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Democracy Dies in Darkness


HOW KAMALA HARRIS REMADE JOE BIDEN’S CAMPAIGN AND REVIVED DEMOCRATIC CHANCES

In short order, the Democratic presidential campaign, almost entirely inherited
from Biden, found a new direction.

9 min
1191

Vice President Kamala Harris greets attendees during a campaign rally in
Madison, Wis., on Sept. 20. (Melina Mara/The Washington Post)
By Michael Scherer
Updated September 28, 2024 at 10:30 a.m. EDT|Published September 28, 2024 at
6:00 a.m. EDT

Shortly after Kamala Harris took control of Joe Biden’s campaign, her top
advisers began holding senior staff meetings unlike any that had happened
before.

New strategists appeared on Zoom calls with the Wilmington brass, and a
transformed decision-making process took over. The competing power centers that
had defined Biden’s world — a headquarters staff, a White House operation and a
coterie of Biden loyalists who operated with one foot outside both structures —
had been flattened into a single high council, reporting to a single boss,
campaign chair Jen O’Malley Dillon, who spoke most days with the candidate.



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Harris blessed the unified structure, giving O’Malley Dillon the power to hire
and direct a new layer of top talent from Barack Obama’s and Hillary Clinton’s
campaigns for president. The vice president also gave marching orders: I don’t
care where you are coming from, she told the new team, according to a person
familiar with the statements. We don’t have time for drama. We will just do what
we need to do.

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In short order, the Democratic presidential campaign, almost entirely inherited
from Biden, found a new direction. The four-person polling team that had toiled
in the mid-tier of the Biden operation — sometimes unaware of ads until they
were released — suddenly found themselves invited to the senior Zoom calls. The
new leadership wanted to hear more directly about the data and they wanted more
testing of ads before they went out. The new ad-makers jettisoned the
president’s focus on defending democratic institutions or any discussion of
abstract American ideals represented by waving flags.

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A wholesale embrace of economic anxiety and rising costs took over. “A New Way
Forward” replaced Biden’s slogan “Finish the Job.” Harris pushed out new
policies to respond to inflation, driving home the message that she was
different. The talk about “Bidenomics” success turned into a discussion of the
new “opportunity economy.” “We’re not going back” chants became common at her
rallies.

Like Biden, she would sell herself as a child of the middle class, more stable
and empathetic than Donald Trump, who she argued had become more dangerous,
deteriorated and unhinged since leaving office in 2020. Like Biden, she avoided
most opportunities for unscripted exchanges or formal press interviews that
could lead to blunders, distract from her message and fuel Trump’s attacks.

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But unlike Biden — who was universally known and had been campaigning for years
— the new team decided early on that they would need to make their decisions in
the context of a singular problem that defined their campaign: the ticking
clock.

As of late June, less than a third of voters in a CNN poll viewed her favorably,
with 16 percent saying they had no opinion or had never heard of her. By the
time the new team came into place in early August, she had just over 90 days to
go.

Trump was on the attack, hoping to define her with his own research that showed
major doubts about whether she was a serious leader who could handle the job.
The former president’s West Palm Beach crew had cut clips of her dancing in a
glittery rainbow jacket into their ads and blasted out montages of Harris
guffaws to drive home the point. She needed to beat Trump to the punch.

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“We have a new top-line imperative. We have a new candidate that people want to
know more about. The data shows that the more that they see her, the more they
like her,” explained one person involved in the effort. “Trump has a ceiling.
The more that we can present the clear choice to people, the better off our
campaign is.”

This account of how Harris restructured Biden’s campaign team and transformed
the Democratic ticket is based on interviews with eight officials directly
familiar with the operation, almost all of whom spoke on the condition of
anonymity to describe internal operations because the campaign sees little
upside in what one called “process stories.”



With 38 days until Election Day, there is still no certainty of the outcome, but
Democratic presidential campaign veterans have been universally pleased with her
progress. With Democrats spending roughly twice as much as Republicans in
presidential advertising, Harris has retaken a slight edge in public polling of
the northern battleground states, while narrowing her deficit in the southern
ones.

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An average of high-quality national public polls shows that Harris has cut
Trump’s advantage on economic issues in half, or by six points. Her favorability
rating in CNN polling has risen from 32 to 45 percent. While both Trump and
Biden were effectively tied on the question of who voters trust more to unite
the country, Harris now leads Trump by 11 points.

“They are undertaking an extraordinary feat — essentially retrofitting a
campaign in midair 90 days before Election Day with a new candidate,” said David
Axelrod, the top strategist for both of Obama’s presidential campaigns. “When
you consider the enormity of that, and the quality of the convention, the debate
and the gap they’ve closed, it’s been really impressive.”

Trump’s campaign has drawn a different conclusion from the shake-up atop the
Democratic operation. “Kamala Harris has brought in the Obama team to layer the
poor, pathetic Biden staffers,” Trump spokesman Steven Cheung said in a
statement. " …[Y]ou have a recipe for internal knife-fighting that will require
years of intensive therapy to recover from.”

