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DATING SPRINGS NEAR FAREHAM UK

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Road, Titchfield, Fareham PO15 6QX, England Date of visit: June .


DATING SPRINGS NEAR FAREHAM UK

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During the following three days the loss of water due to broken mains and
service pipes and extra water used for fire-fighting was so large as to cause
the two Shedfield Reservoirs, which together hold about 6 million gallons, to be
nearly emptied. By good luck the essential parts of the new Hoe Works and the
pumping main there from were at that time on the point of completion; an
emergency effort to make the final connection brought the station into immediate
use, thus obviating any curtailment of the supply.


PECKHAM SPRINGS

White states:. Our client based in the Petersfield area require an experienced
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Airports. But although they are neighbours, the wide expanse of the Harbour
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independently of each. Cards accepted at this hotel. The fifth well was, in
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The works consisted of a shallow well in the Chalk and pumping station situated
in a dis-used chalk-pit at Northbrook, about half a-mile north of the Town,
together with a service reservoir at Vernon Hill, a little further away, and
holding about , gallons. In the Undertaking was acquired by the then South Hants
Waterworks Company, but this in turn was purchased in by the Southampton
Corporation. The first extension took place under its Act of , by which were
added the adjoining Parish of Crofton since , Crofton Ward in the Fareham Urban
District , together with a separate Area to the north of Fareham, comprising the
Parishes of Wickham, Shedfield and Swanmore, all in the Droxford Rural District,
thus increasing the Area to 28 square miles.

These Parishes were subsequently supplied from the first Shedfield Reservoir.
Thus the Area of Supply became 77 square miles. Under the Order this was
transferred to the Company. One of the effects of the very rapid increase in
demand during the War was to cause an excessive drop in the day-pressure of the
supply in Gosport; it had also been necessary on occasion during droughty
periods to impose restrictions on the use of water.

At first it was thought that this situation would right itself after the War
with a marked decrease in the requirements by Government Establishments and
industrial users. In the outcome, however, these supplies fell off only to a
slight extent; moreover, a substantial increase was to be expected due to large
housing schemes being developed by the Borough Council and by the Fareham Urban
District Council. In consequence, the Company decided on an extensive programme
of new works, which was carried out in the period To safeguard the main supply a
second electrically-driven pumping set with a daily capacity of 3 million
gallons was installed at the Soberton Works, together with a diesel-driven power
unit as standby.

Consequently, the remaining steam driven pumping plant hitherto relegated to
stand-by use, was finally superseded; it had pumped water to supply for the last
time in Thus ended the use of steam, raised by coal-fired boilers as source of
power at the Soberton Works. To improve and regulate the pressure in the Gosport
area an intermediate service reservoir and water tower on the line of the
gravitation mains from the Shedfield Reservoirs were constructed at Hoads Hill,
about a mile south of Wickham; the reservoir has a capacity of about 2,,
gallons. An additional gravitation main inch reducing to inch was laid there
from into Gosport.

A large borehole was sunk at the Northbrook Works, which proved to have a daily
yield of about 1 million gallons. As this quantity was much in excess of local
requirements, it was decided to use it for the main supply by laying a I5-inch
pumping main therefrom to the Hoe Works, where, by a connection to the existing
main, water could be delivered direct to the Shedfield Reservoirs.

As to the extension of the rural supplies for the Parishes added by the Act of ,
many parts were too high to be served from the existing Shedfield Reservoirs.
For the supply to the Meon Valley Parishes a service reservoir holding , gallons
was constructed at Fir Down, about a mile north-west of Droxford, water being
pumped thereto direct from the Soberton Works. In the existing supply to West
Meon from the nearby independent works was safeguarded by the provision of a
second borehole and pumping plant.


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Silver Springs: Disappointed - See 21 traveller reviews, candid photos, and
Fontley Road, Titchfield, Fareham PO15 6QX, England Date of visit: May Silver
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Titchfield, Fareham PO15 6QX, England Date of visit: June .

The Company ceased to be an independent Undertaking in , when it united with the
Portsmouth Water Company. But since the latter had actually begun the
construction of its first Works at Bury Cross in , it is justifiable to regard
the two Companies, now united, as having attained their Centenary in the same
year, Thus the final chapter of this History comes to an end at an appropriate
and significant stage in the development of the Portsmouth and Gosport Water
Supply. It is a record of a long sustained and worthwhile service to the local
community, promoted by local private enterprise.

