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ALONE IN A BATHROOM: FEAR AND UNCERTAINTY OF A POST-ROE MEDICATION ABORTION


ALONE IN A BATHROOM: FEAR AND UNCERTAINTY OF A POST-ROE MEDICATION ABORTION

By Caroline Kitchener
April 11, 2024 at 6:00 a.m.

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Angel tucked two white pills into each side of her mouth, bracing herself as
they began to dissolve.
Her deepest fears and anxieties took over.
The pill could be fake.
What if I shouldn't take this with my other medication?
What if it hurts me?
Could I get in trouble with the law?
Who do I call if something goes wrong?
Maybe the website I ordered from was sketchy.
What if it's fentanyl?
Could I have a stroke?
Can I go to the ER if it goes badly?
Is this legit?

Angel at her home in Oklahoma. (Desiree Rios for The Washington Post)

Warning: This graphic requires JavaScript. Please enable JavaScript for the best
experience.

Angel had wanted to talk to a doctor before she took the pills to end her
pregnancy, worried about how they might interact with medication she took for
her heart condition.

But in her home state of Oklahoma, where almost all abortions are banned, that
wasn’t an option.

The pain kicked in after about an hour, around midnight on a Sunday in January,
eventually becoming sharp enough that the 23-year-old said she struggled to
stand. While Angel would be fine by the next morning, she worried that something
might be very wrong as she lay on the cold bathroom tile, her body racked by
some of the worst pain she could remember.

When Angel’s fiancé came in to check on her, she was having diarrhea while
vomiting into their popcorn bowl.

“F---,” she remembered yelling, over and over. “I feel like I need to push.”

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Overwhelming evidence shows that abortion pills are safe and effective, and that
many patients who take them go through the process without much difficulty,
experiencing little more than the sharp cramping and bleeding of an unusually
heavy period. That is true even when the pills, approved by the U.S. Food and
Drug Administration with a prescription for use through 10 weeks of pregnancy,
are taken somewhat independently — administered by a doctor over text, email, or
a call and mailed to the patient at home.

But the experience can feel very different in states where abortion is illegal.
As more women in states with abortion bans choose to end their pregnancies on
their own, without directly interacting with a medical professional, they are
thrust into a largely ad hoc, unregulated system of online and grass-roots
abortion pill distributors — an experience that, while deemed generally safe by
medical experts, can be confusing, scary and, at times, deeply traumatic.

“I feel like I need to push.”

“Self-managed” abortions increased dramatically after Roe v. Wade was overturned
— with women in antiabortion states obtaining pills through several distinct
channels. At least 6,000 women every month in states with bans are now receiving
pills from Aid Access, a Europe-based online clinic that prescribes the
medication without requiring a patient to interact with a doctor in real time,
according to founder Rebecca Gomperts. Thousands of others are turning to at
least 25 nonmedical websites that sell the pills, or one of several
volunteer-led networks that distribute them for free.

With abortion clinics shuttered across the South and Midwest, many women said
they have nowhere to go to confirm that their abortion pill supplier is “legit”
or that their symptoms after taking the medication are normal. They worry that a
call to a doctor or a trip to the emergency room could land them in jail. And
while abortion rights advocates have tried to build new infrastructure to
support women in these situations — with volunteer doctors answering phone calls
or former abortion providers staffing the occasional bricks-and-mortar office in
an antiabortion state — organizers say that such resources are no replacement
for the array of choices women had before Roe fell.

The demand for self-managed abortions in states with bans, already enormous, is
sure to increase dramatically in the coming weeks, as strict new abortion laws
take effect in Florida and Arizona — the result of two recent court rulings.

“This is not the way health care should be,” said Linda Prine, a New York-based
doctor who prescribes pills through Aid Access and co-founded a hotline for
people taking them. “All the options have been taken away from people by these
bans and this is all that’s left,” she added, referring to the networks
providing pills for women self-managing their abortions.

“It really is all we can do.”

