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143.204.94.173
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URL:
https://www.amazon.com/Team-Rivals-Political-Abraham-Lincoln/dp/0743270754
Submission: On July 23 via manual from IN — Scanned from DE
Submission: On July 23 via manual from IN — Scanned from DE
Form analysis
5 forms found in the DOMName: site-search — GET /s/ref=nb_sb_noss
<form id="nav-search-bar-form" accept-charset="utf-8" action="/s/ref=nb_sb_noss" class="nav-searchbar nav-progressive-attribute" method="GET" name="site-search" role="search">
<div id="nav-search-bar-internationalization-key" class="nav-progressive-content">
<input type="hidden" name="__mk_de_DE" value="ÅMÅŽÕÑ">
</div>
<div class="nav-left">
<div id="nav-search-dropdown-card">
<div class="nav-search-scope nav-sprite">
<div class="nav-search-facade" data-value="search-alias=aps">
<span id="nav-search-label-id" class="nav-search-label nav-progressive-content" style="width: auto;">Bücher</span>
<i class="nav-icon"></i>
</div>
<span id="searchDropdownDescription" class="nav-progressive-attribute" style="display:none">Wählen Sie die Kategorie aus, in der Sie suchen möchten.</span>
<select aria-describedby="searchDropdownDescription" class="nav-search-dropdown searchSelect nav-progressive-attrubute nav-progressive-search-dropdown" data-nav-digest="1SD8NwQshDByAo2UzADo2J0Dtdw=" data-nav-selected="3"
id="searchDropdownBox" name="url" style="display: block; top: 2.5px;" tabindex="0" title="Suchen in">
<option value="search-alias=aps">Alle Kategorien</option>
<option value="search-alias=automotive-intl-ship">Automobil</option>
<option value="search-alias=baby-products-intl-ship">Baby</option>
<option selected="selected" current="parent" value="search-alias=stripbooks-intl-ship">Bücher</option>
<option value="search-alias=computers-intl-ship">Computer</option>
<option value="search-alias=fashion-womens-intl-ship">Damenmode</option>
<option value="search-alias=electronics-intl-ship">Elektronik</option>
<option value="search-alias=movies-tv-intl-ship">Filme und Fernsehen</option>
<option value="search-alias=luggage-intl-ship">Gepäck</option>
<option value="search-alias=hpc-intl-ship">Gesundheit & Haushalt</option>
<option value="search-alias=pets-intl-ship">Haustierbedarf</option>
<option value="search-alias=kitchen-intl-ship">Heim und Küche</option>
<option value="search-alias=fashion-mens-intl-ship">Herrenmode</option>
<option value="search-alias=industrial-intl-ship">Industriell und Wissenschaftlich</option>
<option value="search-alias=digital-text">Kindle-Shop</option>
<option value="search-alias=arts-crafts-intl-ship">Kunst und Handwerk</option>
<option value="search-alias=fashion-boys-intl-ship">Mode für Jungen</option>
<option value="search-alias=fashion-girls-intl-ship">Mode für Mädchen</option>
<option value="search-alias=music-intl-ship">Musik, CDs & Vinyl</option>
<option value="search-alias=digital-music">Musik-Downloads</option>
<option value="search-alias=instant-video">Prime Video</option>
<option value="search-alias=deals-intl-ship">Sales & Angebote</option>
<option value="search-alias=beauty-intl-ship">Schönheit & Körperpflege</option>
<option value="search-alias=software-intl-ship">Software</option>
<option value="search-alias=toys-and-games-intl-ship">Spielzeug und Spiele</option>
<option value="search-alias=sporting-intl-ship">Sport und Freizeit</option>
<option value="search-alias=videogames-intl-ship">Videospiele</option>
<option value="search-alias=tools-intl-ship">Werkzeug & Heimwerken</option>
</select>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class="nav-fill">
<div class="nav-search-field ">
<input type="text" id="twotabsearchtextbox" value="" name="field-keywords" autocomplete="off" placeholder="" class="nav-input nav-progressive-attribute" dir="auto" tabindex="0" aria-label="Suche">
</div>
<div id="nav-iss-attach"></div>
</div>
<div class="nav-right">
<div class="nav-search-submit nav-sprite">
<span id="nav-search-submit-text" class="nav-search-submit-text nav-sprite nav-progressive-attribute" aria-label="Los">
<input id="nav-search-submit-button" type="submit" class="nav-input nav-progressive-attribute" value="Los" tabindex="0">
</span>
</div>
</div>
</form>
POST /gp/product/handle-buy-box/ref=dp_start-bbf_1_glance
<form method="post" id="addToCart" action="/gp/product/handle-buy-box/ref=dp_start-bbf_1_glance" class="a-content">
<input type="hidden" name="CSRF" value="g7y20j9HMXc6ugSgpkD2dz31wE0FlHPmaxi+Tgl78F5PAAAADAAAAABi23SMcmF3AAAAABVX8CwXqz4nuL9RKX///w=="> <input type="hidden" id="anti-csrftoken-a2z" name="anti-csrftoken-a2z"
value="gxAQq5kDS2Kr2cGpFEvGd6o6HiIxeutBRYPIlzkX/ZukAAAADAAAAABi23SMcmF3AAAAABVX8CwXqz4nuL9RKf///w==">
<input type="hidden" id="offerListingID" name="offerListingID" value="">
<input type="hidden" id="session-id" name="session-id" value="144-9484590-3187245">
<input type="hidden" id="ASIN" name="ASIN" value="0743270754">
<input type="hidden" id="isMerchantExclusive" name="isMerchantExclusive" value="0">
<input type="hidden" id="merchantID" name="merchantID" value="">
<input type="hidden" id="isAddon" name="isAddon" value="0">
<input type="hidden" id="nodeID" name="nodeID" value="">
<input type="hidden" id="sellingCustomerID" name="sellingCustomerID" value="">
<input type="hidden" id="qid" name="qid" value="">
<input type="hidden" id="sr" name="sr" value="">
<input type="hidden" id="storeID" name="storeID" value="">
<input type="hidden" id="tagActionCode" name="tagActionCode" value="">
<input type="hidden" id="viewID" name="viewID" value="glance">
<input type="hidden" id="rebateId" name="rebateId" value="">
<input type="hidden" id="ctaDeviceType" name="ctaDeviceType" value="desktop">
<input type="hidden" id="ctaPageType" name="ctaPageType" value="detail">
<input type="hidden" id="usePrimeHandler" name="usePrimeHandler" value="0">
<input type="hidden" id="rsid" name="rsid" value="144-9484590-3187245">
<input type="hidden" id="sourceCustomerOrgListID" name="sourceCustomerOrgListID" value="">
<input type="hidden" id="sourceCustomerOrgListItemID" name="sourceCustomerOrgListItemID" value="">
<input type="hidden" name="wlPopCommand" value="">
<div id="usedOnlyBuybox" class="a-section a-spacing-medium">
<div class="a-row a-spacing-medium">
<div class="a-box">
<div class="a-box-inner">
<div class="a-section a-spacing-none a-padding-none">
<div id="usedBuySection" class="rbbHeader dp-accordion-row">
<div class="a-row a-grid-vertical-align a-grid-center" style="height:41px;">
<div class="a-column a-span12 a-text-left"> <span class="a-text-bold">Gebraucht kaufen</span> <span class="a-size-base a-color-price offer-price a-text-normal">8,55 $</span> </div>
</div>
<div class="a-row"> <span class="a-size-base a-color-price offer-price a-text-normal"></span> </div>
</div>
<div id="usedbuyBox" class="rbbContent dp-accordion-inner" spacingtop="small">
<input type="hidden" id="usedMerchantID" name="usedMerchantID" value="A18M87EIBCSR0">
<input type="hidden" id="usedOfferListingID" name="usedOfferListingID"
value="6KYyW09P7Qon1b89%2FTjQkrMZ9fSQV%2FJ8xpK8dE6xqyZCZihA5%2FAZ%2BVcGlUpmbULXUokNMpmbvFpt10Ycsdjco%2BUQC8gg66bT1pbChAOswtDxuWlwSQ6ALEEkQIdZWeK3A4wfvz5DzAMgjGvVknFfHiP2xphgRv7711hZMnvjFGbrxuU6T1C2Nw%3D%3D">
<input type="hidden" id="usedSellingCustomerID" name="usedSellingCustomerID" value="">
<input type="hidden" name="items[0.base][asin]" value="0743270754">
<input type="hidden" name="clientName" value="OffersX_OfferDisplay_DetailPage">
<input type="hidden" name="items[0.base][offerListingId]"
value="6KYyW09P7Qon1b89%2FTjQkrMZ9fSQV%2FJ8xpK8dE6xqyZCZihA5%2FAZ%2BVcGlUpmbULXUokNMpmbvFpt10Ycsdjco%2BUQC8gg66bT1pbChAOswtDxuWlwSQ6ALEEkQIdZWeK3A4wfvz5DzAMgjGvVknFfHiP2xphgRv7711hZMnvjFGbrxuU6T1C2Nw%3D%3D">
<div id="usedDeliveryBlockContainer" class="a-row">
<div id="deliveryBlock_feature_div" class="a-section a-spacing-none">
<div id="deliveryBlockMessage" class="a-section">
<div id="mir-layout-DELIVERY_BLOCK">
<div class="a-spacing-base" id="mir-layout-DELIVERY_BLOCK-slot-NO_PROMISE_UPSELL_MESSAGE"></div>
<div class="a-spacing-base" id="mir-layout-DELIVERY_BLOCK-slot-PRIMARY_DELIVERY_MESSAGE_LARGE"><span data-csa-c-type="element" data-csa-c-content-id="DEXUnifiedCXPDM" data-csa-c-delivery-price="" data-csa-c-value-proposition=""
data-csa-c-delivery-type="Lieferung" data-csa-c-delivery-time="Freitag, 12. August" data-csa-c-delivery-condition="" data-csa-c-pickup-location="" data-csa-c-distance="" data-csa-c-delivery-cutoff=""
data-csa-c-mir-view="CONSOLIDATED_CX" data-csa-c-mir-type="DELIVERY" data-csa-c-mir-sub-type="" data-csa-c-mir-variant="DEFAULT" data-csa-c-delivery-benefit-program-id="paid_shipping"
data-csa-c-id="4czw1n-n3b3u9-3860mo-t8m5y5"> Lieferung <span class="a-text-bold">Freitag, 12. August</span> </span></div>
<div class="a-spacing-base" id="mir-layout-DELIVERY_BLOCK-slot-CORE_FREE_SHIPPING_SUPPLEMENTARY_MESSAGE"></div>
<div class="a-spacing-base" id="mir-layout-DELIVERY_BLOCK-slot-SECONDARY_DELIVERY_MESSAGE_LARGE"><span data-csa-c-type="element" data-csa-c-content-id="DEXUnifiedCXSDM" data-csa-c-delivery-price="schnellste"
data-csa-c-value-proposition="" data-csa-c-delivery-type="Lieferung" data-csa-c-delivery-time="3. - 11. August" data-csa-c-delivery-condition="" data-csa-c-pickup-location="" data-csa-c-distance=""
data-csa-c-delivery-cutoff="" data-csa-c-mir-view="CONSOLIDATED_CX" data-csa-c-mir-type="DELIVERY" data-csa-c-mir-sub-type="" data-csa-c-mir-variant="DEFAULT" data-csa-c-delivery-benefit-program-id=""
data-csa-c-id="g3h50z-w9o9cd-2tjiih-h2v2bd"> Oder schnellste Lieferung <span class="a-text-bold">3. - 11. August</span> </span></div>
<div class="a-spacing-base" id="mir-layout-DELIVERY_BLOCK-slot-EXTENDED_DELIVERY_PROMISE_MESSAGE"></div>
<div class="a-spacing-base" id="mir-layout-DELIVERY_BLOCK-slot-HOLIDAY_DELIVERY_MESSAGE"></div>
<div class="a-spacing-base" id="mir-layout-DELIVERY_BLOCK-slot-SUPPLEMENTAL_DELIVERY_MESSAGE"></div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div id="cipInsideDeliveryBlock_feature_div" class="a-section a-spacing-none"> <span class="a-declarative" data-action="dpContextualIngressPt" data-csa-c-type="widget" data-csa-c-func-deps="aui-da-dpContextualIngressPt"
data-dpcontextualingresspt="{}" data-csa-c-id="izaqqv-pxob7a-2caxic-ectq2c"> <a class="a-link-normal" href="#"> <div class="a-row a-spacing-small"> <div class="a-column a-span12 a-text-left"> <div id="contextualIngressPt">
<div id="contextualIngressPtPin"></div>
<span id="contextualIngressPtLabel" class="cip-a-size-small">
<div id="contextualIngressPtLabel_deliveryShortLine"><span>Liefern nach </span><span>Deutschland</span></div>
</span>
</div>
</div> </div> </a> </span> </div>
</div>
<div class="a-section a-spacing-base">
<div class="a-row"> <strong> Gebraucht: Akzeptabel </strong>
<span class="a-size-base"> <span class="a-color-tertiary"> | </span><a id="usedItemConditionInfoLink" class="a-link-normal a-declarative" href="#">Details</a> </span>
</div>
<div class="a-row"> Verkauft von <a id="sellerProfileTriggerId" data-is-ubb="true" class="a-link-normal" href="/-/de/gp/help/seller/at-a-glance.html?ie=UTF8&seller=A18M87EIBCSR0&isAmazonFulfilled=1">2nd Life Aloha</a> </div>
<div class="a-row"> <a id="SSOFpopoverLink_ubb" class="a-link-normal a-declarative" href="/-/de/gp/help/customer/display.html?ie=UTF8&ref=dp_ubb_fulfillment&nodeId=106096011">Versand durch Amazon</a> </div>
</div>
<div class="a-popover-preload" id="a-popover-usedItemConditionDetailsPopover">
<div class="a-section a-spacing-micro"> <span class="a-size-mini"> <strong>Zustand:</strong> Gebraucht: Akzeptabel </span> </div>
<div class="a-section a-spacing-micro"> <span class="a-size-mini"> <strong>Kommentar:</strong> All pages and the cover are intact but may have significant wear including heavy creasing and curled corners. Pages may include notes,
highlighting, or water damage but the text is readable </span> </div>
</div>
<div class="a-popover-preload" id="a-popover-SSOFpopoverLink_ubb-content">
<p>Beim Versand durch Amazon nutzen Verkaufspartner die Logistik der Amazon-Versandzentren: Amazon verpackt und verschickt die Artikel und übernimmt den Kundenservice. <b>Ihre Vorteile:</b> <em>(1) Lieferung ab 29 EUR Bestellwert
(Bücher, Bekleidung und Schuhe generell versandkostenfrei, auch zusammen mit Media-Produkten). (2) Kombinieren und sparen - bestellen Sie bei Amazon.de oder Verkaufspartnern, die den Versand durch Amazon nutzen, wird Ihre
Bestellung zu einer Lieferung zusammengefasst. (3) Alle Artikel sind mit Amazon Prime für noch schnellere Lieferung bestellbar.</em></p>
<p>Wenn Sie Verkäufer sind, kann Versand durch Amazon Ihnen dabei helfen, Ihre Umsätze zu steigern. <a href="https://services.amazon.de/programme/versand-durch-amazon/merkmale-und-vorteile.html">Weitere Informationen zum Programm</a>
</p>
</div>
<script type="text/javascript">
P.when("A", "jQuery", "a-popover", "ready").execute(function(A, $, popover) {
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var title = "Was bedeutet Versand durch Amazon?";
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<script type="a-state" data-a-state="{"key":"atc-page-state"}">{"shouldUseNatcUsed":true}</script>
<div class="a-button-stack"> <span class="a-declarative" data-action="dp-pre-atc-declarative" data-csa-c-type="widget" data-csa-c-func-deps="aui-da-dp-pre-atc-declarative" data-dp-pre-atc-declarative="{}" id="atc-declarative"
data-csa-c-id="f25p22-xsct8n-l38mq0-5b86gi"> <span id="submit.add-to-cart-ubb" class="a-button a-spacing-small a-button-primary a-button-icon natc-enabled"><span class="a-button-inner"><i class="a-icon a-icon-cart"></i><input
id="add-to-cart-button-ubb" name="submit.add-to-cart-ubb" title="In den Einkaufswagen" data-hover="Wählen Sie <b>__dims__</b> auf der linken Seite<br> zum Hinzufügen zum Einkaufswagen" class="a-button-input" type="submit"
value="In den Einkaufswagen" aria-labelledby="submit.add-to-cart-ubb-announce" formaction="/cart/add-to-cart/ref=dp_start-ubbf_1_glance"><span id="submit.add-to-cart-ubb-announce" class="a-button-text" aria-hidden="true">In
den Einkaufswagen</span></span></span> </span> </div>
<div class="a-section a-spacing-none a-text-center">
<div class="a-row">
<div class="a-button-stack"> </div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class="a-box a-spacing-top-base">
<div class="a-box-inner">
<script>
function atwlEarlyClick(e) {
e.preventDefault();
if (window.atwlLoaded) {
return; //if JS is loaded then we can ignore the early click case
}
var ADD_TO_LIST_FROM_DETAIL_PAGE_VENDOR_ID = "website.wishlist.detail.add.earlyclick";
var paramMap = {
"asin": "0743270754",
"vendorId": ADD_TO_LIST_FROM_DETAIL_PAGE_VENDOR_ID,
"isAjax": "false"
}
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for (var param in paramMap) {
url += "&" + param + "=" + paramMap[param];
}
var xhr = new XMLHttpRequest();
xhr.open("POST", url, false);
xhr.setRequestHeader("anti-csrftoken-a2z", "g1ijpIGYpVNReVcHCfVkNxsXzurIkGjGq8rLtp1o9R8sAAAAAQAAAABi23SMcmF3AAAAAHuL9oHQYR32uqP6iUf9gA==");
xhr.onload = function() {
window.location = xhr.responseURL; //Needed to force a redirect; not supported on IE!
}
xhr.send();
}
</script>
<style type="text/css">
#wl-main-inline-wrapper {
display: grid;
border-radius: 3px 0 0 3px;