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Brutus, having been exiled for accidentally killing his father, made his way via
Gaul to Britain, which he governed and filled with his own descendants.
Elsewhere in his history, Nennius described Brutus as a brother of Silvius, and
later as the grandson of Alanus, son of Rhea mother of Romulus and Remus and a
descendant, several generations removed, of Aeneas of Troy.

In yet another version of the legend linking Britain to Brutus, Nennius traced
the lineage of European peoples back, through Japheth son of Noah, to Adam.
Adam's 28th generation descendants included Alanus who, with his sons Francus,
Romanus, Alamanus, and Bruttus, were said to be the first inhabitants of Europe,
their names indicating them as the founders of France, Italy, Germany and
Britain.

Aeneas of Troy's lineage was likewise traced back to Japheth. Thus the heritage
of England was tied in to the genesis of western Christendom as a whole and to
the somewhat over-inflated perception among the English that their nation was,
or ought to be considered, one of the leading players within that larger
political entity. Although Homer's Iliad was little known in the West before the
late fifteenth century, so strong was the preoccupation of translators with
Aristotle's works, interest in Troy had been excited by other accounts of the
Trojan War passed down from the Greek epic cycle, in particular books
misrepresenting themselves as Latin translations of works by Dictys of Crete and
Dares of Phrygia names found in Homer ; they were in circulation by the sixth
century, if not before, and were widely read.

Only Dares' account followed the story as far as Aeneas and his fellow exiles,
but it was accepted by many later writers as a credible source and could have
been one of the ancient books Nennius consulted. The fiction of Trojan heritage
was disseminated by Geoffrey of Monmouth's romanticized chronicle The History of
the Kings of Britain , a persuasive parody of an historical narrative, written
around and already very popular before the close of that century; its influence
was increased by its use as a source by contemporary and later writers who could
be considered more serious historians, as well as by numerous writers of less
disguised romances, particularly those which are collectively referred to under
the name Brut.

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Reading, or being read to, had long been a valued source of both education and
entertainment that slowly expanded beyond elite groups, down into the middle
class, and helps explain growing demand not only for romances but also
chronicles; legendary tales were also converted into poems for recitation and
lyrics for minstrelsy. Such legends may well have seemed quite acceptable as
historical fact, or embellishment of true events, to receptive listeners.

Geoffrey's account opens with the legend of the Trojan foundation of Britain, in
its main lines similar to that of Nennius but turned into a more elaborate and
romantic story through the addition of details that are considered the product
of Geoffrey's imagination. One of his additions is that, on his travels, the
exiled Brutus, who is now the leader of a group of Trojan fugitives, is joined
by a second group of Trojans led by one Corineus , who subsequently becomes the
founder and ruler of Cornwall.

Brutus, as the ruler of the now renamed Britain previously being Albion,
inhabited by a race of giants , founds a city on the Thames which he calls New
Troy this notion being inspired partly by a supposed derivation from the tribal
name Trinovantes , and builds himself a palace there, on the site of the future
Guildhall. After his death his sons divide Britain into three kingdoms, later
known as England, Scotland and Wales.

The Trojan legend continued to be a feature of many chronicles of English
history and accepted as historical fact down to the late sixteenth century.
FitzStephen shows his awareness of it; he does not dwell there, but uses it to
explain other perceived parallels between London and Rome , in a curious
divergence that veers close to the territory of urban history.


NAVIGATION MENU

London is perceived as a successor to the glorious accomplishments of Rome,
while the Trojan legend ties it to the heroism of the founders of both Troy and
Rome, although the assiduous Londoners did not neglect to link themselves with
Arthurian authority as well. Ancient Rome seems to have held a particular
fascination for medieval townsmen, offering an aspirational model of a powerful
and prosperous city, and hub of a civilization whose roads and ruins remained
visible in not a few places throughout much of the Middle Ages; far from waning
over time, the enthusiasm for things Roman surged during the twelfth century as
Roman art, literature, and law received renewed attention and imitation.

Men like FitzStephen and Geoffrey of Monmouth exemplify medieval perception of
this legacy, the latter's history having been described as "a pastiche of
reminiscences of the genuine past, carefully placed in a new historical context
Every line in it reflects the interest of twelfth century Englishmen in the
past, and their respect for the past. By claiming that London was originally
called New Troy, Geoffrey was portraying it as an inheritor of classical
tradition and respectability.

Geoffrey explained the transition from 'New Troy' to 'London' as a tribute to
King Lud's renovation policy: he improved the city walls and built new towers
including those of Ludgate and ordered the citizens to build themselves houses
that were the equal of any in foreign cities; thereafter the place was known as
Kaerlud, later corrupted to Kaerlondon.

