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* Sign In * Register * Preferences GreenHouse * TechDirt * GreenHouse * Free Speech * Error 402 * Ctrl-Alt-Speech * Deals * Jobs * Support Techdirt The Tech Policy Greenhouse is an online symposium where experts tackle the most difficult policy challenges facing innovation and technology today. These are problems that don't have easy solutions, where every decision involves tradeoffs and unintended consequences, so we've gathered a wide variety of voices to help dissect existing policy proposals and better inform new ones. Fresh Off Its Merger Failure(s), AT&T Gets Back To Promising Big Fiber Investments That May Or May Not Happen House Introduces 'Innovation' Act That Will Kill Innovation Did We Miss Our Best Chance At Regulating The Internet? Winding Down Our Latest Greenhouse Panel: The Lessons Learned From SOPA/PIPA FROM THE REVOLT AGAINST SOPA TO THE EU'S UPLOAD FILTERS Remembering SOPA FROM THE COPYRIGHT-POLICY DEPT Wed, Jan 26th 2022 08:54am - Paul Keller Register now for TODAY’s online event featuring Rep. Zoe Lofgren » From the European perspective, the revolt against SOPA that happened 10 years ago is a somewhat distant memory. During the past 10 years we have seen two more inflection points in the fight against excessive copyright enforcement: the successful fight against ACTA in 2012 that was directly inspired by the success against SOPA earlier that year and — much more recently — the fight against upload filters that unfolded between 2016 and 2019 in the context of the EU copyright reform. In this post I will trace the lineage of the struggle against excessive copyright enforcement from the revolt against SOPA all the way to the outcome of the EU copyright reform that was enacted in 2019. From SOPA to ACTA There can be no doubt that SOPA — had it been enacted — would have had massive consequences for internet users around the globe. While formally a proposal for legislation in the US, it would have changed the operating rules for platforms that are part of the online fabric for most of the global population. Much like the rules of the DCMA and Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act are underpinning copyright enforcement and content moderation around the globe, SOPA would have been applied globally. This is partially due to the fact that the platforms targeted by the proposal are primarily based in the US, but also because platforms that operate on a global scale have incentives to comply with rules that apply in sufficiently large markets, which means that regulatory regimes are often exported well beyond the jurisdictions where they have been originally enacted. Seen in this light, the successful revolt against SOPA was as much a win for internet users outside of the US as it was for users in the US. But for internet users and activists in Europe, it also provided the inspiration for their fight against ACTA — the Anti Counterfeiting Trade Agreement that was negotiated from 2007 through 2010 by the European Union, the US, Switzerland, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Mexico, Singapore, Morocco, Japan, and South Korea. In parallel to the protests against SOPA, the EU and the individual EU member states geared up to sign the final ACTA agreement. The protests against ACTA in Europe erupted when — in an act of incredibly poor timing — the Polish government announced on the 18th of January 2012 that it would sign ACTA. This moment unleashed a series of protests that took place both online and offline — in the form of sizable demonstrations in a number of EU member states. The protests that continued throughout the spring of 2012 ultimately lead to the rejection of ACTA by the European Parliament on the 4th of July 2012, effectively killing ACTA less than half a year after SOPA had been defeated. While unfolding in different political venues, the mobilizations against SOPA/PIPA and ACTA share an important characteristic. Both were directed against measures that were extremely one-sided: Both SOPA and ACTA bundled right holder demands for stronger — or rather excessive — copyright enforcement into legislative measures that did not contain any other elements. In both cases a central element was the desire to enlist Internet Service Providers as copyright enforcers. This meant that the mobilization against these measures could rally around a very simple political demand — to stop these measures from being adopted. In both cases the widespread opposition from internet users and platforms (both commercial and non-profit) managed to build up enough political power to achieve this well defined goal. From ACTA to Uploadfilters With ACTA and SOPA defeated, it took a while for rightholders to launch another attempt to gain additional enforcement powers. In the period between 2012 and 2015, rightholders in the EU started building a new case against online platforms and their users. Instead of targeting internet service providers which had been on the