border: 1px solid;
border-color: #adb1b8 #a2a6ac #8d9096;
}
#wl-main-inline-wrapper #wishListMainButton {
border: none;
}
</style>
<div id="wishlistButtonStack" class="a-button-stack">
<div id="add-to-wishlist-button-group" data-csa-c-func-deps="aui-da-a-button-group" data-csa-c-type="widget" data-csa-interaction-events="click" data-hover="<!-- If PartialItemStateWeblab is true then, showing different Add-to-wish-list tool-tip message which is consistent with Add-to-Cart tool tip message. -->
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class="a-button a-button-groupfirst a-spacing-none a-button-base a-declarative" role="radio" data-action="add-wishlist-declarative" aria-posinset="1" aria-setsize="1"><span class="a-button-inner"><a href="https://www.amazon.com/-/de/ap/signin?openid.return_to=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.amazon.com%2Fgp%2Faw%2Fd%2F0743270754&openid.identity=http%3A%2F%2Fspecs.openid.net%2Fauth%2F2.0%2Fidentifier_select&openid.assoc_handle=usflex&openid.mode=checkid_setup&openid.claimed_id=http%3A%2F%2Fspecs.openid.net%2Fauth%2F2.0%2Fidentifier_select&openid.ns=http%3A%2F%2Fspecs.openid.net%2Fauth%2F2.0&" name="submit.add-to-registry.wishlist.unrecognized" title="Auf die Liste" data-hover="<!-- If PartialItemStateWeblab is true then, showing different Add-to-wish-list tool-tip message which is consistent with Add-to-Cart tool tip message. -->
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<div id="atwl-inline-spinner" class="a-section a-hidden">
<div class="a-spinner-wrapper"><span class="a-spinner a-spinner-medium"></span></div>
</div>
<div id="atwl-inline" class="a-section a-spacing-none a-hidden">
<div class="a-row a-text-ellipsis">
<div id="atwl-inline-sucess-msg" class="a-box a-alert-inline a-alert-inline-success" aria-live="polite" aria-atomic="true">
<div class="a-box-inner a-alert-container"><i class="a-icon a-icon-alert"></i>
<div class="a-alert-content"> <span class="a-size-base" role="alert"> Hinzugefügt zu </span> </div>
</div>
</div> <a id="atwl-inline-link" class="a-link-normal" href="/-/de/gp/registry/wishlist/"> <span id="atwl-inline-link-text" class="a-size-base" role="alert"> </span> </a>
</div>
</div>
<div id="atwl-inline-error" class="a-section a-hidden">
<div class="a-box a-alert-inline a-alert-inline-error" role="alert">
<div class="a-box-inner a-alert-container"><i class="a-icon a-icon-alert"></i>
<div class="a-alert-content"> <span id="atwl-inline-error-msg" class="a-size-base" role="alert"> Hinzufügen war nicht erfolgreich. Bitte versuchen Sie es erneut. </span> </div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div id="atwl-dd-spinner-holder" class="a-section a-hidden">
<div class="a-row a-dropdown">
<div class="a-section a-popover-wrapper">
<div class="a-section a-text-center a-popover-inner">
<div class="a-box a-popover-loading">
<div class="a-box-inner"> </div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div id="atwl-dd-error-holder" class="a-section a-hidden">
<div class="a-section a-dropdown">
<div class="a-section a-popover-wrapper">
<div class="a-section a-spacing-base a-padding-base a-text-left a-popover-inner">
<h3 class="a-color-error"> Es ist ein Fehler aufgetreten. </h3> <span> Es gab einen Fehler beim Abrufen Ihres Wunschzettels. Bitte versuchen Sie es noch einmal. </span>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div id="atwl-dd-unavail-holder" class="a-section a-hidden">
<div class="a-section a-dropdown">
<div class="a-section a-popover-wrapper">
<div class="a-section a-spacing-base a-padding-base a-text-left a-popover-inner">
<h3 class="a-color-error"> Es ist ein Fehler aufgetreten. </h3> <span> Liste nicht verfügbar. </span>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<script type="a-state" data-a-state="{"key":"atwl"}">
{"showInlineLink":false,"hzPopover":true,"wishlistButtonId":"add-to-wishlist-button","dropDownHtml":"","inlineJsFix":true,"wishlistButtonSubmitId":"add-to-wishlist-button-submit","maxAjaxFailureCount":"3","asin":"0743270754"}</script>
</div>
<script type="a-state" data-a-state="{"key":"popoverState"}">{"formId":"addToCart","showWishListDropDown":false,"wishlistPopoverWidth":232,"isAddToWishListDropDownAuiEnabled":true,"showPopover":false}</script>
<div class="aok-hidden" data-amazon-lists-csrf-token="g1ijpIGYpVNReVcHCfVkNxsXzurIkGjGq8rLtp1o9R8sAAAAAQAAAABi23SMcmF3AAAAAHuL9oHQYR32uqP6iUf9gA=="></div>
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(function(f) {
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<style type="text/css">
.registry-button-width {
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Zum Hauptinhalt wechseln .us Liefern nach Deutschland Bücher Wählen Sie die Kategorie aus, in der Sie suchen möchten. Alle Kategorien Automobil Baby Bücher Computer Damenmode Elektronik Filme und Fernsehen Gepäck Gesundheit & Haushalt Haustierbedarf Heim und Küche Herrenmode Industriell und Wissenschaftlich Kindle-Shop Kunst und Handwerk Mode für Jungen Mode für Mädchen Musik, CDs & Vinyl Musik-Downloads Prime Video Sales & Angebote Schönheit & Körperpflege Software Spielzeug und Spiele Sport und Freizeit Videospiele Werkzeug & Heimwerken Hallo, Anmelden Konto und Listen Warenrücksendungen und Bestellungen 0 Einkaufswagen Anmelden Neuer Kunde? Starten Sie hier. Meine Listen Neue Liste anlegen Liste finden AmazonSmile Charity Lists Mein Konto Konto Bestellungen Empfehlungen Browserverlauf Watchlist Gekaufte und geliehene Videos Kindle Unlimited Inhalte und Geräte Spar-Abo-Artikel Mitgliedschaften und Abonnements Musikbibliothek Anmelden Neuer Kunde? Starten Sie hier. 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Amazon Book Clubs erkunden Gesponsert Laden Sie die kostenlose Kindle App herunter und lesen Sie Ihre Kindle-Bücher sofort auf Ihrem Smartphone, Tablet oder Computer – kein Kindle-Gerät erforderlich. Weitere Informationen Lesen Sie mit dem Kindle Cloud Reader Ihre Kindle-Bücher sofort in Ihrem Browser. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Scannen Sie mit Ihrer Mobiltelefonkamera den folgenden Code und laden Sie die Kindle App herunter. Zur Rückseite klappen Zur Vorderseite klappen Hörprobe Wird gespielt... Angehalten Sie hören eine Hörprobe des Audible Hörbuch-Downloads. Mehr erfahren Alle 4 Bilder anzeigen -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- DEM AUTOR FOLGEN Doris Kearns Goodwin Folgen Etwas ist schiefgegangen. Wiederholen Sie die Anforderung später noch einmal. OK TEAM OF RIVALS: THE POLITICAL GENIUS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN TASCHENBUCH – ILLUSTRIERT, 26. SEPTEMBER 2006 von Doris Kearns Goodwin (Author) › Entdecken Sie Doris Kearns Goodwin bei Amazon Finden Sie alle Bücher, Informationen zum Autor und mehr. Siehe Suchergebnisse für diesen Autor Doris Kearns Goodwin (Author) 4,8 von 5 Sternen 6.141 Sternebewertungen -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Alle Formate und Editionen anzeigen Sorry, there was a problem loading this page. Try again. Preis Neu ab Gebraucht ab Kindle "Bitte wiederholen" 16,50 $ — — Audible Hörbuch, Ungekürzte Ausgabe "Bitte wiederholen" 0,00 $ Gratis im Audible-Probemonat Gebundenes Buch, Rauer Buchschnitt "Bitte wiederholen" 21,17 $ 13,95 $ 2,79 $ Taschenbuch, Illustriert "Bitte wiederholen" 8,55 $ 5,36 $ 1,92 $ Audio-CD "Bitte wiederholen" 64,97 $ 75,00 $ 64,97 $ Zubehör mit Buch "Bitte wiederholen" 6,93 $ — 6,93 $ * Kindle 16,50 $ Lesen Sie mit unserer kostenfreien App * Hörbuch 0,00 $ Gratis im Audible-Probemonat * Gebundenes Buch 21,17 $ 298 Gebraucht ab 2,79 $ 69 Neu ab 13,95 $ 35 Sammlerstück ab 9,75 $ * Taschenbuch 8,55 $ 412 Gebraucht ab 1,92 $ 103 Neu ab 5,36 $ 12 Sammlerstück ab 10,95 $ * Audio-CD 64,97 $ 2 Gebraucht ab 64,97 $ 1 Neu ab 75,00 $ * Zubehör mit Buch 6,93 $ 3 Gebraucht ab 6,93 $ One of the most influential books of the past fifty years, Team of Rivals is Pulitzer Prize–winning author and esteemed presidential historian Doris Kearns Goodwin’s modern classic about the political genius of Abraham Lincoln, his unlikely presidency, and his cabinet of former political foes. Winner of the prestigious Lincoln Prize and the inspiration for the Oscar Award winning–film Lincoln, starring Daniel Day-Lewis, directed by Steven Spielberg, and written by Tony Kushner. On May 18, 1860, William H. Seward, Salmon P. Chase, Edward Bates, and Abraham Lincoln waited in their hometowns for the results from the Republican National Convention in Chicago. When Lincoln emerged as the victor, his rivals were dismayed and angry. Throughout the turbulent 1850s, each had energetically sought the presidency as the conflict over slavery was leading inexorably to secession and civil war. That Lincoln succeeded, Goodwin demonstrates, was the result of a character that had been forged by experiences that raised him above his more privileged and accomplished rivals. He won because he possessed an extraordinary ability to put himself in the place of other men, to experience what they were feeling, to understand their motives and desires. It was this capacity that enabled Lincoln as president to bring his disgruntled opponents together, create the most unusual cabinet in history, and marshal their talents to the task of preserving the Union and winning the war. We view the long, horrifying struggle from the vantage of the White House as Lincoln copes with incompetent generals, hostile congressmen, and his raucous cabinet. He overcomes these obstacles by winning the respect of his former competitors, and in the case of Seward, finds a loyal and crucial friend to see him through. This brilliant multiple biography is centered on Lincoln's mastery of men and how it shaped the most significant presidency in the nation's history. Mehr lesen -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Previous page 1. Seitenzahl der Print-Ausgabe 944 Seiten 2. Sprache Englisch 3. Herausgeber Simon & Schuster 4. Erscheinungstermin 26. September 2006 5. Abmessungen 15.56 x 4.32 x 23.5 cm 6. ISBN-10 0743270754 7. ISBN-13 978-0743270755 8. Alle Details anzeigen Next page -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ÄHNLICHE BÜCHER NACH GENRE Seite 1 von 2Zum AnfangSeite 1 von 2 Vorherige Seite verwandter Gesponserter Produkte 1. Feedback Gesponsert Feedback ausblenden The Gray Ghost of the Confederacy: The Life and Legacy of John Mosby Charles River Editors 105 Taschenbuch 9,99 $ 2. Feedback Gesponsert Feedback ausblenden The Great Book of Crazy President Trivia: Interesting Stories of American President... Bill O'Neill 208 Taschenbuch 11,95 $ 3. Abraham Lincoln: A Life (2-vol. set) Michael Burlingame 56 Gebundenes Buch 40,77 $ 4. Feedback Gesponsert Feedback ausblenden The Complete Personal Memoirs of Ulysses S. Grant Ulysses S. Grant 2.729 Taschenbuch 19,99 $ 5. Feedback Gesponsert Feedback ausblenden George Washington Dealmaker-In-Chief: The Story of How The Father of Our Country Un... Cyrus A. Ansary 236 Taschenbuch 14,25 $ 6. Feedback Gesponsert Feedback ausblenden Underground Railroad: A Captivating Guide to the Routes, Places, and People that Helped… Captivating History If you want to discover the captivating history of the Underground Railroad and Harriet Tubman, then check out this book. 118 Taschenbuch 14,76 $ Nächste Seite verwandter Gesponserter Produkte -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Beliebte Markierungen in diesem Buch Was sind beliebte Markierungen? Previous page 1. In order to “win a man to your cause,” Lincoln explained, you must first reach his heart, “the great high road to his reason.” Von2,447 Kindle-Lesern markiert 2. Lincoln understood that the greatest challenge for a leader in a democratic society is to educate public opinion. “With public sentiment, nothing can fail; without it nothing can succeed,” he said. “Consequently he who moulds public sentiment, goes deeper than he who enacts statutes or pronounces decisions.” Von1,637 Kindle-Lesern markiert 3. “With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation’s wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan—to do all which may achieve and cherish a just, and a lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations.” Von1,628 Kindle-Lesern markiert Next page REZENSIONEN DER REDAKTION REVIEW "An elegant, incisive study....Goodwin has brilliantly described how Lincoln forged a team that preserved a nation and freed America from the curse of slavery." —James M. McPherson, The New York Times Book Review "Goodwin's narrative abilities...are on full display here, and she does an enthralling job of dramatizing...crucial moments in Lincoln's life....A portrait of Lincoln as a virtuosic politician and managerial genius." —Michiko Kakutani, The New York Times "Splendid, beautifully written....Goodwin has brilliantly woven scores of contemporary accounts...into a fluid narrative....This is the most richly detailed account of the Civil War presidency to appear in many years." —John Rhodehamel, Los Angeles Times "Endlessly absorbing....[A] lovingly rendered and masterfully fashioned book." —Jay Winik, The Wall Street Journal ABOUT THE AUTHOR Doris Kearns Goodwin’s interest in leadership began more than half a century ago as a professor at Harvard. Her experiences working for Lyndon B. Johnson in the White House and later assisting him on his memoirs led to her bestselling Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream. She followed up with the Pulitzer Prize–winning No Ordinary Time: Franklin & Eleanor Roosevelt: The Home Front in World War II. She earned the Lincoln Prize for the runaway bestseller Team of Rivals, the basis for Steven Spielberg’s Academy Award–winning film Lincoln, and the Carnegie Medal for The Bully Pulpit, the New York Times bestselling chronicle of the friendship between Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft. She lives in Concord, Massachusetts. Visit her at DorisKearnsGoodwin.com or @DorisKGoodwin. EXCERPT. © REPRINTED BY PERMISSION. