates, just one and a quarter.
This, again, is as it should be. Bates’ life, for example, was not as dramatic
as the other men’s, nor was he as central to the administration as Seward or
Chase. Similarly, the cast extends far beyond these central characters,
particularly once Lincoln becomes president and the Civil War breaks out.

There is, however, a second narrative theme, revealed in the book’s sub-title. I
knew (as surely does virtually everyone) that Lincoln was a great man. I hadn’t
realised until I read this just how profoundly good a man he was, nor how great
a politician either: two surprisingly interrelated attributes. His skill at
man-management was extraordinary, helped in no small part by his exceptional
patience and magnanimity.

That said, it’s in Goodwin’s description of Lincoln’s political ability that I
have my one reservation about her book. She doesn’t criticise him for any
decision or action he took and his is implicitly described as a career virtually
without error. No-one is that perfect and while I’m not a Lincoln expert, the
evidence from her own book suggests to me that he was too indulgent at times
towards underperforming or disloyal colleagues and commanders – Chase and
McClellan being two obvious examples.

I’m not particularly religious but it’s hard not to see something providential
about Lincoln’s presidency. No one could have led the Union more effectively
given the options available (though that was far from clear beforehand); Lincoln
was a remarkable choice for candidate given his almost complete lack of
experience in office; and considering his upbringing, he’d overcome tremendous
obstacles simply to be in the running. How he did it is fascinating and
inspiring.

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Leitir
5,0 von 5 Sternen An outstanding exploration of the relationships and people
surrounding a great human being
Rezension aus dem Vereinigten Königreich vom 9. Januar 2017
Verifizierter Kauf
I had wanted to read a biography of Lincoln for some time. The inspiration to
purchase this came from the Spielberg film, Lincoln. Somewhat ironically, the
story of that film is a very short passage in this tome, but no matter. On
finishing this book, I feel almost as sad as when I finished the biography of
George Washington. Doris Kearns Goodwin has done a masterful job of describing
the web of relationships that surrounded Lincoln and that were so vital in
making him the man that he was. In her portrayal, he emerges as the altrocentric
leader par excellence. Somewhat counterintuitively, but very appropriately, this
biography of Lincoln gives as much attention to each of his rivals as it does to
him. A profound humanity on the part of this leader is palpable in every
description of him. The tracing of his friendship with Seward is particularly
moving, and demonstrates how the deepest and most long-lasting of friendships
can emerge in the most unexpected of places. There is much to be learned about
leadership, about humanity and, truth be told, about yourself from this book. In
a time when moral and ethical leadership seems to be in short supply, this story
of a man whom nobody really took seriously in the beginning ,and went on to save
a nation in its greatest hour of peril since its foundation, is a wonderful
tonic for the soul. Please read it.

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R Helen
5,0 von 5 Sternen Amazing!
Rezension aus dem Vereinigten Königreich vom 16. Dezember 2015
Verifizierter Kauf
Honestly, I would give this book ten stars. It is now by far my favorite book.
After reading this you realize why Abraham Lincoln is considered the greatest of
American presidents. Our knee-jerk reaction would be that it is because he freed
the slaves, but as Goodwin points out, many of his rivals would have done the
same, faster, and with greater freedoms for blacks. Abraham Lincoln was great
because of his unbelievable political instincts. He knew how to use and get the
best out of key political players, even when they were his enemies. If he saw
greatness in his enemies he attracted them, and they, more often than not,
became his friends. He put together one of the greatest cabinets in US history
because of this talent. Presidents fill their posts with supporters. Not
Lincoln. But they became his supporters. He did not allow ego to get in the way.
He turned a blind eye and became the most loved President in American history.
And he understood, above everything else, that timing is everything. His
policies worked because he waited for the right moment. The emancipation
proclamation, the thirteenth amendment, etc..these were successful because they
weren't rushed. They came just at the moment they would be received. His
political instincts were beyond compare.

What I found very interesting is that although as an American my impression has
always been that Lincoln was the greatest of all abolitionists, he was not an
abolitionist at all. And his policy regarding slavery gradually evolved into
what it eventually became, freedom from slavery in the whole United States. Had
Lincoln not been assassinated, it is interesting to think whether reconstruction
may have been far more successful and the whole history of race relations in
America changed.

This book is beautifully written. It made me laugh (Lincoln had quite a sense of
humor) and it made me cry. I was really moved at the end. This book focuses on
the political history of the civil war, and it is moving, inspiring, and
reaffirms why I love to read history so much. If you are going to read one book
this year, read this one. You will not be disappointed.

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Carl Spencer
5,0 von 5 Sternen A great retelling of an incredible man's life
Rezension aus dem Vereinigten Königreich vom 30. Oktober 2014
Verifizierter Kauf
I first became aware of Lincoln when I was 17 and visited Washington DC (a
beautiful city), where Lincoln has what is undoubtedly the grandest, as well one
of the most recognisable, of the many memorials in the city. However, it was
only after seeing Steven Spielberg's 'Lincoln' that I truly appreciated exactly
what a significant role he played in American history (and in the fate of the
world when you consider what may otherwise have happened to the USA).