The Brut has a different version of this story, not acknowledging any renovation
programme though allowing that Lud built Ludgate , but noting that since Lud
preferred to reside in New Troy rather than in any other part of his realm, it
became known as Ludstan, and thence was corrupted to London; Layamon's verse
version has Lud himself ordering the name-change to Kaerlud, so that he would be
better remembered, only to have this self-memorialization thwarted when Roman
and Saxon invaders called it Lundin and Lundene, respectively.

Such attempts to trace the evolution of London's name may have hit on a little
genuine oral history, but then expanded it into guesses that missed the mark.
The Brut also made unique contributions to the list of founders, such as
Berynger, under King Westmer a governor of northern parts, who was credited with
Berwick-upon-Tweed.

Such then was the folkloric basis that allowed Ricart to put in context the
legend of Bristol's foundation. The book begun by Robert Ricart has been
described by Denys Hay as "The most impressive, and the earliest, of the genuine
town chronicles outside London. Whether the scope of the realized work was
conceived by Spencer or by Ricart cannot be said with certainty, although the
latter seems more likely. What Spencer had in mind was a reference volume of
memoranda relating to Bristol's legal privileges, to act as a tool serviceable
for "the peaceful tranquillity and prosperity of those inhabiting the town"
[from the preamble to the Kalendar, my translation], leaving to Ricart the
discretion of deciding what fell into that category.

Ricart, however, appears to have envisaged as his primary audience the ruling
elite from which Bristol's mayors would be chosen, and to have seen his register
as having not just a reference purpose, but also an educational one. He planned
its organization in six parts, the first dealing with the foundation of Bristol
and tracing its heritage back to ancient times, followed by a versified list of
Anglo-Saxon and Norman-Angevin kings of England, with some miscellaneous
historical memoranda added afterward.

The second part of the book was given over to the sequel to the legend of the
foundation: a description of the development of the town, post-Conquest, in
terms of the construction of castle and abbey and grants of royal privileges.

In its third part, the register took the form of annals with a local focus,
though with little detail other than names of mayors and bailiffs at first not
without errors in the earliest period until mid-fifteenth century, from when
local memory and written sources permitted a variety of matters to be mentioned.

Part four described, perhaps with a view to serving as a manual, the conduct of
local elections , entry into office along with oaths to be sworn , and duties of
the chief officials of the town; it is possible that Ricart is himself shown
within one of the illustrations created for his register, depicting the
swearing-in of mayor-elect Spencer. Part five was intended as an index to the
location, in other documents, of records of borough customs, legal privileges,
constitutional provisions, and by-laws; but the demands of Ricart's ambitious
scheme were evidently too much for his time or endurance and he satisfied
himself with an abstract of the important borough charter granted by King John
The final part copied some documents pertinent to the liberties of London, the
model or mother town assigned to Bristol.


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We might infer that, whereas this final feature of the volume stated key
elements of the jurisdictional authority of the town, the opening feature, the
legend, asserted a much more ancient basis for a claim to authority. Robert
Ricart mentions in his register that he was elected and entered into the office
of town clerk in September This is generally assumed to be when he first began
that role, although typical procedure elsewhere, and probably at Bristol too,
was for appointments to bureaucratic posts to be reconfirmed annually through a
nominal 'election' giving the opportunity for removal of unsatisfactory
incumbents.

It is not impossible, therefore, that Ricart was in the office earlier. As far
as we can tell, his predecessor in office was Thomas Osney, who had held the
clerkship since at least , but whose name does not appear on record after
January , so Ricart might have taken up the duties of a deceased predecessor at
any point in , or even been appointed through the election of September That his
handwriting has been discerned in the All Saints' parish register from about to
does not preclude some overlap in him acting in the two posts.

According to Toulmin Smith, Ricart's hand appears in the Mayor's Register down
to and has been identified in a different borough record for an entry dated But
we have references in two sources to Thomas Hardyng, a scrivener, being town
clerk in and later, and other opinion has Ricart's contribution to the register
ending in [J. If Ricart did indeed continue scribal work into the sixteenth
century, it could have been as a free-lancer; his career preceding his clerkship
gives a few indications of involvement, from and perhaps as early as , in the
kinds of attorney work that were fairly typical of men associated with town
clerk posts at this period, and he may have continued earning private
commissions thus after retiring from the clerkship.