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The biggest changes have had to do with the candidates. Biden’s reelection
campaign had been built to serve him. As with Trump, physical proximity mattered
enormously. The two principal architects of the reelection effort, top
strategist Mike Donilon and O’Malley Dillon, had waited until February to leave
their White House jobs in the face of pressure from the party. Even after they
left they leased an office a few blocks away so they could work close to the
boss.

Donilon had largely authored the story of Biden’s 2020 campaign for president —
a quest that was billed around transcendent ideas of “restoring the soul of
America” and the candidate’s basic decency. As the reelection campaign took
shape, his brief was again enormous. Not only did he oversee the polling
operation, but he had complete responsibility for the main television
advertising program and the macro-messaging theory of the campaign.

When Biden dropped out of the race, Donilon departed as well, leaving a massive
hole in the operation that had been coordinated in senior adviser calls from
Wilmington and the White House. O’Malley Dillon, who had been working for
Democratic presidential campaigns since Al Gore in 2000, turned to a crew of top
strategists from the two Obama campaigns.

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Stephanie Cutter, her former business partner who had been doing media training
with Harris while overseeing convention planning, came in as a strategist. So
did David Plouffe, Obama’s former campaign manager, who took the title “Senior
Advisor for Path to 270 and Strategy.” O’Malley Dillon also elevated Mitch
Stewart, the field wizard of Obama’s operations, and two new ad-makers, Adam
Magnus and Ann Liston.

The new operation was unconventional in that Donilon’s duties were being
dispersed. No single strategist with command and control over the operation was
replacing him. But the bet was that more voices in key meetings, including the
addition of the polling team, would lead to better decisions, not disarray.
Multiple people described the senior team — stocked with Biden veterans and
newbies — who are now in constant contact with each other through a private
messaging app, with periodic strategy meetings to assess the state of the race.
The early leaks about tensions between Obama operatives and the Biden team have
all but dried up.

Lorraine Voles and Sheila Nix, Harris’s White House and campaign chiefs of
staff, respectively, continued to work directly with Harris and the senior team.
In contrast to her 2020 campaign, Harris’s family largely supported her at a
distance from the campaign operation, with brother-in-law Tony West appearing at
some debate prep sessions.

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“In a very brief amount of time, the roles have become clear and the mentality
has flowed from the top. Jen runs a meeting like nobody else that I have ever
encountered,” Harris adviser Brian Fallon, a former Clinton aide who joins the
new senior strategist Zoom calls, said in a recent Politico podcast appearance.
“She is somebody that does not suffer fools and that is a credit to her.”

The early Harris ads speak to the shift. Biden had leaned heavily on a personal
contrast with his opponent, casting Trump as a legal defendant, would-be
dictator and midnight social media poster in his ads. His references to the Jan.
6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol and the threat to democracy have largely
dropped out of Harris’s ads. In place of that, she speaks more about lowering
costs and attacks Trump as “out of control” with an extreme policy agenda,
particularly around economic issues.

“His plans will raise costs and taxes on the vast majority of Americans,” one
spot says, referring to his plans for higher tariffs to encourage domestic
manufacturing.

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Harris’s coordinated campaign raised $540 million in its first month, giving the
new team significant firepower to try to move the electorate in the coming
weeks. But a primary data finding of the Biden campaign’s 2023 research still
holds: The election, Wilmington believes, will be decided in a few states by
narrow margins, probably hinging on a sliver of voters who were repelled by a
Biden-Trump contest and remain disengaged from the daily political news.

And the clock is ticking.


ELECTION 2024

Follow live updates on the 2024 election and the contest between Vice President
Kamala Harris and former president Donald Trump from our reporters on the
campaign trail and in Washington.

Potential assassination attempt: Trump was unharmed in what authorities are
investigating as another potential assassination attempt, after a man pointed a
rifle into a Florida golf course where the former president was playing. Police
arrested Ryan Wesley Routh, a 58-year-old man who spent recent years trying to
join the war in Ukraine, according to online posts and law enforcement
officials.

Policy positions: We’ve collected Harris’s and Trump’s stances on the most
important issues — abortion, economic policy, immigration and more.

Presidential polls: Check out how Harris and Trump stack up, according to The
Washington Post’s presidential polling averages of seven battleground states.
We’ve identified eight possible paths to victory based on the candidates’
current standing in the polls.

Senate control: Senate Democrats are at risk of losing their slim 51-49 majority
this fall. The Post breaks down the eight races and three long shots that could
determine Senate control.

Show more

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1191 Comments
Election 2024
HAND CURATED
 * Harris spoke in Arizona on immigration; Trump campaigned in Michigan
   September 27, 2024
   
   Harris spoke in Arizona on immigration; Trump campaigned in Michigan
   September 27, 2024
 * Who is ahead in Harris vs. Trump 2024 presidential polls right now?
   September 27, 2024
   
   Who is ahead in Harris vs. Trump 2024 presidential polls right now?
   September 27, 2024
 * Mapping 8 paths to victory for Harris and Trump in the 2024 election
   September 23, 2024
   
   Mapping 8 paths to victory for Harris and Trump in the 2024 election
   September 23, 2024

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