I was keen to learn more and discovered that the movie was based on this book by
Doris Kearns Goodwin. The book is a 700-odd page bulk but is consistently
absorbing and entertaining. There isn't a dry soulless page or passage to be
found. From Lincoln's early years through to his untimely death and legacy, the
story (for it is told as a narrative rather than a plain historical text) is
insightful and and interesting. This is the ultimate retelling of Lincoln's
life, which draws from many of the biographies and historical texts which have
come before it, and blends them into a cohesive whole.

The book clearly comes from an author who admires Lincoln as it is an
overwhelmingly positive portrayal of his role as President of the United States.
Still, that isn't to be unexpected when the man is often ranked amongst the top
3 Presidents - the top 1 in some cases - by scholars. As you read you can't help
but appreciate the bigger picture drawn by the author, which shows just how much
Lincoln pulled the strings and anticipated sentiments and events well in
advance. You end up wondering whether it really was divine providence which led
to him becoming President. Still, space is still given over to the more critical
accounts of Lincoln and Doris Goodwin ably sets out events and issues on which
people have differing opinions.

I do have a few gripes. First, there is very little focus on the events
portrayed in the Lincoln movie. Only 3 or 4 pages is given to the passing of the
amendment to abolish slavery. Second, it would have been nice to learn more
about what happened to the reconstruction process as a result of Lincoln's
death. I have had to rely on Wikipedia for that and come to the conclusion that,
of all the men in the administration, it is a travesty that Andrew Johnson was
the one in line to become President as he reversed all of Lincoln's good
groundwork. Third, the chronology does become a little muddled and confused at
times as the book jumps to different individuals and events. It would have been
useful to have the rather long chapters divided a little more clearly by dates.

Still, those are very minor and do not detract from what is a great read about
an absolutely incredible man.

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JuliaC
5,0 von 5 Sternen Political genius indeed...
Rezension aus dem Vereinigten Königreich vom 20. März 2011
Verifizierter Kauf
Having recently devoured the whole of the West Wing box sets in a few weeks, I
was yearning for some more American political intrigue and insights into the
inner workings of the White House. Doris Kearns Goodwin's fascinating biography
of Abraham Lincoln certainly delivers on that score, but is so much more than
that besides. It was the book that, besides the Bible, Barack Obama chose to
take into the White House with him for inspiration, and is also heartily
recommended by no less than the new Labour spin doctor Alistair Campbell, as a
treatise on leadership. So it certainly has a lot to live up to.

Being embarrassingly ignorant about Lincoln, save that he was an American
President; had something to do with the Civil War; was assassinated; and has a
memorial named after him, this book has been a total revelation to me. Lincoln,
who had come from an impoverished family, was a small town lawyer from
Springfield, Illinois, and certainly not a name anyone would have mentioned as a
favourite for the Republican presidential nomination much before his surprise
triumph in 1860. He seemed to come out of nowhere to beat his rivals and
established favourites for the nomination, who all came from considerably better
stock than Lincoln, namely William Seward, Salmon Chase and Edward Bates. And
when he won the Presidential race too, he pulled off a masterstroke, and rather
than surrounding himself with his allies who had helped with his victorious
campaign, he made these same three former rivals for the Republican leadership,
who were still smarting from their defeat to this upstart outsider, his close
cabinet members. He had obviously heard of the phrase `keep your friends close,
and your enemies closer'.

And it is the way that Lincoln conducted himself when President which still
serves today as a master class in leadership skills. He was generous and even
tempered at all times, dealing with colleagues with kindness and trust. He
encouraged colleagues to criticise his speeches, so that he could make them as
good as they could possibly be. And he always waited before sending out a letter
which he had written in anger, to see if his views changed when his emotions had
settled down. In fact some of the letters written in this spirit were never sent
by him, but stayed in their sealed envelopes for posterity, and future
biographers, to discover. And in this age of instant communication, how many of
us wish we had never pressed `Send' on an angry e mail or two? We could
certainly all learn a lot from Lincoln on that score.

And he had the small matter of the American Civil war to contend with, a
conflict which nearly brought the young country to its knees, and caused
heartbreaking splits between communities and even within individual families, as
the Unionists and Confederates battled it out for four years between 1861 and
1865. Fierce battles raged all over America, and even came perilously close to
the White House itself on occasion. Kearns Goodwin relates how Lincoln, who was
not originally a champion of equality between the races at all, even giving
speeches regarding the superiority of the white race over black people, led the
Unionists to victory, and engineered the deployment of blacks into their armies,
which was a major the turning point in the war. He was the author of the
Thirteenth Amendment, to the US Constitution, which abolished the slavery which
the Southern Confederates were so keen to preserve.
The long and detailed, but still page turning book, also gives fascinating
details on the personal lives of Lincoln and his colleagues, so it is not just a
book about leadership and war stratagems. Lincoln was beset by tragedy, apart
from his own obvious one, as his young and beloved son Willie died of typhoid
fever, a loss than he never seemed to really get over. And his wife Mary was
something of a shopaholic, running up huge bills to lavishly kit out both the
White House and her own wardrobe, as she thought befitted her husband's status.

Whether you are looking for some inspiration on leadership skills, or an account
of the politics behind the American Civil War, or simply a cracking good history
book, I can't recommend this Pulitzer prize winning great book highly enough.
Leo Tolstoy felt that Lincoln was `a humanitarian as broad as the world. He was
bigger than his country - bigger than all the Presidents together.' It feels
like we could certainly use someone like him at the moment.

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