Effort to maintain the chronicle, however, petered out after , apart from the
identifications of city officials, until picked up by a new writer in , nor is
Ricart himself heard of in any other context after ; so his clerkship though not
necessarily his involvement with the register may have ended well before A case
might be argued for Ricart as an episcopal nominee and his register as a
component of Bishop Carpenter's anti-Lollardy policy, intended to ensure civic
officials were well-versed in orthodox, though secular, matters and in the
standards of behaviour required of those who were expected to set an example for
the populace at large; it was not unknown for borough authorities in regions not
so far from his diocese to include Lollard sympathisers e.

But such a case would be largely circumstantial and flimsy and will not be
attempted here. Ricart was probably of a local family , and likely received some
formal schooling, just possibly even to university level, although there is no
reason to suppose he was a clergyman, at least not one in holy orders, for such
clerics are rarely found holding civic office.

He was, rather, that type of clerk becoming more typical in the Late Middle
Ages: one who was part lawyer, part scribe. Ricart's register is not an isolated
example, but nor should it as is sometimes the case be treated as if typical or
representative. But the notion of creating ready-reference tools or manuals for
government in book form was a relatively late one in English towns, although the
case of Ipswich shows that well over a century earlier there existed some
consciousness of the desirability of preserving local customs in writing and of
the need, given the expanding use of writing for the conduct of business, for a
communal seal along with official guardians of that and borough archives.

Over time the widening range of activities and responsibilities of civic
administrations gave rise to new kinds of records, and the technology of written
record-keeping itself helped reshape the character of government. Documents like
these may have been organized somewhat, though not necessarily consciously,
according to established conventions for annals, but they differ from chronicles
in that they are unique records serving an information function for a restricted
audience, as opposed to narrative works reproduced for distribution i.

Nonetheless, it could be argued that this distinction is little more than
quibbling; the compilers of those series evidently conceived them as reference
tools to preserve, and assist future rediscovery of, historical information
pertinent to the locale. The Late Middle Ages saw greater initiatives on the
part of urban officials, notably but not exclusively town clerks, to develop
tools and techniques providing readier access to key information.

But more common was the compilation of registers of copies of select documents
considered required for ready reference; as already noted, these registers took
various forms, some categorized today as custumals and others as commonplace
books, although neither descriptor quite does them justice. Some were produced
for posterity, albeit with a practical rather than historical intent, while
others seem to have been the initiative of town clerks, or commissioned by and
often for the use of particular individuals involved in local government.

These collections of transcripts, sometimes arranged according to an explicit or
discernible plan, could also, like the corporate minute books mentioned above,
have chronicular characteristics. The most famous examples come from London:
notably but not exclusively the Liber Albus , Liber Custumarum , and an early
but unnamed collection of national laws, local ordinances, and of geographical,
historical or pseudo-historical information; the last was produced at the time,
and to serve the purpose, of efforts by the barons, supported by the Londoners,
to force King John to constitutional rule based on usages and privileges that
were established, alleged, or desired.


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One of these compilations, known as Arnold's Chronicle after the London merchant
by whom, or at whose behest, it was made ca. Admittedly most of these registers,
like the volumes of minutes of corporation meetings, were kept more for
administrative and legal than for historical and educational purposes, yet at
one end of the spectrum such compilations exhibit characteristics of chronicles.
One text copied, regrettably incompletely, into the volume is a fairly lengthy
narrative of the origins of Lynn as a trading community and the development of
local self-government with particular reference to the role of the merchant
gild.

The source of the original is unknown, but it seems likely to have been some
document produced by or for the gild itself. It is distinct from and probably
older than the gild's response to the royal enquiry of concerning
socio-religious gilds' origins and purposes; it may well have been produced in
the context of the struggle between gildsmen and bishop for control of local
administration, for it largely ignores the role of the bishop as territorial
lord and town founder , and promotes the belief, opposed by the bishop, that the
first royal grant of liberties implied the right to be governed by a mayor.


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This account describes a community of local traders who, prospering, establish
an association administered by elected officers, which takes responsibility for
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from further afield foreign countries may be meant , seeing the place
well-situated for profitable commerce, move in, settling on reclaimed marshland
from which they owe annual services to the seigneurial lords, while Jews are
also attracted and congregate along Jews Lane.

Many of these newcomers pay to become members of what had been known as the
Great Gild since time immemorial.