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. Chapter 1: Four Men Waiting On May 18, 1860, the day when the Republican Party would nominate its candidate for president, Abraham Lincoln was up early. As he climbed the stairs to his plainly furnished law office on the west side of the public square in Springfield, Illinois, breakfast was being served at the 130-room Chenery House on Fourth Street. Fresh butter, flour, lard, and eggs were being put out for sale at the City Grocery Store on North Sixth Street. And in the morning newspaper, the proprietors at Smith, Wickersham & Company had announced the arrival of a large spring stock of silks, calicos, ginghams, and linens, along with a new supply of the latest styles of hosiery and gloves. The Republicans had chosen to meet in Chicago. A new convention hall called the "Wigwam" had been constructed for the occasion. The first ballot was not due to be called until 10 a.m. and Lincoln, although patient by nature, was visibly "nervous, fidgety, and intensely excited." With an outside chance to secure the Republican nomination for the highest office of the land, he was unable to focus on his work. Even under ordinary circumstances many would have found concentration difficult in the untidy office Lincoln shared with his younger partner, William Herndon. Two worktables, piled high with papers and correspondence, formed a T in the center of the room. Additional documents and letters spilled out from the drawers and pigeonholes of an outmoded secretary in the corner. When he needed a particular piece of correspondence, Lincoln had to rifle through disorderly stacks of paper, rummaging, as a last resort, in the lining of his old plug hat, where he often put stray letters or notes. Restlessly descending to the street, he passed the state capitol building, set back from the road, and the open lot where he played handball with his friends, and climbed a short set of stairs to the office of the Illinois State Journal, the local Republican newspaper. The editorial room on the second floor, with a central large wood-burning stove, was a gathering place for the exchange of news and gossip. He wandered over to the telegraph office on the north side of the square to see if any new dispatches had come in. There were few outward signs that this was a day of special moment and expectation in the history of Springfield, scant record of any celebration or festivity planned should Lincoln, long their fellow townsman, actually secure the nomination. That he had garnered the support of the Illinois delegation at the state convention at Decatur earlier that month was widely understood to be a "complimentary" gesture. Yet if there were no firm plans to celebrate his dark horse bid, Lincoln knew well the ardor of his staunch circle of friends already at work on his behalf on the floor of the Wigwam. The hands of the town clock on the steeple of the Baptist church on Adams Street must have seemed not to move. When Lincoln learned that his longtime friend James Conkling had returned unexpectedly from the convention the previous evening, he walked over to Conkling's office above Chatterton's jewelry store. Told that his friend was expected within the hour, he returned to his own quarters, intending to come back as soon as Conkling arrived. Lincoln's shock of black hair, brown furrowed face, and deep-set eyes made him look older than his fifty-one years. He was a familiar figure to almost everyone in Springfield, as was his singular way of walking, which gave the impression that his long, gaunt frame needed oiling. He plodded forward in an awkward manner, hands hanging at his sides or folded behind his back. His step had no spring, his partner William Herndon recalled. He lifted his whole foot at once rather than lifting from the toes and then thrust the whole foot down on the ground rather than landing on his heel. "His legs," another observer noted, "seemed to drag from the knees down, like those of a laborer going home after a hard day's work." His features, even supporters conceded, were not such "as belong to a handsome man." In repose, his face was "so overspread with sadness," the reporter Horace White noted, that it seemed as if "Shakespeare's melancholy Jacques had been translated from the forest of Arden to the capital of Illinois." Yet, when Lincoln began to speak, White observed, "this expression of sorrow dropped from him instantly. His face lighted up with a winning smile, and where I had a moment before seen only leaden sorrow I now beheld keen intelligence, genuine kindness of heart, and the promise of true friendship." If his appearance seemed somewhat odd, what captivated admirers, another contemporary observed, was "his winning manner, his ready good humor, and his unaffected kindness and gentleness." Five minutes in his presence, and "you cease to think that he is either homely or awkward." Springfield had been Lincoln's home for nearly a quarter of a century. He had arrived in the young city to practice law at twenty-eight years old, riding into town, his great friend Joshua Speed recalled, "on a borrowed horse, with no earthly property save a pair of saddle-bags containing a few clothes." The city had grown rapidly, particularly after 1839, when it became the capital of Illinois. By 1860, Springfield boasted nearly ten thousand residents, though its business district, designed to accommodate the expanding population that arrived in town when the legislature was in session, housed thousands more. Ten hotels radiated from the public square where the capitol building stood. In addition, there were multiple saloons and restaurants, seven newspapers, three billiard halls, dozens of retail stores, three military armories, and two railroad depots. Here in Springfield, in the Edwards mansion on the hill, Lincoln had courted and married "the belle of the town," young Mary Todd, who had come to live with her married sister, Elizabeth, wife of Ninian Edwards, the well-to-do son of the former governor of Illinois. Raised in a prominent Lexington, Kentucky, family, Mary had received an education far superior to most girls her age. For four years she had studied languages and literature in an exclusive boarding school and then spent two additional years in what was considered graduate study. The story is told of Lincoln's first meeting with Mary at a festive party. Captivated by her lively manner, intelligent face, clear blue eyes, and dimpled smile, Lincoln reportedly said, "I want to dance with you in the worst way." And, Mary laughingly told her cousin later that night, "he certainly did." In Springfield, all their children were born, and one was buried. In that spring of 1860, Mary was forty-two, Robert sixteen, William nine, and Thomas seven. Edward, the second son, had died at the age of three. Their home, described at the time as a modest "two-story frame house, having a wide hall running through the centre, with parlors on both sides," stood close to the street and boasted few trees and no garden. "The adornments were few, but chastely appropriate," one contemporary observer noted. In the center hall stood "the customary little table with a white marble top," on which were arranged flowers, a silver-plated ice-water pitcher, and family photographs. Along the walls were positioned some chairs and a sofa. "Everything," a journalist observed, "tended to represent the home of a man who has battled hard with the fortunes of life, and whose hard experience had taught him to enjoy whatever of success belongs to him, rather in solid substance than in showy display." During his years in Springfield, Lincoln had forged an unusually loyal circle of friends. They had worked with him in the state legislature, helped him in his campaigns for Congress and the Senate, and now, at this very moment, were guiding his efforts at the Chicago convention, "moving heaven & Earth," they assured him, in an attempt to secure him the nomination. These steadfast companions included David Davis, the Circuit Court judge for the Eighth District, whose three-hundred-pound body was matched by "a big brain and a big heart"; Norman Judd, an attorney for the railroads and chairman of the Illinois Republican state central committee; Leonard Swett, a lawyer from Bloomington who believed he knew Lincoln "as intimately as I have ever known any man in my life"; and Stephen Logan, Lincoln's law partner for three years in the early forties. Many of these friendships had been forged during the shared experience of the "circuit," the eight weeks each spring and fall when Lincoln and his fellow lawyers journeyed together throughout the state. They shared rooms and sometimes beds in dusty village inns and taverns, spending long evenings gathered together around a blazing fire. The economics of the legal profession in sparsely populated Illinois were such that lawyers had to move about the state in the company of the circuit judge, trying thousands of small cases in order to make a living. The arrival of the traveling bar brought life and vitality to the county seats, fellow rider Henry Whitney recalled. Villagers congregated on the courthouse steps. When the court sessions were complete, everyone would gather in the local tavern from dusk to dawn, sharing drinks, stories, and good cheer. In these convivial settings, Lincoln was invariably the center of attention. No one could equal his never-ending stream of stories nor his ability to reproduce them with such contagious mirth. As his winding tales became more famous, crowds of villagers awaited his arrival at every stop for the chance to hear a master storyteller. Everywhere he went, he won devoted followers, friendships that later emboldened his quest for office. Political life in these years, the historian Robert Wiebe has observed, "broke down into clusters of men who were bound together by mutual trust." And no political circle was more loyally bound than the band of compatriots working for Lincoln in Chicago. The prospects for his candidacy had taken wing in 1858 after his brilliant campaign against the formidable Democratic leader, Stephen Douglas, in a dramatic senate race in Illinois that had attracted national attention. Though Douglas had won a narrow victory, Lincoln managed to unite the disparate elements of his state's fledgling Republican Party -- that curious amalgamation of former Whigs, antislavery Democrats, nativists, foreigners, radicals, and conservatives. In the mid-1850s, the Republican Party had come together in state after state in the North with the common goal of preventing the spread of slavery to the territories. "Of strange, discordant, and even, hostile elements," Lincoln proudly claimed, "we gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought the battle through." The story of Lincoln's rise to power was inextricably linked to the increasing intensity of the antislavery cause. Public feeling on the slavery issue had become so flammable that Lincoln's seven debates with Douglas were carried in newspapers across the land, proving the prairie lawyer from Springfield more than a match for the most likely Democratic nominee for the presidency. Furthermore, in an age when speech-making prowess was central to political success, when the spoken word filled the air "from sun-up til sun-down," Lincoln's stirring oratory had earned the admiration of a far-flung audience who had either heard him speak or read his speeches in the paper. As his reputation grew, the invitations to speak multiplied. In the year before the convention, he had appeared before tens of thousands of people in Ohio, Iowa, Indiana, Wisconsin, Kentucky, New York, and New England. The pinnacle of his success was reached at Cooper Union in New York, where, on the evening of February 27, 1860, before a zealous crowd of more than fifteen hundred people, Lincoln delivered what the New York Tribune called "one of the happiest and most convincing political arguments ever made in this City" in defense of Republican principles and the need to confine slavery to the places where it already existed. "The vast assemblage frequently rang with cheers and shouts of applause, which were prolonged and intensified at the close. No man ever before made such an impression on his first appeal to a New-York audience." Lincoln's success in the East bolstered his supporters at home. On May 10, the fired-up Republican state convention at Decatur nominated him for president, labeling him "the Rail Candidate for President" after two fence rails he had supposedly split in his youth were ceremoniously carried into the hall. The following week, the powerful Chicago Press and Tribune formally endorsed Lincoln, arguing that his moderate politics represented the thinking of most people, that he would come into the contest "with no clogs, no embarrassment," an "honest man" who represented all the "fundamentals of Republicanism," with "due respect for the rights of the South." Still, Lincoln clearly understood that he was "new in the field," that outside of Illinois he was not "the first choice of a very great many." His only political experience on the national level consisted of two failed Senate races and a single term in Congress that had come to an end nearly a dozen years earlier. By contrast, the three other contenders for the nomination were household names in Republican circles. William Henry Seward had been a celebrated senator from New York for more than a decade and governor of his state for two terms before he went to Washington. Ohio's Salmon P. Chase, too, had been both senator and governor, and had played a central role in the formation of the national Republican Party. Edward Bates was a widely respected elder statesman, a delegate to the convention that had framed the Missouri Constitution, and a former congressman whose opinions on national matters were still widely sought. Recognizing that Seward held a commanding lead at the start, followed by Chase and Bates, Lincoln's strategy was to give offense to no one. He wanted to leave the delegates "in a mood to come to us, if they shall be compelled to give up their first love." This was clearly understood by Lincoln's team in Chicago and by all the delegates whom Judge Davis had commandeered to join the fight. "We are laboring to make you the second choice of all the Delegations we can, where we can't make you first choice," Scott County delegate Nathan Knapp told Lincoln when he first arrived in Chicago. "Keep a good nerve," Knapp advised, "be not surprised at any result -- but I tell you that your chances are not the worst...brace your nerves for any result." Knapp's message was followed by one from Davis himself on the second day of the convention. "Am very hopeful," he warned Lincoln, but "dont be Excited." The warnings were unnecessary -- Lincoln was, above all, a realist who fully understood that he faced an uphill climb against his better-known rivals. Anxious to get a clearer picture of the situation, he headed back to Conkling's office, hoping that his old friend had returned. This time he was not disappointed. As Conkling later told the story, Lincoln stretched himself upon an old settee that stood by the front window, "his head on a cushion and his feet over the end," while Conkling related all he had seen and heard in the previous two days before leaving the Wigwam. Conkling told Lincoln that Seward was in trouble, that he had enemies not only in other states but at home in New York. If Seward was not nominated on the first ballot, Conkling predicted, Lincoln would be the nominee. Lincoln replied that "he hardly thought this could be possible and that in case Mr. Seward was not nominated on the first ballot, it was his judgment that Mr. Chase of Ohio or Mr. Bates of Missouri would be the nominee." Conkling disagreed, citing reasons why each of those two candidates would have difficulty securing the nomination. Assessing the situation with his characteristic clearheadedness, Lincoln could not fail to perceive some truth in what his friend was saying; yet having tasted so many disappointments, he saw no benefit in letting his hopes run wild. "Well, Conkling," he said slowly, pulling his long frame up from the settee, "I believe I will go back to my office and practice law." ? ? ? While Lincoln struggled to sustain his hopes against the likelihood of failure, William Henry Seward was in the best of spirits. He had left Washington three days earlier to repair to his hometown of Auburn, New York, situated in the Finger Lakes Region of the most