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New York



MOB-LINKED N.Y. LONGSHOREMEN GET BIG MONEY IN SPECIAL LABOR DEALS AS N.J. SEEKS
TO SHUTTER CRIMEFIGHTING PORT AGENCY


By Clayton Guse
Transit Reporter
•
Mar 14, 2022 at 8:00 pm




TODAY'S TOP VIDEOS




Hundreds of longshoremen rake in more than $400,000 yearly in the shadow of a
decades-old organized crime racket that thrives in New York Harbor’s sprawling
seaports, reports by a little-known law enforcement agency show.

Many of those big earners are affiliated with New York-New Jersey Mafia
families, according to federal investigators and the Waterfront Commission of
New York Harbor.

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Hundreds of longshoremen rake in more than $400,000 yearly in the shadow of a
decades-old organized crime racket that thrives in New York Harbor’s sprawling
seaports, reports by a little-known law enforcement agency show.
(Shutterstock/Shutterstock)

The Waterfront Commission, which since 1953 has cracked down on mob activity and
unfair hiring practices at the ports, now faces an existential threat from New
Jersey’s political establishment, which is bent on shutting it down.

Garden State Gov. Phil Murphy aims to turn over waterfront policing to the New
Jersey State Police starting March 28 — and the move could prompt a lawsuit from
New York officials who want more oversight of mob activity in the seaports.







Among the highest-paid New York-area longshoremen is Ralph Gigante Jr., who in
2019 made $423,488 working for Port Newark Maintenance & Repair, according to
records obtained by the Daily News via a freedom of information request.

Ralph Gigante, Jr., nephew of late Genovese mobster Vinny "the Chin" Gigante.
Gigante, Jr., in 2019 made $423,488 working for Port Newark Maintenance and
Repair, according to records obtained by the Daily News.

Gigante — the nephew of late Genovese family boss Vincent “The Chin” Gigante,
famed for an insanity act that involved mumbling incoherently as he wandered
Greenwich Village in a bathrobe and slippers — is among more than 200
longshoremen in New York and New Jersey’s seaports to benefit from “special
deals” that let them put in for up to 27 hours of work a day, seven days a week.

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The “special deals” allowing Gigante and others in a select group of
longshoremen to file for more hours of pay than there are hours in a week are
negotiated in collective bargaining agreements between the New York Shipping
Association and the International Longshoremen’s Association — a union known by
the initials ILA that represents dockworkers from Maine to Texas.

New York Shipping Association President John Nardi said the special deals are
“filled with long-term workers with seniority” and said the association under
his leadership “has never encountered anyone involved in organized crime in our
operations.”





“Any claim by the Waterfront Commission that there are people working in the
port who are associated with organized crime is an admission that the Waterfront
Commission has failed to achieve their core mission,” Nardi said.

Yet law enforcement sources said many of the 200-plus longshoremen who earn big
money at the port through “special deals” have direct connections to crime
families or high-ranking ILA officials.



They include Joseph Queli Jr., the son of convicted Genovese soldier Joseph
Queli Sr., who made $471,818 in 2020 working for Maher Terminals, records show.
The older Queli was sentenced in 2012 to five years in prison for extortion of
dockworkers, from whom he demanded payments called “Christmas tributes.”

Joseph Queli, Sr.

The convicted soldier’s brother, Lawrence Queli, works as a foreman with Gigante
at Port Newark Repair & Maintenance. He made $403,519 in 2019, records show.



The top two earners at the seaport are Paul Buglioli and Michael Giordano,
records show.

In 2020, Buglioli earned $610,889 and Giordano earned $588,315 as timekeepers at
Port Newark Container Terminal. For more than a decade, they’ve enjoyed high
salaries for work they barely show up for, according to annual reports by the
Waterfront Commission.

Buglioli’s late father, Robert, was a former vice president for Ports America at
Port Newark who in 2011 was charged by the Waterfront Commission with having
ties to Genovese family members like Joseph “Pepe” LaScala and Andrew Gigante,
the son of Vincent “The Chin.”

Sometimes dockworkers are prosecuted for failing to show up for work while
collecting huge paychecks, as happened to Paul Moe Sr., a former general foreman
at APM Terminals in Elizabeth, N.J., who in 2018 was sentenced to two years in
prison for salary fraud.

Paul Moe, Sr.

The ILA contract requires workers to show up at least 40 hours a week to be paid
for more than 24 hours per day. Investigators found Moe regularly skipped his
shifts, but was paid $500,000 a year anyway.

When Moe was locked up, his son, Paul Moe Jr., took over the reins. In 2020, Moe
Jr. raked in $498,273 as a mechanic at APM Terminals, where his father worked.



The ILA, which negotiated the big salaries, and its international president,
Harold Daggett, have long been accused of having ties to organized crime
families.

In the 2000s, Daggett was twice acquitted of alleged organized crime activities.
A civil racketeering lawsuit in Brooklyn Federal Court that’s been ongoing since
2005 alleges Daggett is party to the families’ criminal conspiracies.