focus of the measures contained in the SOPA and ACTA proposals, this new case focussed on “user generated content” platforms, of which YouTube was the primary example. Driven largely by the music industry — but supported by organised rightholders from across the spectrum — European rightholders developed the “value gap” narrative that claimed that UGC platforms where generating value from the unauthorised upload of copyrighted content by their users that they failed to pass on to the legitimate recipients — the rightholders. To address this supposed “value gap” rightholders demanded legislative measures that would strip UGC platforms of the liability privileges that shield them from legal responsibility for content uploaded by their users. These liability limitations established by the 2001 E-Commerce directive that ensure that platforms are not liable for content uploaded by their users as long as they follow a notice and takedown procedure became the main target of the rightholder lobby which managed to convince the EU Commission to include a proposal to make large UGC platforms directly liable for any content uploaded by their users in its proposal for a Directive on Copyright in the Digital Single Market that was unveiled in the fall of 2016. Article 13 of the Commission proposal contained language that would have required large UGC platforms to “take measures to ensure the functioning of agreements concluded with rightholders for the use of their works or other subject-matter or to prevent the availability on their services of works or other subject-matter identified by rightholders through the cooperation with the service providers.” In other words Article 13 — as proposed — would have required platforms to either conclude licensing agreements with rightholders for all content uploaded by their users — an impossible demand — or to block uploads of works identified by rightholders. Digital and civil rights advocates quickly identified the provisions in Article 13 as the most problematic aspect of the Commission’s proposal for the CDSM directive and started campaigning against what — in their eyes – amounted to the introduction of mandatory upload filters in the EU. The campaign to stop upload filters and to delete Article 13 that took shape over the following two and a half years recalled many aspects of the previous fights against SOPA and ACTA. As in the revolt against SOPA, the coalition fighting to delete Article 13 included civil society advocacy groups, public interest organisations and a wide range of online platforms. Similar to the mobilization against ACTA, the coalition managed to mobilize large groups of supporters both online — more than 5 million people signed a petition against Article 13 — and offline — in early 2019 more than 200.000 people across Europe took to the streets. The tools and tactics used by the opponents of Article 13 included many of the tools first deployed in the revolt against SOPA — ranging from website blackouts to mass email and social media campaigns directly targeting the responsible law makers. But in the end the campaign to delete Article 13 failed to achieve its objective. During the final legislative showdown — the vote in the EU parliament in April 2019 — a proposal to have a separate vote on Article 13 of the directive was narrowly rejected with a margin of just five votes. As a result it never came to a yes-or-no vote on Article 13 and the European Parliament adopted the entire DSM directive including a heavily modified version of Article 13 with a clear majority. Learning from Article 13 Even though it ultimately failed at achieving its objective, the campaign against Article 13 clearly showed excessive copyright enforcement measures have not lost their mobilization potential among internet users. So what was different here? The biggest difference between the campaigns against SOPA and ACTA on the one side and Article 13 on the other side is that the latter was just one measure embedded in a much bigger copyright reform package — the proposed Copyright in the Digital Single Market directive. Where SOPA and ACTA immediately stood out in their one-sidedness and were thus much easier to discredit, the DSM directive was a multi-dimensional legislative package that contained a wide variety of measures that appealed to different sets of stakeholders. In addition to Articles 13 and 11 — a new neighboring right for press publishers — which reflected demands by organized rightholders, the directive also contained proposals for new copyright exceptions benefitting libraries, educational and research institutions and a number of measures strengthening the position of individual creators vis-a-vis publishers and other intermediaries. And while Article 11 and 13 were both highly controversial, these other measures enjoyed support from lawmakers across broad parts of the political spectrum. As a result of this divide-and-conquer approach, support for the project of adopting the directive came from