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MILLIONAIRE DATING KAWASAKI JAPAN

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Contents:

Masayoshi Son - Wikipedia Rich Women Looking For Men Dating Site FUSO eCanter is
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At least once-when it was defeated in World War II, in which national deities
had been said to promise victory-its loss of faith has been sharper than that of
the West. In general, Japan's secularizing trend has been similar to that in the
West, except that a postwar spate of new religious movements has, for many
millions, countered this trend with a renewal and recombination of old beliefs.
These "New Religions" shinkO shaky6 comprise several hundred groups, mostly of
Buddhist or Shinto parentage, that grew rapidly or were founded shortly after
the war.

In the midst of defeat, occupation, and rapid social change they seem to have
provided renewed meaning for their now roughly thirty million adherents, and
they still continue to convey that meaning. I resolved to spend more time there.
A few years later, while I was in graduate school, these attractions and
questions about religion and meaning led me to want to study some contemporary
Japanese Buddhist group.

The vigor of the New Religions made them especially interesting. Because its
growing membership offered a large population and a choice of geographic areas
for study, and because it was both amenable and as yet unstudied by Westerners,
I eventually chose to look at Rissh5 K6sei-kai, a Nichiren movement that is the
second largest it then had about three million members and now has about five of
all the new movements.

In the course of over a year in the mountain hamlet that was the main site of
the study, I talked with members and others about why people had joined, and I
discovered some problems they had faced and how the movement had solved them.
Their responses seem to throw light on some old and general questions about
religion, including ones of definition, connection to social relations, and
features religion shares or does not share with other belief and behavior.

One view that finds support here is that much religious thought and action, like
much secular thought and action, can plausibly be called "rational" in at least
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In this view, rationalism gives the most economical initial account of religion,
taking adherents' statements at face value as beliefs about the world, not as
mere metaphors for the social order or as otherwise sharply different from what
they claim to be. Rationalistic interpretations of religion have been scanted by
many 20th-century anthropologists for whom religious accounts of the world have
ceased to seem reasonable. Followers of Freud and of Malinowski have described
religion as a fantasy "more akin to daydreaming and wish-fulfillment" Malinowski
when contrasting it with other thought and especially with science.

Many followers of Durkheim have held it to be a way of representing, commenting
on, and influencing the social order alone. In my view, distinctions of
religion, science, and common sense as "modes of thought" have been overdrawn by
most 20th-century scholars. I support the view that although they can be
distinguished in several ways, it is important that they all attempt to
represent, comment on, and influence the world in general, and to do so in an
orderly, economical, and coherent way.


MASAYOSHI SON - WIKIPEDIA

I owe many people thanks for their help. My major debt is to the people of the
hamlet of Yamanaka the name of which has been changed, as have those of persons
and of nearby places for their courtesy,. The Missionizing and Academic Research
Divisions of Rissho K6sei-kai provided useful information and an introduction to
the Ueno Church, within whose territory most of the study took place. Professors
Yanagawa Keiichi and Hori Ichiro of the University of Tokyo and Professor
Morioka Kiyomi of the Tokyo University of Education made suggestions about the
choice of a religious movement and about method and provided an introduction to
Rissho K6sei-kai.

Professor Yanagawa gave me advice and encouragement on many occasions, and the
Religious Studies Seminar under his direction at the University of Tokyo
accepted me as a research student. The National Science Foundation also provided
three more fellowships and a doctoral research grant, GS A Yale University
Fellowship supported a year of writing, and a Short-term Fellowship from the
Japan Foundation took me back to Japan in the summer of Fordham University
assisted with some of the costs of publication.

Friends from a hamlet neighboring the one studied have visited me several times
in the United States, bringing this account up to date, in a number of ways, to
, and received me graciously when I returned to the hamlet again for a few days
in the summer of My wife, Martha Cooper, accompanied me during the first and
longest stay, giving support and encouragement. Among other contributions to the
book, she designed its cover. Smith, and Bruce E. Personal names are given in
the Japanese order, surname first.

In doing so I also address some general questions about religion as a kind of
thought and action, including what connection it has to social relations and
whether it is fundamentally different from secular, and especially scientific,
thought and action. My main setting is Yamanaka, a mountain farming hamlet on
Honshu. As in the rest of Japan,1 established religion in the hamlet has
generally declined since World War II: attendance at Buddhist and Shinto
festivals has decreased, a traditional dance at the Buddhist "All Souls'
Festival" and a Shinto festival play have been abandoned, and a few people
declare themselves skeptics or atheists and say that religion is "superstition.

New medical clinics have partially supplanted diviners and charms, and
pesticides and mechanical noisemakers have partially supplanted Shinto in
agriculture. Meteorology and physics had already displaced Raiden, Shinto god of
thunder, before the war. Through television everyone has seen men landing on the
moon, and even the oldest villagers now are skeptical of the moon deity. Other
deities had been diminished by defeat in the war, in which the government had
said they guaranteed victory, and television and travel have drawn people away
from festivals.

New agricultural machines continue to reduce the household interdependence that
hamlet festivals celebrated. Most households still contribute to temple and
shrine. Every household over a generation old has a Buddhist altar, and almost
every household has a Shinto god shelf; most households continue observances
before them. Although beliefs vary from household to household and person to
person, most still believe that ancestors and deities are somehow important for
households and the hamlet.

While established religion in the hamlet has declined since the war, a new
Nichiren Buddhist movement called Rissh6 Kosei-kai "Society for Virtuous Human
Relations" , second largest of the many New Religions,2 arrived, grew quickly,
and then subsided slightly.