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Purchasing an empty plot, the membership builds a guildhall there for meetings.
A charter of King John subsequently grants Lynn the status of a free borough,
the right to a mayor, official recognition to the gild, and the same legal
privileges as Oxford. Since which time they have been electing a mayor who, with
the advice of the gild alderman and assistance from chamberlains, governs the
inhabitants and executes royal mandates. The narrative goes on to outline the
responsibilities performed by the gild and the duties of its officers.

Its purpose was not so much the writing of history as presentation of an
interpretation to bolster a particular political perspective on local
constitutional arrangements; it may have seemed interesting to William
Ashebourne for evidence that might be brought into play in the different
constitutional conflict of his time, when the gild leadership was at odds with a
reformist mayoral government loosely allied with the bishop. For our present
purposes, however, the significance of this text is that it shows an awareness
of, and an ability to explain, the role of commerce as a causal factor in the
origins of an urban community and development of its population and
institutions.

Although, as a relatively young urban foundation, Lynn could claim no links to
an heroic distant past with which to embellish its history, this account of the
creation of institutions of self-government might be thought of as local legend
in its own right. It is somewhat reminiscent of the account of the provisions
made for institutions of local government at Ipswich in , again including a
merchant gild. This text, in essence the formal record of the borough
constitution, has more of the character of a chronicle than the Lynn text;
proceedings are recounted in strict chronological order, even though the period
covered is only a few months.

Details in this text, such as precise dates and credible identifications of the
principal participants, suggest it was likely written not long after the events
taking place ; it would have worked well as a preamble to one or other of the
enrolments of borough customs and gild statutes whose compilation was ordered as
the final step in the proceedings, but may have been a separate record.

The copies we have, however, are all in later compilations and could have been
susceptible to some rewording or expansion. The account is at pains to
rationalize the actions taken, according to criteria such as authorization by
royal charter, popular support, best interests of the town, and established
practice in other towns, but such expressions are not uncommon in borough
documents, although rarely are they contained in examples of such early date.
Although those original rolls have not survived, we are fortunate to have six
codex-form registers, most of them created during the first half of the
fourteenth century, reproducing the custumal and adding to it other memoranda
that vary somewhat from edition to edition.

The Ipswich Little Domesday series, as it is known to us after the name assigned
to the original roll of borough customs , enables us to see a progression in
development. It would be going too far, however, to suggest that these books
were produced as local histories, or even that the intent was to preserve texts
for historical reasons though modern historians can certainly appreciate that
value of such works. Insofar as these were historical records with an
educational purpose, it was that they sought to preserve and make conveniently
available from a single source the kinds of information that would be
instructive to the borough bailiffs in the conduct of their duties, to the town
council in formulating sound decisions, and to the town clerk in providing
helpful advice to those administrators; a subset of posterity, if you will.

A late edition, probably begun in the s, updated the Domesday by furnishing the
customs in an English translation and, at a later point, incorporating by-laws
of that period by assigning them numbers continuing the sequence of the custumal
chapters. The next step in this evolution came in , when one of the town
councillors, Richard Percyvale, completed what has subsequently been called the
Great Domesday, being a much expanded collection of texts dating from up to his
own time, reorganized into seven sections, with the older and original Domesday
materials mostly in the initial sections, and later materials in subsequent
sections.




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Sending Message Request Callback. Lovely food and nice and hot. We got a free
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They made the process of buying a house really smooth and stress free from their
end. An appeal was lodged after the district council rejected an application to
build a single-storey addition to a property at Mayfield Road in NEW Late-night
raids in Totton drug dealing crackdown 0 dailyecho. A post on the Totton Police
Facebook page said: "Officers from Totton and other departments of Hampshire
Constabulary have this evening cond NEW Man charged with six offences following
three crashes on the same day 0 dailyecho.

No-one was reporte NEW Large parts of Portsmouth and Southampton could be
underwater by , according to study 0 hampshirelive.

That includes the city of Southampton, as well as surrounding areas of Totton,
Eling, Hythe and Fawley. NEW Plan to shut Lymington police station set to be
approved 0 bournemouthecho. District Council is backing calls to restore
passenger services on the old Totton to Hythe branch line, which fell victim to
the Beeching cu Dennis Goddard, of May Crescent in Holbury, lodged an appea
Pleaded guilty to drug driving.

Disqualified from driving for one year Plans show th NEW Creation of northern
link road for Fordingbridge mooted 0 bournemouthecho. New Forest District. Love
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Bury Cross Water Tower Gosport Hants England On the other hand, there is in the
records of the Portsmouth Company a letter dated November, , well and the
pumping station were completed during the following winter and spring. from
which a Is-inch trunk gravitation main was laid through Fareham to join the.