Chart of monthly supplies of self-managed abortions Pre- and Post-Dobbs from
online vendors, telemedicine and community networks

Supply of abortion pills for

self-managed abortions

The supply of abortion pills outside of the formal health-care setting increased
sharply in the six months after Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, a
landmark ruling that eliminated the constitutional right to abortion. A major
factor in the increase was the rise of community-based, volunteer-led networks
that organized to help women in states with abortion bans.

Online vendors

Telemedicine

Community networks

PRE-DOBBS

POST-DOBBS

8,495

8,000

7,633

7,083

6,000

4,325

4,105

3,946

4,000

2,000

1,459

1,355

March

April

July

Aug.

Sept.

Oct.

Nov.

Dec.

2022

2022

Source: JAMA (2024)

Supply of abortion pills for

self-managed abortions

The supply of abortion pills outside of the formal health-care setting increased
sharply in the six months after Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, a
landmark ruling that eliminated the constitutional right to abortion. A major
factor in the increase was the rise of community-based, volunteer-led networks
that organized to help women in states with abortion bans.

Online vendors

Telemedicine

Community networks

PRE-DOBBS

POST-DOBBS

8,495

8,000

7,633

7,083

6,000

4,325

4,105

3,946

4,000

2,000

1,459

1,355

March

April

July

Aug.

Sept.

Oct.

Nov.

Dec.

2022

2022

Source: JAMA (2024)

Supply of abortion pills for self-managed abortions

The supply of abortion pills outside of the formal health-care setting increased
sharply in the six months after Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, a
landmark ruling that eliminated the constitutional right to abortion. A major
factor in the increase was the rise of community-based, volunteer-led networks
that organized to help women in states with abortion bans.

PRE-DOBBS

POST-DOBBS

8,495

Online vendors

8,000

7,633

7,083

Telemedicine

6,000

4,325

4,105

3,946

4,000

Community

networks

2,000

1,459

1,355

March

April

July

Aug.

Sept.

Oct.

Nov.

Dec.

2022

2022

Source: JAMA (2024)

Adding to the difficulty is a polarized political debate with dueling narratives
about what it’s actually like to take abortion pills. Antiabortion activists say
the pills are highly dangerous, or even deadly, for pregnant women — false
assertions based largely on studies that have now been retracted by the journal
that published them. Meanwhile, many abortion rights advocates describe the
experience as straightforward and easy to handle on your own, a characterization
that some women say glosses over what can be a more complicated reality of
ending a pregnancy alone in your bathroom.

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The Washington Post spoke with more than three dozen doctors, advocates, leading
researchers, and women who took the pills in states where abortion has been
banned since Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the Supreme Court
case that overturned Roe in June 2022. Over the phone and in person, many women
described experiencing deep anxiety and uncertainty about doing something they
assumed was illegal. These feelings often intensified after they took the
medication, with some not expecting the level of pain or amount of bleeding they
would experience, or how much of the fetus they would see. A few used the pills
later in pregnancy than the FDA recommends.

“I wish I would have known that it wasn’t just blood clots. … I was really
confused and shocked,” said Briana, a 34-year-old in Alabama who took pills she
ordered online when she was at least five weeks beyond the FDA’s 10-week limit.
Like other women interviewed for this article, Briana spoke on the condition
that her last name not be used so she could discuss sensitive medical
information in a state that outlaws abortion — describing her experience in
graphic detail because she said she wanted other women to know what to expect.

The complex legal landscape can be hard to understand. Abortion bans do not
allow people seeking abortions to be prosecuted, targeting only doctors and
others involved in facilitating the abortion. But people have been charged under
other laws for self-managing their abortions, especially later in pregnancy.

A legal challenge to the abortion drug mifepristone brought by conservative
advocates — which drew skeptical questions from the Supreme Court during oral
arguments last month — seeks to further restrict the post-Roe landscape by
requiring in-person medical visits for all legally administered medication
abortions. Such a change could prevent U.S.-based medical providers from mailing
pills into antiabortion states under “shield laws,” recently enacted in a
handful of blue states, that protect doctors from prosecution under red state
bans.