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The first people in Yamanaka joined in , and by the early s people from almost a
third of hamlet households had joined. By the mids some people began to drop
out; membership now is stable. For some time, however, the movement flourished
amid the general ebb of religion in the hamlet, and it is still growing, though
more slowly, in the nation as a whole.

Trying to understand the local growth of the new movement as an instance of its
national growth, I supposed that it might be a response to any or all of several
kinds of local and national privation: the limited economic and social
opportunities of the hamlet, its unequal distribution of resources, its formerly
scanty medicine, its depopulation, and the shock of military defeat and
occupation.

Like many rural villages, Yamanaka, though better off than it used to be, has
not shared equally in the national economic expansion. Its hierarchical social
order is called "feudal" by young villagers. Until the mids its population was
shrinking year by year. To a degree, people who joined the movement seem to have
suffered more than others from these conditions and to have joined in order to
ameliorate them.


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Many scholars have similarly explained the rapid growth of religious movements
throughout postwar Japan as a response to hardships, ranging from defeat in war
to illness to the anomie of modern urban life. Its publications mention physical
illness in its early period, and strained family relations more recently, as
chief factors in its growth. Its co-founder and president Niwano writes that in
its early period the "overwhelming majority of our new members were people who
were seriously ill, who had mentally ill relatives, or who for economic or other
reasons could not call on The reforming monk Nichiren , founder of
Nichiren-shfi, from which K6sei-kai and several other major movements most
notably S6ka Gakkai and Reiyfl-kai derive, survived Mongol invasions, natural
disasters, and chronic social disturbances.

A great earthquake in was followed by typhoon, famine, and plague, and the
government was threatened internally by uprisings and externally by Mongols. In
his "Treatise on the Establishment of the Orthodox Teaching and the Peace of the
Nation" RisshO Ankokuron , Nichiren quotes a visitor: "cosmic cataclysms [an
eclipse and a comet], natural disasters, famines, and epidemics have filled the
world. Oxen and horses collapse at the crossroads; skeletons fill the lanes.

Already more than half the population has died. Everywhere we see beggars; our
eyes cannot escape the sight of death. Bodies are piled as high as watchtowers,
and lined up side by side like bridge planks.


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A link between distress and popular religious movements is familiar in millenial
movements elsewhere in the world as well: in Europe in the 16th century, China
and North America in the 19th, and Melanesia and on a smaller scale Jonestown in
the 20th. Most observers of such movements e. To explain such movements by
privation, however, is simply to push the problem back a step cf. Earhart a and
Hardacre Given that people join to solve certain problems, why should they
choose religion as a means?

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Or if they choose religion, why a particular one? Many modern writers on
religion, from Freud and Malinowski to Cohn and most observers of the New
Religions, have treated it as particularly nonrational and often as an emotional
panacea. As Hardacre writes, almost all scholars of the New Religions think that
members "are seeking quick, emotionally satisfying solutions to problems whose
complexity they do not correctly understand.

Anthropologists see no evidence that the postulated gods, spirits, and demons
exist, or that prayer brings rain. Religion then must be intellectually empty
and adhered to, irrationally, for some other reason such as "emotional"
security. Or, as many anthropologists and theologians, including some
non-Western religious thinkers such as Ogotemmeli in Griaule think, it must be
allegorical, not literal, "representing," for example, social relations.

Yet believers usually do not see their account as merely allegorical, nor are
they necessarily irrational.


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They may well be as empirically and logically perceptive as others and lead
reasonable lives even by secular standards. In such circumstances, one cannot
agree with some psychologically inclined writers that religion is neurotic or
mere wish fulfillment. What we need instead, for established religions and for
new ones, is a general account of them as a plausible means of interpreting and
dealing with the world.

In trying to define "religion" and to explain its near universality, most
theorists since Durkheim have denied that it is "primitive science" that
explanation and control of phenomena are its primary goal , for any of several
reasons. First, its major premise if this is that spirit beings, or the
supernatural, exist is said e. If it is based neither on observation nor on
reason, it may even be characteristically irrational.

Among observers of the contemporary religious movements in Japan, for example,
Murakami calls these movements "remarkably irrational," and Davis ascribes
"religious delirium" and "collective illusions" to them. To cite Hardacre again,
most scholars have treated them as "having only an expressive sort of
significance. Since they often are not, they must actually do something else.
Third, it is said Cohn ; Beattie that people do not want to know whether
religious premises are true or not since they do not actively test them.
Finally, it is said Festinger, Riecken, and Schachter that unlike the case in
science, negative evidence about religious premises is dismissed or rationalized
so that when prophecy fails, mistaken premises still can be maintained.

Davis has noted such rationalization in one of the New Religions, Mahikari,
although he notes its empirical attitude as well. Horton andl Finnegan , Barnes
, and Barbour , however, think that none of these assertions clearly
distinguishes religious from scientific thought, and I agree.

In my view, although. Since human thought is taken to be usually, or at least
ideally, logical and empirical, religion is to be explained as an anomaly. Other
oppositions have been suggested, but most contrast "religious" with "normal"
thought. Fortes , for example, asks whether ancestor worship should be regarded
as religion or as an extension of domestic social relations, as though these
were mutually exclusive.

But Fortes's question and all oppositions of religion to other kinds of thought
and action are unnecessary or overdrawn if the characteristics such as
rationality or its absence they assert are in fact complementary, not mutually
exclusive, throughout human thought. If heterogeneity exists elsewhere in
thought and action, it should not surprise us in religion. A definition of
religion proposed elsewhere Guthrie and repeated briefly below, with a little
epistemology, may obviate some apparent contradictions.

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