Daggett, in a 2005 trial, was acquitted for fraud, extortion and other
mob-related charges, along with another former ILA executive, Arthur Coffey.
During the trial, one of their co-defendants, Genovese captain Lawrence Ricci,
was found dead in the trunk of a car outside a New Jersey diner.

Through a spokesman, Daggett and ILA officials declined to comment.

International Longshoreman's Association executive Harold Daggett exits Brooklyn
federal court during a recess in his trial, Tuesday, Oct. 25, 2005, in New York.
(LOUIS LANZANO/ASSOCIATED PRESS)

Mob schemes at the seaports prosecuted by the feds over the last 15 years
include extortion and racketeering.

Despite the decadeslong history of port corruption, New Jersey lawmakers are set
on dismantling the Waterfront Commission, which was established as the famed
1954 movie “On the Waterfront” told a story of murder and corruption on the
mob-controlled New Jersey docks.



Law enforcement officials say the bistate commission’s crimefighting work isn’t
done.

A former prosecutor told The News that shuttering the commission would “allow
the mob to continue to rule the waterfront through an unholy alliance between
the ILA and the New York Shipping Association.”

“Successful federal prosecutions have revealed the continued influence of the
Genovese and Gambino organized crime families over the International
Longshoremen’s Association and waterfront businesses,” said a letter filed to
the U.S. Supreme Court last June by top FBI Special Agents George Crouch Jr. and
Jacqueline Maguire.

The Port of New York and New Jersey is seen in Elizabeth, N.J., Wednesday, June
30, 2021. (Seth Wenig/AP)

Crouch and Maguire wrote in support of a lawsuit by the Waterfront Commission to
stop New Jersey politicians’ effort to dismantle it.

Elected officials in Trenton have pushed to close the commission for years. The
New Jersey Legislature in 2017 passed a law requiring the state to pull out of
the commission, which has one representative from both states.

Former Gov. Chris Christie signed the bill on his last day in office in 2018,
prompting a lawsuit from the Waterfront Commission arguing the move was not
legal without approval from lawmakers in New York.



The suit was shot down by the 3rd Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals. The U.S.
Supreme Court last year declined to take up the case, finding that only the
State of New York could sue New Jersey over the disagreement.

Container ships are docked at the Port of New York and New Jersey in Elizabeth,
N.J., on May 20, 2021. The state of New Jersey has moved closer to withdrawing
from a bi-state commission formed to monitor corruption at the New York region's
ports. (Seth Wenig/AP)

New York Gov. Hochul says New Jersey can’t by itself dismantle the bistate
agency — a position that could lead to a court battle between the two states
over the commission’s future.

How far Hochul will go to save the agency isn’t clear. In February, Hochul’s
chief counsel, Elizabeth Fine, wrote a letter stating New Jersey’s withdrawal
plan “is without effect,” and called the Waterfront Commission “a key
investigative partner in both state and federal prosecutions in both New York
and New Jersey.”

Hochul spokeswoman Hazel Crampton-Hays would not say whether the governor plans
to sue New Jersey in federal court to save the commission.

“We have made our position clear and we are evaluating our options,” she said.


BREAKING NEWS

As it happens

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Gov. Murphy in December appointed Joseph Sanzari, a construction executive, as
the state’s member of the Waterfront Commission, replacing Michael Murphy, a
former prosecutor in Morris County, N.J.



Joseph Sanzari in a 2007 photo. (Bobby Bank/WireImage)

Sanzari in 2019 spoke at an ILA convention in Florida, and said ILA President
Daggett gave him an honorary membership card to the union’s Local 1804-1.

As a bistate agency, Waterfront Commission investigators can work the New York
and New Jersey sides of New York Harbor. The New Jersey State Police would have
no jurisdiction on the New York City side of the port — which includes container
ports in Staten Island and Brooklyn.

The Waterfront Commission also helps federal and state mob busts outside of the
seaports — such as the New Jersey attorney general office’s “Operation Fistful,”
which in 2019 resulted in prison sentences for Genovese soldier Vito Alberti,
60, and five associates in a loansharking, gambling and money laundering scheme.

Nothing new: Marlon Brando is pictured as Terry Malloy in "On the Waterfront"
(1954). Malloy is a former boxer and dock worker forced to confront union
corruption and violence on the waterfront in Hoboken, N.J. (Courtesy of Columbia
Pictures)

Amid the war over its survival, Waterfront Commission officials have declined to
provide documents and data about their operations to the New Jersey State
Police.

The letter in February from Hochul’s chief counsel made clear that she believes
“there remains the threat of organized crime and corruption at the port.”

Michael Zhadanovsky, a spokesman for Murphy, declined to say whether the New
Jersey governor believes the Mafia still corrupts the seaports, but said the New
Jersey State Police “is well-equipped to patrol and safeguard our state’s
ports.”





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