a diverse set of stakeholders who pushed to see “their” issues adopted. Meanwhile lawmakers (and the EU Member States) were bitterly divided between different camps supporting different elements of the directive while rejecting others. These divisions manifested themselves not along party lines but split all major political parties down the middle. In this relatively unstable political climate there never was as clear majority for abandoning the overall project of adopting the directive and so the vast EU legislative apparatus did what it has been designed to do: step by step it pursued its objective towards producing compromise between the various political groups which ultimately resulted in the adoption of the directive at the very end of the legislative term. User rights as a by-product of the fight against upload filters? While the final vote on the directive was very much perceived as an all or nothing decision — the proponents of Article 13 united under the “yes to copyright” banner while the opponents proclaimed to “save the internet” — a retrospective analysis of the adopted measures paints a very different picture. During the course of the legislative wrangling, Article 13 underwent significant changes to accommodate concerns expressed by its opponents. The Final version of Article 13 (now Article 17 after a renumbering of the provisions of the directive) is substantially different from the Commission’s original proposal. And while it shares its two main elements — the removal of the general liability privilege for UGC platforms and a de-facto requirement to deploy upload filters — it has accumulated a number of substantial procedural and substantive user rights safeguards that have not been present in the original version. Even more so Article 17 has become a vehicle for harmonizing key user rights by making the previously optional exceptions for quotation, criticism, review, parody, pastiche and caricature mandatory in all EU Member States. In addition, it now imposes obligations on Member States to ensure that these rights can effectively be exercised by users of UGC platforms. All of these amount to tangible improvements for internet users in the EU (for platforms this picture is more complicated). So while the effort to prevent the mandatory imposition of upload filters has clearly failed, the collision of massive SOPA style mobilisations with the EU’s compromise focussed legislative process may have created a rather unexpected outcome: the codification of important user rights and a framework for regulating the use of automated content moderation technologies that had were already in widespread use but so far deployed purely at the discretion of the online platforms. As such, what had originally been perceived as a bitter loss breaking with the tradition of the earlier successes of the mobilisations against SOPA and ACTA, seems more and more like a win for internet users in an admittedly ugly disguise. Paul Keller is Director of Policy at Open Future and President of the COMMUNIA association for the Public Domain where he coordinated the advocacy efforts related to the new EU copyright directive. This Techdirt Greenhouse special edition is all about the 10 year anniversary of the fight that stopped SOPA. On January 26th at 1pm PT, we’ll be hosting a live discussion with Rep. Zoe Lofgren and some open roundtable discussions about the legacy of that fight. Please register to attend. Filed Under: acta, article 13, article 17, copyright, copyright directive, eu, sopa, upload filters 2 CommentsLeave a Comment If you liked this post, you may also be interested in... * Winding Down Our Latest Greenhouse Panel: The Lessons Learned From SOPA/PIPA * Did We Miss Our Best Chance At Regulating The Internet? * Speak Up: Reflecting On The SOPA Debate From Inside The Capitol * The Internet Infrastructure's SOPA/PIPA Silver Lining * SOPA To The Future: Reclaiming Collective Internet Power * * Click to toggle Rate this comment as insightful Rate this comment as funny You have rated this comment as insightful You have rated this comment as funny Flag this comment as abusive/trolling/spam You have flagged this comment The first word has already been claimed The last word has already been claimed Insightful Lightbulb icon Funny Laughing icon Abusive/trolling/spam Flag icon Insightful badge Lightbulb icon Funny badge Laughing icon Comments icon COMMENTS ON “FROM THE REVOLT AGAINST SOPA TO THE EU'S UPLOAD FILTERS” Subscribe: RSS Leave a comment * Filter comments in by Time * Filter comments as Threaded * Filter only comments rated Insightful * Filter only comments rated funny LOL * Filter only comments that are Unread 2 Comments This comment is new since your last visit. Techdirt Administrator (profile) says: January 25, 2022 at 11:19 pm START OF FEATURED DISCUSSION Reply View in chronology Make this comment the first word Make this comment the last word This comment is new since your last visit. Ehud Gavron (profile) says: August 8, 2022 at 4:08 am WE WELCOME OUR SPAM OVERLORDS Did TD turn off spam filtering? 