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Constitutional Interpretation


A FLAWED "POPULAR CONSTITUTIONALIST" RATIONALE FOR DISOBEYING SUPREME COURT
DECISIONS


HARVARD LAW PROF. MARK TUSHNET AND POLITICAL SCIENTIST AARON BELKIN URGE
PRESIDENT BIDEN TO DISOBEY "GRAVELY MISTAKEN" SUPREME COURT RULINGS. DOING SO
WOULD SET A DANGEROUS PRECEDENT LIKELY TO BE ABUSED BY THE RIGHT, AS WELL AS THE
LEFT.

Ilya Somin | 7.20.2023 4:50 PM

(Wikimedia)

In an open letter to the Biden Administration, Harvard law professor Mark
Tushnet and University of San Francisco political scientist Aaron Belkin urge
President Biden to disobey "high-stakes" "MAGA" Supreme Court rulings he
considers to be seriously wrong:

> We have worked diligently over the past five years to advocate Supreme Court
> expansion as a necessary strategy for restoring democracy. Although we
> continue to support expansion, the threat that MAGA justices pose is so
> extreme that reforms that do not require Congressional approval are needed at
> this time, and advocates and experts should encourage President Biden to take
> immediate action to limit the damage.
> 
> The central tenet of the solution that we recommend—Popular
> Constitutionalism—is that courts do not exercise exclusive authority over
> constitutional meaning. In practice, a President who disagrees with a court's
> interpretation of the Constitution should offer and then follow an alternative
> interpretation. If voters disagree with the President's interpretation, they
> can express their views at the ballot box.
> 
> We urge President Biden to restrain MAGA justices immediately by announcing
> that if and when they issue rulings that are based on gravely mistaken
> interpretations of the Constitution that undermine our most fundamental
> commitments, the Administration will be guided by its own constitutional
> interpretations….
> 
> We do not believe that President Biden should simply ignore every MAGA ruling.
> The President should act when MAGA justices issue high-stakes rulings that are
> based on gravely mistaken constitutional interpretations, and when
> presidential action predicated on his administration's constitutional
> interpretations would substantially mitigate the damage posed by the ruling in
> question.
> 
> Such actions could help contain the grave threat posed by MAGA justices. For
> example, President Biden could declare that the Court's recent decision in the
> affirmative action cases applies only to selective institutions of higher
> education and that the Administration will continue to pursue affirmative
> action in every other context vigorously because it believes that the Court's
> interpretation of the Constitution is egregiously wrong….
> 
> As Nikolas Bowie has demonstrated, treating the Supreme Court as the sole
> source of constitutional interpretations is antithetical to American
> democracy, as the Supreme Court has spent most of its history wielding "an
> antidemocratic influence on American law, one that has undermined federal
> attempts to eliminate hierarchies of race, wealth, and status." In this
> particular historical moment, MAGA justices pose a grave threat to our most
> fundamental commitments because they rule consistently to undermine democracy
> and to curtail fundamental rights, and because many of their rulings are based
> on misleading and untrue claims.

Much of the commentary on the Tushnet-Belkin letter focuses on the passage
urging Biden to (in most contexts) ignore the Supreme Court's recent ruling
against the use of racial preferences. Critics point out that the affirmative
action decision is actually highly popular, with 52% of Americans supporting it
and only 32% opposed. Other surveys find even broader opposition to affirmative
action.

Traditionally, popular constitutionalist theory holds that social movements that
win broad public support should be empowered to influence and control
constitutional interpretation. Longstanding widespread public opposition to
racial preferences fits that bill. If Biden were to take Tushnet and Belkin's
advice on this particular point, he would actually be promoting an unpopular
position held by some political elites at the expense of that supported by a
large majority of the public.

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I should emphasize that I myself am not a popular constitutionalist. Thus, I do
not claim that the popularity of the Court's ruling against affirmative action
proves the decision was correct. But consistent popular constitutionalists
should welcome this particular result. It's a case where the Court enabled a
large popular majority to prevail over the entrenched resistance of elites.

In any event, the flaws in Tushnet and Belkin's argument go far beyond their
take on this particular ruling. The course of action they advocate would
effectively destroy judicial review. While they urge Biden to disobey Supreme
Court decisions only when it comes to  "high-stakes rulings that are based on
gravely mistaken constitutional interpretations," political partisans will
predictably make such claims about every decision they strongly disapprove of.
And if one president successfully gets away with defying court decisions, he and
his successors are likely to use this tactic whenever they think it politically
advantageous to do so. The net effect will be the gutting of judicial review, at
least on issues important to the party in power.

Even if you trust Biden to scrupulously differentiate "high-stakes" cases from
ordinary ones, and "grave" errors from normal mistakes, I suspect you do not
have similar confidence in Donald Trump, or whoever the next GOP president might
be.

Tushnet and Belkin acknowledge that their proposal is not "risk-free," because
"future GOP administrations would cite it as precedent for ignoring federal
courts." But they then minimize this danger because "Republican presidents might
well ignore federal courts regardless of what President Biden does," citing the
GOP's "failure to hold President Trump accountable for inciting a violent coup."