populous state of the Union, to share the anticipated Republican nomination in the company of family and friends. Nearly sixty years old, with the vitality and appearance of a man half his age, Seward typically rose at 6 a.m. when first light slanted into the bedroom window of his twenty-room country home. Rising early allowed him time to complete his morning constitutional through his beloved garden before the breakfast bell was rung. Situated on better than five acres of land, the Seward mansion was surrounded by manicured lawns, elaborate gardens, and walking paths that wound beneath elms, mountain ash, evergreens, and fruit trees. Decades earlier, Seward had supervised the planting of every one of these trees, which now numbered in the hundreds. He had spent thousands of hours fertilizing and cultivating his flowering shrubs. With what he called "a lover's interest," he inspected them daily. His horticultural passion was in sharp contrast to Lincoln's lack of interest in planting trees or growing flowers at his Springfield home. Having spent his childhood laboring long hours on his father's struggling farm, Lincoln found little that was romantic or recreational about tilling the soil. When Seward "came in to the table," his son Frederick recalled, "he would announce that the hyacinths were in bloom, or that the bluebirds had come, or whatever other change the morning had brought." After breakfast, he typically retired to his book-lined study to enjoy the precious hours of uninterrupted work before his doors opened to the outer world. The chair on which he sat was the same one he had used in the Governor's Mansion in Albany, designed specially for him so that everything he needed could be right at hand. It was, he joked, his "complete office," equipped not only with a writing arm that swiveled back and forth but also with a candleholder and secret drawers to keep his inkwells, pens, treasured snuff box, and the ashes of the half-dozen or more cigars he smoked every day. "He usually lighted a cigar when he sat down to write," Fred recalled, "slowly consuming it as his pen ran rapidly over the page, and lighted a fresh one when that was exhausted." Midmorning of the day of the nomination, a large cannon was hauled from the Auburn Armory into the park. "The cannoneers were stationed at their posts," the local paper reported, "the fire lighted, the ammunition ready, and all waiting for the signal, to make the city and county echo to the joyful news" that was expected to unleash the most spectacular public celebration the city had ever known. People began gathering in front of Seward's house. As the hours passed, the crowds grew denser, spilling over into all the main streets of Auburn. The revelers were drawn from their homes in anticipation of the grand occasion and by the lovely spring weather, welcome after the severe, snowy winters Auburn endured that often isolated the small towns and cities of the region for days at a time. Visitors had come by horse and carriage from the surrounding villages, from Seneca Falls and Waterloo to the west, from Skaneateles to the east, from Weedsport to the north. Local restaurants had stocked up with food. Banners were being prepared, flags were set to be raised, and in the basement of the chief hotel, hundreds of bottles of champagne stood ready to be uncorked. A festive air pervaded Auburn, for the vigorous senator was admired by almost everyone in the region, not only for his political courage, unquestioned integrity, and impressive intellect but even more for his good nature and his genial disposition. A natural politician, Seward was genuinely interested in people, curious about their families and the smallest details of their lives, anxious to help with their problems. As a public man he possessed unusual resilience, enabling him to accept criticism with good-humored serenity. Even the Democratic paper, the New York Herald, conceded that probably fewer than a hundred of Auburn's ten thousand residents would vote against Seward if he received the nomination. "He is beloved by all classes of people, irrespective of partisan predilections," the Herald observed. "No philanthropic or benevolent movement is suggested without receiving his liberal and thoughtful assistance....As a landlord he is kind and lenient; as an advisor he is frank and reliable; as a citizen he is enterprising and patriotic; as a champion of what he considers to be right he is dauntless and intrepid." Seward customarily greeted personal friends at the door and was fond of walking them through his tree-lined garden to his white summerhouse. Though he stood only five feet six inches tall, with a slender frame that young Henry Adams likened to that of a scarecrow, he was nonetheless, Adams marveled, a commanding figure, an outsize personality, a "most glorious original" against whom larger men seemed smaller. People were drawn to this vital figure with the large, hawklike nose, bushy eyebrows, enormous ears; his hair, once bright red, had faded now to the color of straw. His step, in contrast to Lincoln's slow and laborious manner of walking, had a "school-boy elasticity" as he moved from his garden to his house and back again with what one reporter described as a "slashing swagger." Every room of his palatial home contained associations from earlier days, mementos of previous triumphs. The slim Sheraton desk in the hallway had belonged to a member of the First Constitutional Congress in 1789. The fireplace in the parlor had been crafted by the young carpenter Brigham Young, later prophet of the Mormon Church. The large Thomas Cole painting in the drawing room depicting Portage Falls had been presented to Seward in commemoration of his early efforts to extend the canal system in New York State. Every inch of wall space was filled with curios and family portraits executed by the most famous artists of the day -- Thomas Sully, Chester Harding, Henry Inman. Even the ivy that grew along the pathways and up the garden trellises had an anecdotal legacy, having been cultivated at Sir Walter Scott's home in Scotland and presented to Seward by Washington Irving. As he perused the stack of telegrams and newspaper articles arriving from Chicago for the past week, Seward had every reason to be confident. Both Republican and Democratic papers agreed that "the honor in question was [to be] awarded by common expectation to the distinguished Senator from the State of New York, who, more than any other, was held to be the representative man of his party, and who, by his commanding talents and eminent public services, has so largely contributed to the development of its principles." The local Democratic paper, the Albany Atlas and Argus, was forced to concede: "No press has opposed more consistently and more unreservedly than ours the political principles of Mr. Seward....But we have recognised the genius and the leadership of the man." So certain was Seward of receiving the nomination that the weekend before the convention opened he had already composed a first draft of the valedictory speech he expected to make to the Senate, assuming that he would resign his position as soon as the decision in Chicago was made. Taking leave of his Senate colleagues, with whom he had labored through the tumultuous fifties, he had returned to Auburn, the place, he once said, he loved and admired more than any other -- more than Albany, where he had served four years in the state senate and two terms as governor as a member of the Whig Party; more than the U.S. Senate chamber, where he had represented the leading state of the Union for nearly twelve years; more than any city in any of the four continents in which he had traveled extensively. Auburn was the only place, he claimed, where he was left "free to act in an individual and not in a representative and public character," the only place where he felt "content to live, and content, when life's fitful fever shall be over, to die." Auburn was a prosperous community in the 1860s, with six schoolhouses, thirteen churches, seven banks, eleven newspapers, a woolen mill, a candle factory, a state prison, a fine hotel, and more than two hundred stores. Living on the northern shore of Owasco Lake, seventy-eight miles east of Rochester, the citizens took pride in the orderly layout of its streets, adorned by handsome rows of maples, elms, poplars, and sycamores. Seward had arrived in Auburn as a graduate of Union College in Schenectady, New York. Having completed his degree with highest honors and finished his training for the bar, he had come to practice law with Judge Elijah Miller, the leading citizen of Cayuga County. It was in Judge Miller's country house that Seward had courted and married Frances Miller, the judge's intelligent, well-educated daughter. Frances was a tall, slender, comely woman, with large black eyes, an elegant neck, and a passionate commitment to women's rights and the antislavery cause. She was Seward's intellectual equal, a devoted wife and mother, a calming presence in his stormy life. In this same house, where he and Frances had lived since their marriage, five children were born -- Augustus, a graduate of West Point who was now serving in the military; Frederick, who had embarked on a career in journalism and served as his father's private secretary in Washington; Will Junior, who was just starting out in business; and Fanny, a serious-minded girl on the threshold of womanhood, who loved poetry, read widely, kept a daily journal, and hoped someday to be a writer. A second daughter, Cornelia, had died in 1837 at four months. Seward had been slow to take up the Republican banner, finding it difficult to abandon his beloved Whig Party. His national prominence ensured that he became the new party's chief spokesman the moment he joined its ranks. Seward, Henry Adams wrote, "would inspire a cow with statesmanship if she understood our language." The young Republican leader Carl Schurz later recalled that he and his friends idealized Seward and considered him the "leader of the political anti-slavery movement. From him we received the battle-cry in the turmoil of the contest, for he was one of those spirits who sometimes will go ahead of public opinion instead of tamely following its footprints." In a time when words, communicated directly and then repeated in newspapers, were the primary means of communication between a political leader and the public, Seward's ability to "compress into a single sentence, a single word, the whole issue of a controversy" would irrevocably, and often dangerously, create a political identity. Over the years, his ringing phrases, calling upon a "higher law" than the Constitution that commanded men to freedom, or the assertion that the collision between the North and South was "an irrepressible conflict," became, as the young Schurz noted, "the inscriptions on our banners, the pass-words of our combatants." But those same phrases had also alarmed Republican moderates, especially in the West. It was rhetoric, more than substance, that had stamped Seward as a radical -- for his actual positions in 1860 were not far from the center of the Republican Party. Whenever Seward delivered a major speech in the Senate, the galleries were full, for audiences were invariably transfixed not only by the power of his arguments but by his exuberant personality and, not least, the striking peculiarity of his appearance. Forgoing the simpler style of men's clothing that prevailed in the 1850s, Seward preferred pantaloons and a long-tailed frock coat, the tip of a handkerchief poking out its back pocket. This jaunty touch figured in his oratorical style, which included dramatic pauses for him to dip into his snuff box and blow his enormous nose into the outsize yellow silk handkerchief that matched his yellow pantaloons. Such flamboyance and celebrity almost lent an aura of inevitability to his nomination. If Seward remained serene as the hours passed to afternoon, secure in the belief that he was about to realize the goal toward which he had bent his formidable powers for so many years, the chief reason for his tranquillity lay in the knowledge that his campaign at the convention was in the hands of the most powerful political boss in the country: Thurlow Weed. Dictator of New York State for nearly half a century, the handsome, white-haired Weed was Seward's closest friend and ally. "Men might love and respect [him], might hate and despise him," Weed's biographer Glyndon Van Deusen wrote, "but no one who took any interest in the politics and government of the country could ignore him." Over the years, it was Weed who managed every one of Seward's successful campaigns -- for the state senate, the governorship, and the senatorship of New York -- guarding his career at every step along the way "as a hen does its chicks." They made an exceptional team. Seward was more visionary, more idealistic, better equipped to arouse the emotions of a crowd; Weed was more practical, more realistic, more skilled in winning elections and getting things done. While Seward conceived party platforms and articulated broad principles, Weed built the party organization, dispensed patronage, rewarded loyalists, punished defectors, developed poll lists, and carried voters to the polls, spreading the influence of the boss over the entire state. So closely did people identify the two men that they spoke of Seward-Weed as a single political person: "Seward is Weed and Weed is Seward." Thurlow Weed certainly understood that Seward would face a host of problems at the convention. There were many delegates who considered the New Yorker too radical; others disdained him as an opportunist, shifting ground to strengthen his own ambition. Furthermore, complaints of corruption had surfaced in the Weed-controlled legislature. And the very fact that Seward had been the most conspicuous Northern politician for nearly a decade inevitably created jealousy among many of his colleagues. Despite these problems, Seward nonetheless appeared to be the overwhelming choice of Republican voters and politicians. Moreover, since Weed believed the opposition lacked the power to consolidate its strength, he was convinced that Seward would eventually emerge the victor. Members of the vital New York State delegation confirmed Weed's assessment. On May 16, the day the convention opened, the former Whig editor, now a Republican, James Watson Webb assured Seward that there was "no cause for doubting. It is only a question of time....And I tell you, and stake my judgment upon it entirely, that nothing has, or can occur...to shake my convictions in regard to the result." The next day, Congressman Eldridge Spaulding telegraphed Seward: "Your friends are firm and confident that you will be nominated after a few ballots." And on the morning of the 18th, just before the balloting was set to begin, William Evarts, chairman of the New York delegation, sent an optimistic message: "All right. Everything indicates your nomination today sure." The dream that had powered Seward and Weed for three decades seemed within reach at last. ? ? ? While friends and supporters gathered about Seward on the morning of the 18th, Ohio's governor, Salmon Chase, awaited the