Angel pours out her heart medication at her home. (Desiree Rios for The
Washington Post)Angel was worried about how abortion pills might interact with
medication she takes for her heart condition.

In Oklahoma, Angel ordered her pills from Aid Access, according to emails
reviewed by The Post, and took them five to six weeks into her pregnancy. She’d
told doctors at the online clinic about her heart medication when she filled out
its online form, she said, but no one ever reached out about it — a silence
easily explained, Prine said, because Angel’s medication is not one that would
raise concerns.

Angel had no way of knowing that.

Sitting on the toilet, she could hear her heart pounding in her ears. She placed
two fingers on the side of her neck to take her pulse and started a timer, she
recalled — counting about 190 beats per minute.

With her heart condition, she said, she was supposed to seek medical attention
if her heart rate got that high.

Angel had no idea who to call. She vaguely remembered a hotline number in the
Aid Access instructions, but figured the line would be closed that time of
night. The hospital didn’t feel like an option, either: She worried about the
questions she might get from suspicious doctors if she showed up at the
emergency room.

She closed her eyes and tried to steady her breath, determined to keep her heart
rate down. Then she spoke to herself as she imagined a doctor might.

“You will be okay,” said Angel, who would wake up the next morning no longer
pregnant, the worst moments of her abortion behind her.

“This pain can’t last forever.”



“Your body will be just fine.”

“Your uterus knows what to do.”


A DOCTOR ANSWERS PANICKED CALLS

“It’s normal to be scared.”

“Just wait it out.”

“Call back any time.”

Linda Prine was answering a few emails, coffee mug in hand, when her cellphone
rang.

“Hi, this is the hotline doctor,” the 72-year-old said from her New York City
home one Sunday morning in January. “Can I help you?”

The voice Prine heard was quiet and scared — belonging to a 15-year-old with an
area code in a state with an abortion ban who had taken pills and passed a fetus
larger than she’d expected.

Unable to flush the fetus down the toilet, the girl asked about throwing it
away.

She was young enough to be Prine’s granddaughter.

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Prine cradled the phone in both hands and leaned in, trying to channel every
ounce of reassurance and understanding she could muster through the phone line.

“There’s nothing in there that’s traceable back to you,” she said. “As long as
you don’t tell anybody.”

The girl asked if the abortion made her a bad person.

“No it doesn’t,” Prine said. “Not a bit.”

“You are doing what’s right for you and your future family,” she added, her
voice firm.

“This way you can be a good mom when you’re ready to be a good mom.”

Linda Prine answers calls and texts for the Miscarriage and Abortion Hotline.
(Natalie Keyssar for The Washington Post)

A semiretired family medicine physician, Prine co-founded the Miscarriage and
Abortion Hotline in 2019 as a resource for people self-managing miscarriages or
abortions at home. She got the idea from Gomperts, of Aid Access, who had
already been mailing pills to Americans who struggled to access abortion. The
American patients had a lot of questions and concerns about ordering pills
outside a formal health-care setting, Gomperts told Prine — and her inbox was
constantly flooded with emails.

They needed a U.S.-based doctor to call.

“You are doing what’s right for you and your future family.”

Calls to the hotline surged after Texas enacted an early law banning most
abortions in the fall of 2021, Prine said, and again after new abortion bans
took effect across the South and Midwest when Roe fell. Now the line is staffed
by over 50 U.S.-based medical providers who volunteer their time, a mix of
doctors, midwives, nurse practitioners and physician assistants with experience
in abortion care. The doctors who run the hotline recruit volunteers through
word-of-mouth recommendations, then administer a few hours of virtual training
before they start.

In interviews, Prine stressed that hotline doctors are not practicing medicine
under their licenses or establishing a doctor-patient relationship — a posture
Prine said legally protects the physicians. By design, the hotline volunteers
don’t ask for the names, locations or full medical histories of the people who
call. On the hotline’s website, a disclaimer notes that they are not offering
“legal or medical advice,” and that the information they provide “does not
substitute for the … advice of a doctor.”

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The hotline typically receives roughly 30 calls and 50 texts from people every
day. Many say they are in states that ban abortion.