4/5 comments above are spam. Reply View in chronology Make this comment the first word Make this comment the last word Close -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- says: ADD YOUR COMMENT CANCEL REPLY Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked * Have a Techdirt Account? Sign in now. Want one? Register here Name Email Subscribe to the Techdirt Daily newsletter URL Subject Comment * COMMENT OPTIONS: Use markdown. Use plain text. Make this the First Word or Last Word.No thanks. (get credits or sign in to see balance) what's this? WHAT'S THIS? Techdirt community members with Techdirt Credits can spotlight a comment as either the "First Word" or "Last Word" on a particular comment thread. Credits can be purchased at the Techdirt Insider Shop » Δ Fresh Off Its Merger Failure(s), AT&T Gets Back To Promising Big Fiber Investments That May Or May Not Happen House Introduces 'Innovation' Act That Will Kill Innovation Did We Miss Our Best Chance At Regulating The Internet? Winding Down Our Latest Greenhouse Panel: The Lessons Learned From SOPA/PIPA Follow Techdirt TECHDIRT DAILY NEWSLETTER A weekly news podcast from Mike Masnick & Ben Whitelaw Subscribe now to Ctrl-Alt-Speech » Essential Reading NEW TO TECHDIRT? Explore some core concepts: * Infinity Is Your Friend In Economics * An Economic Explanation For Why DRM Cannot Open Up New Business Model Opportunities * The Grand Unified Theory On The Economics Of Free Read All » -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- TRENDING POSTS * Let Me Rewrite That For You: NY Times Misinforms Readers About RFK & Biden * Photo Of Streisand Home Becomes An Internet Hit * Republicans Keep Taking Credit For Local Broadband Projects Funded By Federal Bills They Voted Against Techdirt Deals Buy Now $139.00 Microsoft Windows 10 Home Techdirt Insider Discord The latest chatter on the Techdirt Insider Discord channel... Become an Insider! Older Stuff WEDNESDAY 12:04 SOPA Didn't Die. It's Just Lying In Wait. (5) 09:30 Demanding Progress: From Aaron Swartz To SOPA And Beyond (3) TUESDAY 12:00 How The SOPA Blackout Happened (3) 09:30 Remembering The Fight Against SOPA 10 Years Later... And What It Means For Today (16) FRIDAY 12:00 Winding Down Our Latest Greenhouse Panel: Content Moderation At The Infrastructure Layer (4) WEDNESDAY 12:00 Does An Internet Infrastructure Taxonomy Help Or Hurt? (15) TUESDAY 14:33 OnlyFans Isn't The First Site To Face Moderation Pressure From Financial Intermediaries, And It Won't Be The Last (12) 10:54 A New Hope For Moderation And Its Discontents? (7) MONDAY 12:00 Infrastructure And Content Moderation: Challenges And Opportunities (7) FRIDAY 12:20 Against 'Content Moderation' And The Concentration Of Power (32) THURSDAY 13:36 Social Media Regulation In African Countries Will Require More Than International Human Rights Law (7) WEDNESDAY 12:00 The Vital Role Intermediary Protections Play for Infrastructure Providers (7) TUESDAY 12:00 Should Information Flows Be Controlled By The Internet Plumbers? (10) MONDAY 12:11 Bankers As Content Moderators (6) FRIDAY 12:09 The Inexorable Push For Infrastructure Moderation (6) THURSDAY 13:35 Content Moderation Beyond Platforms: A Rubric (5) WEDNESDAY 12:00 Welcome To The New Techdirt Greenhouse Panel: Content Moderation At The Infrastructure Level (8) FRIDAY 12:00 That's A Wrap: Techdirt Greenhouse, Broadband In The Covid Era (17) WEDNESDAY 12:05 Could The Digital Divide Unite Us? (29) MONDAY 12:00 How Smart Software And AI Helped Networks Thrive For Consumers During The Pandemic (41) FRIDAY 12:00 With Terrible Federal Broadband Data, States Are Taking Matters Into Their Own Hands (18) WEDNESDAY 12:00 A National Solution To The Digital Divide Starts With States (19) MONDAY 12:00 The Cost Of Broadband Is Too Damned High (12) FRIDAY 12:00 Can Broadband Policy Help Create A More Equitable And inclusive Economy And Society Instead Of The Reverse? (11) WEDNESDAY 12:03 The FCC, 2.5 GHz Spectrum, And The Tribal Priority Window: Something Positive Amid The COVID-19 Pandemic (6) MONDAY 12:00 Colorado's Broadband Internet Doesn't Have to Be Rocky (9) FRIDAY 12:00 The Trump FCC Has Failed To Protect Low-Income Americans During A Health Crisis (26) WEDNESDAY 12:10 Perpetually Missing from Tech Policy: ISPs And The IoT (10) THURSDAY 12:10 10 Years Of U.S. Broadband Policy Has Been A Colossal Failure (7) TUESDAY 12:18 Digital Redlining: ISPs Widening The Digital Divide (21) MORE × EMAIL THIS STORY This feature is only available to registered users. You can register here or sign in to use it. TOOLS & SERVICES * Twitter * Facebook * RSS * Podcast * Research & Reports COMPANY * About Us * Advertising Policies * Privacy CONTACT * Help & Feedback * Media Kit * Sponsor / Advertise MORE * Copia Institute * Insider Shop * Support Techdirt Brought to you by Floor64 Proudly powered by WordPress. Hosted by Pressable. 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