balloting results in characteristic solitude. History records no visitors that day to the majestic Gothic mansion bristling with towers, turrets, and chimneys at the corner of State and Sixth Streets in Columbus, Ohio, where the handsome fifty-two-year-old widower lived with his two daughters, nineteen-year-old Kate and her half sister, eleven-year-old Nettie. There are no reports of crowds gathering spontaneously in the streets as the hours passed, though preparations had been made for a great celebration that evening should Ohio's favorite son receive the nomination he passionately believed he had a right to expect. Brass bands stood at the ready. Fireworks had been purchased, and a dray procured to drag an enormous cannon to the statehouse, where its thunder might roll over the city once the hoped-for results were revealed. Until that announcement, the citizens of Columbus apparently went about their business, in keeping with the reserved, even austere, demeanor of their governor. Chase stood over six feet in height. His wide shoulders, massive chest, and dignified bearing all contributed to Carl Schurz's assessment that Chase "looked as you would wish a statesman to look." One reporter observed that "he is one of the finest specimens of a perfect man that we have ever seen; a large, well formed head, set upon a frame of herculean proportions," with "an eye of unrivaled splendor and brilliancy." Yet where Lincoln's features became more warm and compelling as one drew near him, the closer one studied Chase's good-looking face, the more one noticed the unattractive droop of the lid of his right eye, creating "an arresting duality, as if two men, rather than one, looked out upon the world." Fully aware of the positive first impression he created, Chase dressed with meticulous care. In contrast to Seward or Lincoln, who were known to greet visitors clad in slippers with their shirttails hanging out, the dignified Chase was rarely seen without a waistcoat. Nor was he willing to wear his glasses in public, though he was so nearsighted that he would often pass friends on the street without displaying the slightest recognition. An intensely religious man of unbending routine, Chase likely began that day, as he began every day, gathering his two daughters and all the members of his household staff around him for a solemn reading of Scripture. The morning meal done, he and his elder daughter, Kate, would repair to the library to read and discuss the morning papers, searching together for signs that people across the country regarded Chase as highly as he regarded himself -- signs that would bolster their hope for the Republican nomination. During his years as governor, he kept to a rigid schedule, setting out at the same time each morning for the three-block walk to the statehouse, which was usually his only exercise of the day. Never late for appointments, he had no patience with the sin of tardiness, which robbed precious minutes of life from the person who was kept waiting. On those evenings when he had no public functions to attend, he would sequester himself in his library at home to answer letters, consult the statute books, memorize lines of poetry, study a foreign language, or practice the jokes that, however hard he tried, he could never gracefully deliver. On the rare nights when he indulged in a game of backgammon or chess with Kate, he would invariably return to work at his fastidiously arranged drop-leaf desk, where everything was always in its "proper place" with not a single pen or piece of paper out of order. There he would sit for hours, long after every window on his street was dark, recording his thoughts in the introspective diary he had kept since he was twenty years old. Then, as the candle began to sink, he would turn to his Bible to close the day as it had begun, with prayer. Unlike Seward's Auburn estate, which he and Frances had furnished over the decades with objects that marked different stages of their lives, Chase had filled his palatial house with exquisite carpets, carved parlor chairs, elegant mirrors, and rich draperies that important people of his time ought to display to prove their eminence to the world at large. He had moved frequently during his life, and this Columbus dwelling was the first home he had really tried to make his own. Yet everything was chosen for effect: even the dogs, it was said, seemed "designed and posed." Columbus was a bustling capital city in 1860, with a population of just under twenty thousand and a reputation for gracious living and hospitable entertainment. The city's early settlers had hailed largely from New England, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, but in recent decades German and Irish immigrants had moved in, along with a thousand free blacks who lived primarily in the Long Street district near the Irish settlement. It was a time of steady growth and prosperity. Spacious blocks with wide shade trees were laid out in the heart of the city, where, the writer William Dean Howells recalled, beautiful young women, dressed in great hoopskirts, floated by "as silken balloons walking in the streets." Fashionable districts developed along High and State Streets, and a new Capitol, nearly as big as the United States Capitol, opened its doors in January 1857. Built in Greek Revival style, with tall Doric columns defining each of the entrances and a large cupola on top, the magnificent structure, which housed the governor's office as well as the legislative chambers, was proclaimed to be "the greatest State capitol building" in the country. Unlike Seward, who frequently attended theater, loved reading novels, and found nothing more agreeable than an evening of cards, fine cigars, and a bottle of port, Chase neither drank nor smoked. He considered both theater and novels a foolish waste of time and recoiled from all games of chance, believing that they unwholesomely excited the mind. Nor was he likely to regale his friends with intricate stories told for pure fun, as did Lincoln. As one contemporary noted, "he seldom told a story without spoiling it." Even those who knew him well, except perhaps his beloved Kate, rarely recalled his laughing aloud. Kate Chase, beautiful and ambitious, filled the emotional void in her father's heart created by the almost incomprehensible loss of three wives, all having died at a young age, including Kate's mother when Kate was five years old. Left on his own, Chase had molded and shaped his brilliant daughter, watching over her growth and cultivation with a boundless ardor. When she was seven, he sent her to an expensive boarding school in Gramercy Park, New York, where she remained for ten years, studying Latin, French, history, and the classics, in addition to elocution, deportment, and the social graces. "In a few years you will necessarily go into society," he had told her when she was thirteen. "I desire that you may be qualified to ornament any society in our own country or elsewhere into which I may have occasion to take you. It is for this reason that I care more for your improvement in your studies, the cultivation of your manners, and the establishment of your moral & religious principles, than for anything else." After Kate graduated from boarding school and returned to Columbus, she blossomed as Ohio's first lady. Her father's ambitions and dreams became the ruling passions of her life. She gradually made herself absolutely essential to him, helping with his correspondence, editing his speeches, discussing political strategy, entertaining his friends and colleagues. While other girls her age focused on the social calendar of balls and soirees, she concentrated all her energies on furthering her father's political career. "She did everything in her power," her biographers suggest, "to fill the gaps in his life so that he would not in his loneliness seek another Mrs. Chase." She sat beside him at lyceum lectures and political debates. She presided over his dinners and receptions. She became his surrogate wife. Though Chase treated his sweet, unassuming younger daughter, Janette (Nettie), with warmth and affection, his love for Kate was powerfully intertwined with his desire for political advancement. He had cultivated her in his own image, and she possessed an ease of conversation far more relaxed than his own. Now he could depend on her to assist him every step along the way as, day after day, year after year, he moved steadily toward his goal of becoming president. From the moment when the high office appeared possible to Chase, with his stunning election in 1855 as the first Republican governor of a major state, it had become the consuming passion of both father and daughter that he reach the White House -- a passion that would endure even after the Civil War was over. Seward was no less ambitious, but he was far more at ease with diverse people, and more capable of discarding the burdens of office at the end of the day. Yet if Chase was somewhat priggish and more self-righteous than Seward, he was more inflexibly attached to his guiding principles, which, for more than a quarter of a century, had encompassed an unflagging commitment to the cause of the black man. Whereas the more accommodating Seward could have been a successful politician in almost any age, Chase functioned best in an era when dramatic moral issues prevailed. The slavery debate of the antebellum period allowed Chase to argue his antislavery principles in biblical terms of right and wrong. Chase was actually more radical than Seward on the slavery issue, but because his speeches were not studded with memorable turns of phrase, his positions were not as notorious in the country at large, and, therefore, not as damaging in more moderate circles. "There may have been abler statesmen than Chase, and there certainly were more agreeable companions," his biographer Albert Hart has asserted, "but none of them contributed so much to the stock of American political ideas as he." In his study of the origins of the Republican Party, William Gienapp underscores this judgment. "In the long run," he concludes, referring both to Chase's intellectual leadership of the antislavery movement and to his organizational abilities, "no individual made a more significant contribution to the formation of the Republican party than did Chase." And no individual felt he deserved the presidency as a natural result of his past contributions more than Chase himself. Writing to his longtime friend the abolitionist Gamaliel Bailey, he claimed: "A very large body of the people -- embracing not a few who would hardly vote for any man other than myself as a Republican nominee -- seem to desire that I shall be a candidate in 1860. No effort of mine, and so far as I know none of my immediate personal friends has produced this feeling. It seems to be of spontaneous growth." A vivid testimony to the power of the governor's wishful thinking is provided by Carl Schurz, Seward's avid supporter, who was invited to stay with Chase while lecturing in Ohio in March 1860. "I arrived early in the morning," Schurz recalled in his memoirs, "and was, to my great surprise, received at the uncomfortable hour by the Governor himself, and taken to the breakfast room." Kate entered, greeted him, "and then let herself down upon her chair with the graceful lightness of a bird that, folding its wings, perches upon the branch of a tree....She had something imperial in the pose of the head, and all her movements possessed an exquisite natural charm. No wonder that she came to be admired as a great beauty and broke many hearts." The conversation, in which "Miss Kate took a lively and remarkably intelligent part, soon turned upon politics," as Chase revealed to Schurz with surprising candor his "ardent desire to be President of the United States." Aware that Schurz would be a delegate at the convention, Chase sounded him on his own candidacy. "It would have given me a moment of sincerest happiness could I have answered that question with a note of encouragement, for nothing could have appeared to me more legitimate than the high ambition of that man," Schurz recalled. Chagrined, he nonetheless felt compelled to give an honest judgment, predicting that if the delegates were willing to nominate "an advanced anti-slavery man," they would take Seward before Chase. Chase was taken aback, "as if he had heard something unexpected." A look of sadness came over his face. Quickly he regained control and proceeded to deliver a powerful brief demonstrating why he, rather than Seward, deserved to be considered the true leader of the antislavery forces. Schurz remained unconvinced, but he listened politely, certain that he had never before met a public man with such a serious case of "presidential fever," to the extent of "honestly believing that he owed it to the country and that the country owed it to him that he should be President." For his part, Chase remained hopeful that by his own unwavering self-confidence he had cast a spell on Schurz. The following day, Chase told his friend Robert Hosea about the visit, suggesting that in the hours they spent together Schurz had seemed to alter his opinion of Chase's chance at winning, making it "desirable to have him brought in contact with our best men." Despite Chase's best efforts Schurz remained loyal to Seward. In the weeks before the convention, the Chase candidacy received almost daily encouragement in the Ohio State Journal, the Republican newspaper in Columbus. "No man in the country is more worthy, no one is more competent," the Journal declared. By "steady devotion to the principles of popular freedom, through a long political career," he "has won the confidence and attachment of the people in regions far beyond the State." Certain that his cause would ultimately triumph, Chase refused to engage in the practical methods by which nominations are won. He had virtually no campaign. He had not conciliated his many enemies in Ohio itself, and as a result, he alone among the candidates would not come to the convention with the united support of his own state. Remaining in his Columbus mansion with Kate by his side, he preferred to make inroads by reminding his supporters in dozens of letters that he was the best man for the job. Listening only to what he wanted to hear, discounting troubling signs, Chase believed that "if the most cherished wishes of the people could prevail," he would be the nominee. "Now is the time," one supporter told him. "You will ride triumphantly on the topmost wave." On the eve of the convention, he remained buoyant. "There is reason to hope," he told James Briggs, a lawyer from Cleveland -- reason to hope that he and Kate would soon take their place as the president and first lady of the United States. ? ? ? Judge Edward Bates awaited news from the convention at Grape Hill, his large country estate four miles from the city of St. Louis. Julia Coalter, his wife of thirty-seven years, was by his side. She was an attractive, sturdy woman who had borne him seventeen children, eight of whom survived to adulthood. Their extended family of six sons, two daughters, and nearly a dozen grandchildren remained unusually close. As the children married and