It is certainly true that Trump—and possibly other future GOP presidents—might
use these types of tactics. But they are far more likely to get away with it if
Biden sets a precedent for how it can be done. It's worth noting that Trump
ultimately failed in his efforts to circumvent court decisions holding that he
lost the 2020 election. That's in part because of the continuing strength of the
norm against such defiance. If a Democratic president successfully undermines
that norm, Trump (or another right-wing authoritarian) can follow the same
playbook.



Standard slippery-slope concerns about court-packing apply here, as well.
Indeed, executive defiance of court rulings is an even slipperier slope than
court-packing because it can be undertaken by the president alone, without the
need for new legislation enacted by both houses of Congress. That makes it an
even more attractive tool for a would-be strongman.

Undermining judicial review is a standard tactic of incipient illiberal
authoritarians, who seek to concentrate power in the executive. American
progressives readily see this when it comes to countries like Russia, Turkey,
Hungary, and—most recently—Israel. The point applies here at home, too. If you
think Trump and other Republicans pose a grave danger to liberal democracy, you
should be wary of dismantling one of the major institutions standing in their
way. Imagine, for example, if Trump had been able to successfully resist
judicial rulings against his efforts to overturn the 2020 election.

Tushnet and Belkin's references to "MAGA justices" are presumably meant to
associate the Supreme Court with Donald Trump's illiberal and anti-democratic
tendencies. The MAGA turn has indeed shifted the GOP on major issues, such as
immigration, trade, government spending, and others. These changes are among the
reasons why I voted for Hillary Clinton in 2016 and Biden in 2020, despite many
reservations about the Democratic Party. And Trump has attacked basic liberal
democratic norms far more than any other modern president.

But there is little, if any, distinctive "MAGA" or Trumpist element to the
recent Supreme Court rulings that most incense progressives. Abortion,
affirmative action, gun rights, the powers of administrative agencies, and
conflicts between free speech and antidiscrimination law have been points of
contention between left and right for many years.

When more distinctively MAGA claims have come before the Supreme Supreme Court,
the justices (and conservative lower court judges) have largely rejected them. 
For example, the Court recently decisively repudiated the "independent state
legislature" theory, which Trumpists advanced as a tool to enable Republican
state legislatures to reverse election results they oppose. Conservative judges,
including at the Supreme Court, have mostly been skeptical of new state laws
trying to force social media providers to platform right-wing speakers they
would prefer to exclude. The Supreme Court has twice turned back red states 
efforts to force Biden to crack down on immigration. In 2018, all five
conservative justices then on the Court backed a key federalism decision whose
predictable (and predicted) main effect has been to protect immigration
sanctuary jurisdictions. Perhaps most important, conservative judges on both
lower courts and the Supreme Court rejected Trump's efforts to overturn the
result of the 2020 election.



The conservative justices did vote to uphold Trump's anti-Muslim travel ban, a
terrible ruling I have severely criticized. But even that decision was not
simply a radical Trumpist departure from previous doctrine. It built on
longstanding, though badly flawed, precedents applying lower scrutiny to
immigration restrictions than other exercises of government power that might
violate constitutional rights.

The Tushnet-Belkin theory, therefore, is not confined to distinctively MAGA
rulings. It implies that presidents should be able to ignore a wide range of
right-of-center judicial decisions, including those rooted in longstanding
mainstream constitutional theories. And, obviously, presidents with a right-wing
ideological orientation can use similar reasoning to justify defying even the
most mainstream left-wing judicial decisions.

Finally, it's worth noting that many left-wing objections to recent Supreme
Court decisions—most notably when it comes to abortion and the travel ban
case—are about situations where the Court refused to enforce rights against the
political branches. If the institution of judicial review is preserved, these
rulings could well be overturned or at least narrowed by future, more liberal,
courts. But if that institution is destroyed, then these rights—and every other
right—will be forever left to the mercy of the political process, including any
right-wing populists who might occupy the White House and other positions of
power in the future. They will be more than happy to cite "popular
constitutionalism" as a justification for whatever they do.

If you believe destroying judicial review is a feature rather than a bug, then
the Tushnet-Belkin proposal  is as good a way to do it as any (assuming the
president who implements it gets away with it). Tushnet himself is a longtime
advocate of "taking the Constitution away from the courts," and deserves credit
for consistency. But we should not be under any illusion that the course of
action he and Belkin recommend can be just a limited response to a subset of
particularly egregious Supreme Court decisions.

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NEXT: Public Interest Lawyer Opening for Property Rights and Economic Liberty
Litigation in Tennessee

Ilya Somin is Professor of Law at George Mason University, and author of Free to
Move: Foot Voting, Migration, and Political Freedom and Democracy and Political
Ignorance: Why Smaller Government is Smarter.

Constitutional InterpretationSupreme CourtAffirmative ActionMAGAJoe BidenDonald
Trump
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