raised families of their own, they continued to consider Grape Hill their primary home. The judge's orderly life was steeped in solid rituals based on the seasons, the land, and his beloved family. He bathed in cold water every morning. A supper bell called him to eat every night. In the first week of April, he "substituted cotton for wollen socks, and a single breasted satin waistcoat for a double-breasted velvet." In July and August, he would monitor the progress of his potatoes, cabbage, squash, beets, and sweet corn. In the fall he would harvest his grape arbors. On New Year's Day, the Bates family followed an old country custom whereby the women remained home all day greeting visitors, while the men rode together from one house or farm to the next, paying calls on friends. At sixty-six, Bates was among the oldest and best-loved citizens of St. Louis. In 1814, when he first ventured to the thriving city, it was a small fur trading village with a scattering of primitive cabins and a single ramshackle church. Four decades later, St. Louis boasted a population of 160,000 residents, and its infrastructure had boomed to include multiple churches, an extensive private and public educational system, numerous hospitals, and a variety of cultural facilities. The ever-increasing prosperity of the city, writes a historian of St. Louis, "led to the building of massive, ornate private homes equipped with libraries, ballrooms, conservatories, European paintings and sculpture." Over the years, Bates had held a variety of respected offices -- delegate to the convention that had drafted the first constitution of the state, member of the state legislature, representative to the U.S. congress, and judge of the St. Louis Land Court. His ambitions for political success, however, had been gradually displaced by love for his wife and large family. Though he had been asked repeatedly during the previous twenty years since his withdrawal from public life to run or once again accept high government posts, he consistently declined the offers. Described by the portrait artist Alban Jasper Conant as "the quaintest looking character that walked the streets," Bates still wore "the old-fashioned Quaker clothes that had never varied in cut since he left his Virginia birthplace as a youth of twenty." He stood five feet seven inches tall, with a strong chin, heavy brows, thick hair that remained black until the end of his life, and a full white beard. In later years, Lincoln noted the striking contrast between Bates's black hair and white beard and teasingly suggested it was because Bates talked more than he thought, using "his chin more than his head." Julia Bates was also plain in her dress, "unaffected by the crinolines and other extravagances of the day, preferring a clinging skirt, a deep-pointed fichu called a Van Dyck, and a close-fitting little bonnet." "How happy is my lot!" Bates recorded in his diary in the 1850s. "Blessed with a wife & children who spontaneously do all they can to make me comfortable, anticipating my wishes, even in the little matter of personal convenience, as if their happiness wholly depended on mine. O! it is a pleasure to work for such a family, to enjoy with them the blessings that God so freely gives." He found his legal work rewarding and intellectually stimulating, reveled in his position as an elder in the Presbyterian Church, and loved nothing more than to while away the long winter nights in his treasured library. In contrast to Seward, whose restless energy found insufficient outlet in the bosom of his family, and to Chase, plagued all his days by unattained ambition, Bates experienced a passionate joy in the present, content to call himself "a very domestic, home, man." He had come briefly to national attention in 1847, when he delivered a spellbinding speech at the great River and Harbor Convention in Chicago, organized to protest President Polk's veto of a Whig-sponsored bill to provide federal appropriations for the internal improvement of rivers and harbors, especially needed in the fast-growing West. For a short time after the convention, newspapers across the country heralded Bates as a leading prospect for high political office, but he refused to take the bait. Thus, as the 1860 election neared, he assumed that, like his youth and early manhood, his old ambitions for political office had long since passed him by. In this assumption, he was mistaken. Thirteen months before the Chicago convention, at a dinner hosted by Missouri congressman Frank Blair, Bates was approached to run for president by a formidable political group spearheaded by Frank's father, Francis Preston Blair, Sr. At sixty-six, the elder Blair had been a powerful player in Washington for decades. A Democrat most of his life, he had arrived in Washington from Kentucky during Andrew Jackson's first presidential term to publish the Democratic organ, the Globe newspaper. Blair soon became one of Jackson's most trusted advisers, a member of the famous "kitchen cabinet." Meetings were often held in the "Blair House," the stately brick mansion opposite the White House where Blair lived with his wife and four children. (Still known as the Blair House, the elegant dwelling is now owned by the government, serving as the president's official guesthouse.) To the lonely Jackson, whose wife had recently died, the Blairs became a surrogate family. The three Blair boys -- James, Montgomery, and Frank Junior -- had the run of the White House, while Elizabeth, the only girl, actually lived in the family quarters for months at a time and Jackson doted on her as if she were his own child. Indeed, decades later, when Jackson neared death, he called Elizabeth to his home in Tennessee and gave her his wife's wedding ring, which he had worn on his watch chain from the day of her death. Blair Senior had broken with the Democrats after the Mexican War over the extension of slavery into the territories. Although born and bred in the South, and still a slaveowner himself, he had become convinced that slavery must not be extended beyond where it already existed. He was one of the first important political figures to call for the founding of the Republican Party. At a Christmas dinner on his country estate in Silver Spring, Maryland, in 1855, he instigated plans for the first Republican Convention in Philadelphia that following summer. Over the years, Blair's Silver Spring estate, just across the District of Columbia boundary, had become a natural gathering place for politicians and journalists. The house was situated amid hundreds of rolling acres surrounded by orchards, brooks, even a series of grottoes. From the "Big Gate" at the entrance, the carriage roadway passed through a forest of pine and poplar, opening to reveal a long driveway winding between two rows of chestnut trees and over a rustic bridge to the main house. In the years ahead, the Blairs' Silver Spring estate would become one of Lincoln's favorite places to relax. The group that Blair convened included his two accomplished sons, Montgomery and Frank; an Indiana congressman, Schuyler Colfax, who would later become vice president under Ulysses Grant; and Charles Gibson, one of Bates's oldest friends in Missouri. Montgomery Blair, tall, thin, and scholarly, had graduated from West Point before studying law and moving to Missouri. In the 1850s he had returned to Washington to be closer to his parents. He took up residence in his family's city mansion on Pennsylvania Avenue. In the nation's capital, Monty Blair developed a successful legal practice and achieved national fame when he represented the slave Dred Scott in his bid for freedom. Monty's charismatic younger brother Frank, recently elected to Congress, was a natural politician. Strikingly good-looking, with reddish-brown hair, a long red mustache, high cheekbones, and bright gray eyes, Frank was the one on whom the Blair family's burning ambitions rested. Both his father and older brother harbored dreams that Frank would one day become president. But in 1860, Frank was only in his thirties, and in the meantime, the Blair family turned its powerful gaze on Edward Bates. The Blairs had settled on the widely respected judge, a longtime Whig and former slaveholder who had emancipated his slaves and become a Free-Soiler, as the ideal candidate for a conservative national ticket opposed to both the radical abolitionists in the North and the proslavery fanatics in the South. Though he had never officially joined the Republican Party, Bates held fast to the cardinal principle of Republicanism: that slavery must be restricted to the states where it already existed, and that it must be prevented from expanding into the territories. As a man of the West and a peacemaker by nature, Bates was just the person, Blair Senior believed, to unite old-line Whigs, antislavery Democrats, and liberal nativists in a victorious fight against the Southern Democratic slaveocracy. The fact that Bates had receded from the political scene for decades was an advantage, leaving him untainted by the contentious battles of the fifties. He alone, his supporters believed, could quell the threats of secession and civil war and return the nation to peace, progress, and prosperity. Unsurprisingly, Bates was initially reluctant to allow his name to be put forward as a candidate for president. "I feel, tho' in perfect bodily health, an indolence and indecision not common with me," he conceded in July 1859. "The cause, I fear, is the mixing up of my name in Politics....A large section of the Republican party, who think that Mr. Seward's nomination would ensure defeat, are anxious to take me up, thinking that I could carry the Whigs and Americans generally....I must try to resist the temptation, and not allow my thoughts to be drawn off from the common channels of business and domestic cares. Ambition is a passion, at once strong and insidious, and is very apt to cheet a man out of his happiness and his true respectability of character." Gradually, however, as letters and newspaper editorials advocating his candidacy crowded in upon him, a desire for the highest office in the land took command of his nature. The office to which he heard the call was not, as he had once disdained, "a mere seat in Congress as a subaltern member," but the presidency of the United States. Six months after the would-be kingmakers had approached him, Frank Blair, Jr., noted approvingly that "the mania has bitten old Bates very seriously," and predicted he would "play out more boldly for it than he has heretofore done." By the dawn of the new year, 1860, thoughts of the White House monopolized the entries Bates penned in his diary, crowding out his previous observations on the phases of the moon and the state of his garden. "My nomination for the Presidency, which at first struck me with mere wonder, has become familiar, and now I begin to think my prospects very fair," he recorded on January 9, 1860. "Circumstances seem to be remarkably concurrent in my favor, and there is now great probability that the Opposition of all classes will unite upon me: And that will be equivalent to election....Can it be reserved for me to defeat and put down that corrupt and dangerous party [the Democratic Party]? Truly, if I can do my country that much good, I will rejoice in the belief that I have not lived in vain." In the weeks that followed, his days were increasingly taken up with politics. Though he did not enjoy formal dinner parties, preferring intimate suppers with his family and a few close friends, Bates now spent more time than ever before entertaining political friends, educators, and newspaper editors. Although still tending to his garden, he immersed himself in periodicals on politics, economics, and public affairs. He felt he should prepare himself intellectually for the task of presidential leadership by reading historical accounts of Europe's most powerful monarchs, as well as theoretical works on government. He sought guidance for his role as chief executive in Carlyle's Frederick the Great and Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations. Evenings once devoted to family were now committed to public speeches and correspondence with supporters. Politics had fastened a powerful hold upon him, disrupting his previous existence. The chance for his nomination depended, as was true for Chase and Lincoln as well, on Seward's failure to achieve a first ballot victory at the convention. "I have many strong assurances that I stand second," Bates confided in his diary, "first in the Northwest and in some states in New England, second in New York, Pa." To be sure, there were pockets of opposition, particularly among the more passionate Republicans, who argued that the party must nominate one of its own, and among the German-Americans, who recalled that Bates had endorsed Millard Fillmore when he ran for president on the anti-immigrant American Party four years earlier. As the convention approached, however, his supporters were increasingly optimistic. "There is no question," the New York Tribune predicted, "as there has been none for these three months past, that [Bates] will have more votes in the Convention than any other candidate presented by those who think it wiser to nominate a man of moderate and conservative antecedents." As the delegates gathered in Chicago, Francis Blair, Sr., prophesied that Bates would triumph in Chicago. Though Bates acknowledged he had never officially joined the Republican Party, he understood that many Republicans, including "some of the most moderate and patriotic" men, believed that his nomination "would tend to soften the tone of the Republican party, without any abandonment of its principles," thus winning "the friendship and support of many, especially in the border States." His chances of success looked good. How strangely it had all turned out, for surely he understood that he had followed an unusual public path, a path that had curved swiftly upward when he was young, then leveled off, even sloped downward for many years. But now, as he positioned himself to reenter politics, he sighted what appeared to be a relatively clear trail all the way to the very top. ? ? ? On that morning of May 18, 1860, Bates's chief objective was simply to stop Seward on the first ballot. Chase, too, had his eye on the front-runner, while Seward worried about Chase. Bates had become convinced that the convention would turn to him as the only real moderate. Neither Seward nor Chase nor Bates seriously considered Lincoln an obstacle to their great ambition. Lincoln was not a complete unknown to his rivals. By 1860, his path had crossed with each of them in different ways. Seward had met Lincoln twelve years before at a political meeting. The two shared lodging that night, and Seward encouraged Lincoln to clarify and intensify his moderate position on slavery. Lincoln had met Bates briefly, and had sat in the audience in 1847 when Bates delivered his mesmerizing speech at the River and Harbor Convention. Chase had campaigned for Lincoln and the Republicans in Illinois in 1858, though the two men had never met. There was little to lead one to suppose that Abraham Lincoln, nervously rambling the streets of Springfield that May morning, who scarcely had a national reputation, certainly nothing to equal any of the other three, who had served but a single term in Congress, twice lost bids for the Senate, and had no administrative experience whatsoever, would become the greatest historical figure of the nineteenth century. Copyright © 2005 by Blithedale Productions, Inc. Mehr lesen -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- PRODUKTINFORMATION * Herausgeber : Simon & Schuster (26. September 2006) * Sprache : Englisch * Taschenbuch : 944 Seiten * ISBN-10 : 0743270754 * ISBN-13 : 978-0743270755 * Artikelgewicht : 1.22 kg * Abmessungen : 15.56 x 4.32 x 23.5 cm * Amazon Bestseller-Rang: Nr. 7,329 in Bücher (Siehe Top 100 in Bücher) * Nr. 2 in Abschaffung der Sklaverei in den USA * Nr. 6 in Allgemeine Wahlen & politischer Prozess * Nr. 11 in Biografien von Figuren aus dem Bürgerkrieg * Kundenrezensionen: 4,8 von 5 Sternen 6.141 Sternebewertungen Brief content visible, double tap to read full content. Full content visible, double tap to read brief content. VIDEOS Helfen Sie anderen, mehr über dieses Produkt zu erfahren, indem Sie ein Video hochladen! Video hochladen -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- INFORMATIONEN ZUM AUTOR Folge Autoren, um Neuigkeiten zu Veröffentlichungen und verbesserte Empfehlungen zu erhalten. Folgen DORIS KEARNS GOODWIN Brief content visible, double tap to read full content. Full content visible, double tap to read brief content. DORIS KEARNS GOODWIN’s interest in leadership began more than half a century ago as a professor at Harvard. Her experiences working for LBJ in the White House and later assisting him on his memoirs led to her bestselling Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream. She followed up with the Pulitzer Prize–winning No Ordinary Time: Franklin & Eleanor Roosevelt: The Home Front in World War II. Goodwin earned the Lincoln Prize for the runaway bestseller Team of Rivals, the basis for Steven Spielberg’s Academy Award-winning film Lincoln, and the Carnegie Medal for The Bully Pulpit, the New York Times bestselling chronicle of the friendship between Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft. She lives in Concord, Massachusetts, with her husband, the writer Richard N. Goodwin. 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Um die Gesamtbewertung der Sterne und die prozentuale Aufschlüsselung nach Sternen zu berechnen, verwenden wir keinen einfachen Durchschnitt. Stattdessen berücksichtigt unser System beispielsweise, wie aktuell eine Bewertung ist und ob der Prüfer den Artikel bei Amazon gekauft hat. Es wurden auch Bewertungen analysiert, um die Vertrauenswürdigkeit zu überprüfen. Erfahren Sie mehr darüber, wie Kundenbewertungen bei Amazon funktionieren. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Gesponsert Bildergalerie anzeigen Amazon Customer 2,0 von 5 Sternen Used or new? Rezension aus den Vereinigten Staaten vom 19. Mai 2018 I open the package, pulled out the book and notice how banged up it was, I was really thinking if I bought this used instead of new or if it was a mistake, I went to the order history to confirm I have purchase it as new but the pages are not linear and falling one on top of the other, instead they are misaligned, they are chipped or cut, the cover is not intact. I really don't know what to think here. Kind of disappointed. Bilder in dieser Rezension REZENSIONEN MIT BILDERN Alle Kundenbilder anzeigen REZENSIONEN FILTERN NACH * Deutsch * Englisch -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Spitzenrezensionen Neueste zuerst Spitzenrezensionen SPITZENBEWERTUNGEN AUS USA Übersetzen Sie alle Bewertungen auf Deutsch DERZEIT TRITT EIN PROBLEM BEIM FILTERN DER REZENSIONEN AUF. BITTE VERSUCHEN SIE ES SPÄTER NOCH EINMAL. DantheMan 5,0 von 5 Sternen Special Book, a Joy to Read Rezension aus den Vereinigten Staaten vom 4. Dezember 2018 Verifizierter Kauf This is a special book. There is no other way to say it. I cannot imagine the hours, the years, the research, the extensive compiling and organization it must have taken Goodwin to write this masterpiece. Over the last two months I have been plodding through this Pulitzer prize winning book, enjoying every detail, savoring every character—in what has to be one of my favorite periods of American history. Goodwin is a very good writer and because the book is so laden with direct source material, I feel assured that she is giving nothing more than the full flavor of Lincoln and the figures that composed his cabinet. Team of Rivals traces the story of Lincoln (primarily), Bates, Seward, and Chase—all political figures running for the 1860 Republican Presidential nomination. After Lincoln shockingly won the nomination, he assembled these three “rivals” as the primary cogs of his cabinet, key players who would prove indispensable throughout the most turbulent period in our nation’s history. Goodwin also brings us up to speed on other key players of the times: Secretary of Navy Welles, Secretary of War Stanton (my personal favorite), General McClellan, General Grant, Senator Sumner, Mary Lincoln, Republican Operative Thurlow Weed…etc. Goodwin does a biographical sketch of each key figure and, most importantly, the unlikely rise to power of the “rail splitter,” Abraham Lincoln. Lincoln peaked politically at the right time, and though he was less accomplished than his opponents for the nomination he was active in the build up to the election. With only one congressional term under his belt, his highly publicized debates with Stephen Douglas over the divisive issue of slavery were paramount to his quick rise. Furthermore, Lincoln’s patience and delayed gratification in years prior were foundational to him gaining allies necessary for the 1860 upset. There are many, many leadership gems throughout this book. I actually cannot imagine a better way to learn leadership than through well-written history of great leaders of the past. Here are some qualities we can learn from Abraham Lincoln: We can learn from Lincoln’s caution: not impulsively making a decision or taking a public stance before we are sure it is the correct approach. Though often criticized for being late to the party on the progressive issue of slavery, once Lincoln made up his mind there was no looking back. This resolution and determination to “see it to the end” once a decision had been made was key to Lincoln’s success throughout the war. We can learn from Lincoln’s magnanimity. Lincoln had an overwhelming ability to overlook offense and personal slights, to the point where I was frustrated with his longsuffering treatment of General McClellan. I found his handling of the gifted yet difficult Secretary Chase humorous. The ambitious Chase was not-so-subtly trying to undermine Lincoln in order that he would be able to take the Presidency in the next term. While Lincoln was well aware of this, he recognized Chase to be indispensable to the war effort as Secretary of Treasury. Three times Lincoln denied Chase’s resignation and continually pandered to his easily wounded and offended ego. Lincoln even nominated Chase to Chief Justice of the Supreme Court after he eventually accepted his resignation from the office of the treasury, which showed a practically inhuman ability to overlook personal animosity. We can learn from Lincoln’s love for people and his empathy. Lincoln had a profound capability to connect with people, to share in the sorrows of others, to form a bond with constituents. His speeches, while loaded with precise logic our modern times may struggle to keep pace with, had a unique ability to connect with the common, everyday man through his frequent illustrations, idioms, and stories. People were attracted to Lincoln; they were assured of his goodwill. Suffice it to say, the guy was likeable. We can learn from Lincoln’s ways of coping with stress. While the war weighed heavily on him and took a shocking emotional toll (not to mention it overlapping with the death of his beloved son), Lincoln found healthy ways to deal with the inner turmoil. He went to plays at the local theaters frequently. He had close friendships with other men (Seward, Hay), which consisted of plenty of late night conversations and light hearted debates. These relationships allowed him to frequently share his stories and good natured humor, which helped check the internal anguish he was experiencing. We can learn from Lincoln’s welcome of opposing viewpoints. Lincoln loved debate. He relished the iron sharpening experience brought by opposition. Instead of being daunted by a cabinet full of politically ambitious, superiorly educated and experienced men than he, Lincoln welcomed the often lively pushback. Yet, he was never intimidated by them, nor did his will repeatedly bend to the wishes of such celebrated politicians. Lincoln was his own man, and he had a deep confidence in his own aptitude for the job as well as his own ideas. While many expected key figures in the cabinet to perhaps control the Presidency by proxy, Lincoln would remain the President through and through—a fact his cabinet came to recognize rather quickly. The Civil War era captivates me. I cannot quite place my finger on it: the times are romantic and desperate, filled with immense tragedy and yet bold triumph. There is the issue of profound morality at stake, and yet the War remains drastically convoluted and nuanced. While I have read books on some generals and battles—I had not yet received an exclusively political perspective. Team of Rivals took me there, placed me in that time among these larger than life statesmen, in the greatest upheaval in our nation’s history. For that I am thankful. Lesen Sie weiter 156 Personen fanden diese Informationen hilfreich Nützlich Missbrauch melden Rezensionen auf Deutsch übersetzen Maalika Manoharan 5,0 von 5 Sternen A must read for anyone who aspires to make an ... Rezension aus den Vereinigten Staaten vom 20. Januar 2018 Verifizierter Kauf A must read for anyone who aspires to make an impact in the world and leave a legacy. Lincoln shows us how can be humble, true, kind, and yet politically astute and persuasive. The position of United States in the world and what it stands for is made all that stronger thanks to Lincoln. I learnt a lot from this book, especially about being non-judgmental, patient and thoughtful. The amount of time Lincoln took to write all his speeches, and the care and thought behind each word - yes, they deserve to be enshrined and read over and over by millions of people. Lesen Sie weiter 106 Personen fanden diese Informationen hilfreich Nützlich Missbrauch melden Rezensionen auf Deutsch übersetzen Kelley Ridings 5,0 von 5 Sternen Rediscover Lincoln’s Brilliant Leadership Rezension aus den Vereinigten Staaten vom 25. November 2018 Verifizierter Kauf Team of Rivals is a brilliant look at Abraham Lincoln and his cabinet appointees and how they all shaped the American Civil War. Lincoln seemingly appeared a political neophyte in many ways when he was elected president. Without question Lincoln faced the worst crisis in US history, when after his election, many slave holding states seceded from the union. Doris Kearns Goodwin brilliantly showed how Lincoln had wisely assembled and then led his cabinet through this tumultuous time, even though the cabinet often adamantly disagreed, and sometimes even worked at cross purposes to undermine each other. Popular opinion at first was that Lincoln was the weak link among this group of politicians, and was led to certain political positions, especially at the hands of Secretary of State William Seward. Kearns shows that Lincoln however was adept at gathering people with diverse views, valuing their positions, and then reaching his own conclusions about the final action to take. As a brilliant leader, Lincoln was willing to evolve his views of the critical issues of the day. The prime example is how he arrived at issuing his Emancipation Proclamation in 1863. Emancipation wasn’t a fait accompli when Lincoln first became president, yet his view evolved as the complexities of the war played out month after month as he realized that the most important way to end the war was to end slavery in the states in rebellion. Even after issuing the Proclamation, the fate of the freed slaves was still uncertain, yet Lincoln steadfastly stood behind his groundbreaking document and wouldn’t waiver in his support for freedom for those former slaves. Lincoln also was masterful in understanding public opinion, perhaps uniquely among politicians of his era and before. He seemed to be at the forefront of knowing when the public would support him and when not. All of this made him a highly effective president, war-time leader, and most importantly, shaper of groundbreaking moral values. I found this book to be a well-written and engrossing read, and it certainly helped me understand Lincoln and his leadership style much more. While I have always revered him, this book helped me see him in a new light. The prime example was how he wrote the Gettysburg Address, his most famous speech. After reading about how it evolved, I read those words with a completely different understanding that after 35 years of study of them I hadn’t seen before. While not a quick read, Team of Rivals allows the reader to discover a much deeper appreciation of Lincoln’s brilliance. Lesen Sie weiter 15 Personen fanden diese Informationen hilfreich Nützlich Missbrauch melden Rezensionen auf Deutsch übersetzen Betsy Robinson 5,0 von 5 Sternen Great Book--some Kindle drawbacks Rezension aus den Vereinigten Staaten vom 27. September 2017 Verifizierter Kauf A wonderful nuanced book that resonates mightily with and informs what is going on today. Read it if you want to understand any kind of historical basis for what is now happening in the U.S. Read it if you love the minutia of history—every conversation ever recorded during the Lincoln period, every permutation and convolution of the Civil War, the complex emotional motivations behind the factions—or if you feel as if you need to learn U.S. history. Regarding Kindle version: Pros: It is lightweight, which is a lot easier than reading a 900 page book. Cons: The search function is not enabled in the Kindle version. The back-of-the-book Index has hyperlinks, but you have to manually page through it to find what you want to search for. This is a real drawback in a book of so many characters that you often want to be reminded about who somebody is. Lesen Sie weiter 63 Personen fanden diese Informationen hilfreich Nützlich Missbrauch melden Rezensionen auf Deutsch übersetzen -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Alle Rezensionen anzeigen SPITZENREZENSIONEN AUS ANDEREN LÄNDERN Übersetzen Sie alle Bewertungen auf Deutsch David Herdson 5,0 von 5 Sternen Lincoln’s team and his brilliance at leading them Rezension aus dem Vereinigten Königreich vom 5. Oktober 2017 Verifizierter Kauf Doris Kearns Goodwin deserves thanks from her readers twice over. Firstly, in the crowded field of writings on the US Civil War and on Abraham Lincoln, she has found a new and fascinating way of illuminating the man, his life and times. And secondly, having identified that opportunity, she had then written an outstanding book. Her book’s concept is simple enough. Four men (excluding also-rans) contested the Republican nomination in 1860: William Seward, Salmon Chase, Abraham Lincoln and Edward Bates. Unusually, after Lincoln won his party’s endorsement and, subsequently, the presidential election, he invited his former competitors to take seats in the cabinet – hence the book’s title. Goodwin’s is the story of how the four came to be the principle Republican candidates and how they interacted once on the same team after the election. That’s a lot of weight for a book to carry and one of its remarkable features is how lightly it does so. Despite measuring in at a little over 750 pages (or well over 900 if notes and index are included), it never plods. Partly, that’s because Goodwin doesn’t stick rigidly to her mission. The first part, leading up to 1860, is essentially four parallel biographies. The temptation, which she rightly resists, is to over-write their early lives. Instead, she focusses on the key experiences that made them who they became, on what they shared in common and where they differed: the essential building blocks of the post-1860 story. What she does write though is comprehensively researched and packed with relevant anecdote and reference. She not only brings the people to life but also the times they lived in. She also lightens the load by ensuring that it is not a Civil War book, as such. The conflict does, of course, dominate Lincoln’s presidency but she’s interested in how it was managed from DC, not the details of the campaigns themselves, unless they link into the main narrative. The four men also do not get equal billing. Lincoln, of course, is pre-eminent but the index is revealing: against Lincoln’s near-six columns of entries, Seward has three, Chase, a little over two and Bates, just one and a quarter. This, again, is as it should be. Bates’ life, for example, was not as dramatic as the other men’s, nor was he as central to the administration as Seward or Chase. Similarly, the cast extends far beyond these central characters, particularly once Lincoln becomes president and the Civil War breaks out. There is, however, a second narrative theme, revealed in the book’s sub-title. I knew (as surely does virtually everyone) that Lincoln was a great man. I hadn’t realised until I read this just how profoundly good a man he was, nor how great a politician either: two surprisingly interrelated attributes. His skill at man-management was extraordinary, helped in no small part by his exceptional patience and magnanimity. That said, it’s in Goodwin’s description of Lincoln’s political ability that I have my one reservation about her book. She doesn’t criticise him for any decision or action he took and his is implicitly described as a career virtually without error. No-one is that perfect and while I’m not a Lincoln expert, the evidence from her own book suggests to me that he was too indulgent at times towards underperforming or disloyal colleagues and commanders – Chase and McClellan being two obvious examples. I’m not particularly religious but it’s hard not to see something providential about Lincoln’s presidency. No one could have led the Union more effectively given the options available (though that was far from clear beforehand); Lincoln was a remarkable choice for candidate given his almost complete lack of experience in office; and considering his upbringing, he’d overcome tremendous obstacles simply to be in the running. How he did it is fascinating and inspiring. Lesen Sie weiter 23 Personen fanden diese Informationen hilfreich Missbrauch melden Rezensionen auf Deutsch übersetzen Leitir 5,0 von 5 Sternen An outstanding exploration of the relationships and people surrounding a great human being Rezension aus dem Vereinigten Königreich vom 9. Januar 2017 Verifizierter Kauf I had wanted to read a biography of Lincoln for some time. The inspiration to purchase this came from the Spielberg film, Lincoln. Somewhat ironically, the story of that film is a very short passage in this tome, but no matter. On finishing this book, I feel almost as sad as when I finished the biography of George Washington. Doris Kearns Goodwin has done a masterful job of describing the web of relationships that surrounded Lincoln and that were so vital in making him the man that he was. In her portrayal, he emerges as the altrocentric leader par excellence. Somewhat counterintuitively, but very appropriately, this biography of Lincoln gives as much attention to each of his rivals as it does to him. A profound humanity on the part of this leader is palpable in every description of him. The tracing of his friendship with Seward is particularly moving, and demonstrates how the deepest and most long-lasting of friendships can emerge in the most unexpected of places. There is much to be learned about leadership, about humanity and, truth be told, about yourself from this book. In a time when moral and ethical leadership seems to be in short supply, this story of a man whom nobody really took seriously in the beginning ,and went on to save a nation in its greatest hour of peril since its foundation, is a wonderful tonic for the soul. Please read it. Lesen Sie weiter 14 Personen fanden diese Informationen hilfreich Missbrauch melden Rezensionen auf Deutsch übersetzen R Helen 5,0 von 5 Sternen Amazing! Rezension aus dem Vereinigten Königreich vom 16. Dezember 2015 Verifizierter Kauf Honestly, I would give this book ten stars. It is now by far my favorite book. After reading this you realize why Abraham Lincoln is considered the greatest of American presidents. Our knee-jerk reaction would be that it is because he freed the slaves, but as Goodwin points out, many of his rivals would have done the same, faster, and with greater freedoms for blacks. Abraham Lincoln was great because of his unbelievable political instincts. He knew how to use and get the best out of key political players, even when they were his enemies. If he saw greatness in his enemies he attracted them, and they, more often than not, became his friends. He put together one of the greatest cabinets in US history because of this talent. Presidents fill their posts with supporters. Not Lincoln. But they became his supporters. He did not allow ego to get in the way. He turned a blind eye and became the most loved President in American history. And he understood, above everything else, that timing is everything. His policies worked because he waited for the right moment. The emancipation proclamation, the thirteenth amendment, etc..these were successful because they weren't rushed. They came just at the moment they would be received. His political instincts were beyond compare. What I found very interesting is that although as an American my impression has always been that Lincoln was the greatest of all abolitionists, he was not an abolitionist at all. And his policy regarding slavery gradually evolved into what it eventually became, freedom from slavery in the whole United States. Had Lincoln not been assassinated, it is interesting to think whether reconstruction may have been far more successful and the whole history of race relations in America changed. This book is beautifully written. It made me laugh (Lincoln had quite a sense of humor) and it made me cry. I was really moved at the end. This book focuses on the political history of the civil war, and it is moving, inspiring, and reaffirms why I love to read history so much. If you are going to read one book this year, read this one. You will not be disappointed. Lesen Sie weiter 5 Personen fanden diese Informationen hilfreich Missbrauch melden Rezensionen auf Deutsch übersetzen Carl Spencer 5,0 von 5 Sternen A great retelling of an incredible man's life Rezension aus dem Vereinigten Königreich vom 30. Oktober 2014 Verifizierter Kauf I first became aware of Lincoln when I was 17 and visited Washington DC (a beautiful city), where Lincoln has what is undoubtedly the grandest, as well one of the most recognisable, of the many memorials in the city. However, it was only after seeing Steven Spielberg's 'Lincoln' that I truly appreciated exactly what a significant role he played in American history (and in the fate of the world when you consider what may otherwise have happened to the USA). I was keen to learn more and discovered that the movie was based on this book by Doris Kearns Goodwin. The book is a 700-odd page bulk but is consistently absorbing and entertaining. There isn't a dry soulless page or passage to be found. From Lincoln's early years through to his untimely death and legacy, the story (for it is told as a narrative rather than a plain historical text) is insightful and and interesting. This is the ultimate retelling of Lincoln's life, which draws from many of the biographies and historical texts which have come before it, and blends them into a cohesive whole. The book clearly comes from an author who admires Lincoln as it is an overwhelmingly positive portrayal of his role as President of the United States. Still, that isn't to be unexpected when the man is often ranked amongst the top 3 Presidents - the top 1 in some cases - by scholars. As you read you can't help but appreciate the bigger picture drawn by the author, which shows just how much Lincoln pulled the strings and anticipated sentiments and events well in advance. You end up wondering whether it really was divine providence which led to him becoming President. Still, space is still given over to the more critical accounts of Lincoln and Doris Goodwin ably sets out events and issues on which people have differing opinions. I do have a few gripes. First, there is very little focus on the events portrayed in the Lincoln movie. Only 3 or 4 pages is given to the passing of the amendment to abolish slavery. Second, it would have been nice to learn more about what happened to the reconstruction process as a result of Lincoln's death. I have had to rely on Wikipedia for that and come to the conclusion that, of all the men in the administration, it is a travesty that Andrew Johnson was the one in line to become President as he reversed all of Lincoln's good groundwork. Third, the chronology does become a little muddled and confused at times as the book jumps to different individuals and events. It would have been useful to have the rather long chapters divided a little more clearly by dates. Still, those are very minor and do not detract from what is a great read about an absolutely incredible man. Lesen Sie weiter Missbrauch melden Rezensionen auf Deutsch übersetzen JuliaC 5,0 von 5 Sternen Political genius indeed... Rezension aus dem Vereinigten Königreich vom 20. März 2011 Verifizierter Kauf Having recently devoured the whole of the West Wing box sets in a few weeks, I was yearning for some more American political intrigue and insights into the inner workings of the White House. Doris Kearns Goodwin's fascinating biography of Abraham Lincoln certainly delivers on that score, but is so much more than that besides. It was the book that, besides the Bible, Barack Obama chose to take into the White House with him for inspiration, and is also heartily recommended by no less than the new Labour spin doctor Alistair Campbell, as a treatise on leadership. So it certainly has a lot to live up to. Being embarrassingly ignorant about Lincoln, save that he was an American President; had something to do with the Civil War; was assassinated; and has a memorial named after him, this book has been a total revelation to me. Lincoln, who had come from an impoverished family, was a small town lawyer from Springfield, Illinois, and certainly not a name anyone would have mentioned as a favourite for the Republican presidential nomination much before his surprise triumph in 1860. He seemed to come out of nowhere to beat his rivals and established favourites for the nomination, who all came from considerably better stock than Lincoln, namely William Seward, Salmon Chase and Edward Bates. And when he won the Presidential race too, he pulled off a masterstroke, and rather than surrounding himself with his allies who had helped with his victorious campaign, he made these same three former rivals for the Republican leadership, who were still smarting from their defeat to this upstart outsider, his close cabinet members. He had obviously heard of the phrase `keep your friends close, and your enemies closer'. And it is the way that Lincoln conducted himself when President which still serves today as a master class in leadership skills. He was generous and even tempered at all times, dealing with colleagues with kindness and trust. He encouraged colleagues to criticise his speeches, so that he could make them as good as they could possibly be. And he always waited before sending out a letter which he had written in anger, to see if his views changed when his emotions had settled down. In fact some of the letters written in this spirit were never sent by him, but stayed in their sealed envelopes for posterity, and future biographers, to discover. And in this age of instant communication, how many of us wish we had never pressed `Send' on an angry e mail or two? We could certainly all learn a lot from Lincoln on that score. And he had the small matter of the American Civil war to contend with, a conflict which nearly brought the young country to its knees, and caused heartbreaking splits between communities and even within individual families, as the Unionists and Confederates battled it out for four years between 1861 and 1865. Fierce battles raged all over America, and even came perilously close to the White House itself on occasion. Kearns Goodwin relates how Lincoln, who was not originally a champion of equality between the races at all, even giving speeches regarding the superiority of the white race over black people, led the Unionists to victory, and engineered the deployment of blacks into their armies, which was a major the turning point in the war. He was the author of the Thirteenth Amendment, to the US Constitution, which abolished the slavery which the Southern Confederates were so keen to preserve. The long and detailed, but still page turning book, also gives fascinating details on the personal lives of Lincoln and his colleagues, so it is not just a book about leadership and war stratagems. Lincoln was beset by tragedy, apart from his own obvious one, as his young and beloved son Willie died of typhoid fever, a loss than he never seemed to really get over. And his wife Mary was something of a shopaholic, running up huge bills to lavishly kit out both the White House and her own wardrobe, as she thought befitted her husband's status. Whether you are looking for some inspiration on leadership skills, or an account of the politics behind the American Civil War, or simply a cracking good history book, I can't recommend this Pulitzer prize winning great book highly enough. Leo Tolstoy felt that Lincoln was `a humanitarian as broad as the world. He was bigger than his country - bigger than all the Presidents together.' It feels like we could certainly use someone like him at the moment. 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