“They’ll say, ‘I’m in a state where this is illegal, so I can’t go get medical
care. I want to check in and make sure everything is going okay,’” Prine said.

She and her colleagues hear the same questions again and again: Am I bleeding
too much? Am I not bleeding enough? Is it normal to have this much pain? People
call to see if they can drink alcohol or smoke marijuana after taking the pills.
One woman asked whether it was safe to walk up the stairs.

[What to know about taking abortion pills]

Anxiety and uncertainty are common even among patients who receive the
medication at an abortion clinic in a state where abortion is legal, said Prine
— because they’re at home by the time they start feeling the full effects.

“People from anywhere can be freaking out because everyone is taking these pills
at home alone,” Prine said.

Still, some feel better taking the pills after having a direct conversation with
a medical professional. Since Dobbs, many women in antiabortion states who have
the resources to travel have continued to leave the state to obtain pills at a
clinic instead of ordering online, preferring the experience of being face to
face with a doctor, even if it means a long drive or a flight.

The Miscarriage and Abortion Hotline is staffed by over 50 U.S.-based medical
providers, a mix of doctors, midwives, nurse practitioners and physician
assistants with experience in abortion care. (Natalie Keyssar for The Washington
Post) A cross stitch at the home of Linda Prine.

For those who choose to self-manage their abortions, Prine said, she is there to
offer reassurance that their experiences are nothing out of the ordinary, and
that they almost certainly don’t need to go to the emergency room. A medication
abortion is just like a miscarriage, she’ll tell them, with hundreds of women
going through the same process every day.

Of the approximately 5.9 million patients in the United States who took
mifepristone — the first drug in a two-step medication abortion regimen —
between its 2000 approval and December 2022, just 32 died, according to the FDA.
Those cases, the agency says, “cannot with certainty be causally attributed to
mifepristone.” Major adverse events — in which a blood transfusion, major
surgery or overnight hospital stay is required — occur in fewer than 0.5 percent
of cases, a figure that remains the same whether a patient has met with a doctor
in person.

A significantly larger share of patients who take abortion pills seek emergency
care, ranging from 1.3 to 8 percent in leading studies.

Chart showing the number of patients that went to an emergency department,
received treatment and experienced a serious adverse event in a recent study.

Adverse effects are extremely rare among those who take abortion pills

A tiny fraction of patients who take abortion pills have a serious adverse event
such as a blood transfusion, major surgery or overnight hospital stay.

= 10 estimated patients who took abortion pills

6,034 patients took abortion pills

100%

81 patients went to

the emergency room

1.34%

20 patients experienced

a serious adverse event

(18 of whom had gone to the

emergency room or

hospital first)

0.34%

Note: Estimated patient numbers are based on

percentages included in a 2024 study and are

rounded to whole people.



Source: Ushma Upadhyay/Nature Medicine

Adverse effects are extremely rare among those who take abortion pills

A tiny fraction of patients who take abortion pills have a serious adverse event
such as a blood transfusion, major surgery or overnight hospital stay.

= 10 estimated patients who took abortion pills

6,034 patients took abortion pills

100%

81 patients went

to the emergency room

1.34%

20 patients experienced

a serious adverse event

(18 of whom had gone to the

emergency room or hospital first)

0.34%

Note: Estimated patient numbers are based on percentages

included in a 2024 study and are rounded to whole people.



Source: Ushma Upadhyay/Nature Medicine

Adverse effects are extremely rare among those who take abortion pills

A tiny fraction of patients who take abortion pills have a serious adverse event
such as a blood transfusion, major surgery or overnight hospital stay.

= 10 estimated patients who took abortion pills

6,034 patients took abortion pills

100%

81 patients went

to the emergency room

1.34%

20 patients experienced

a serious adverse event

(18 of whom had gone to the

emergency room or hospital first)

0.34%

Note: Estimated patient numbers are based on percentages included in a 2024
study and

are rounded to whole people.



Source: Ushma Upadhyay/Nature Medicine

Antiabortion activists portray those emergency room visits as an indication of a
safety issue, but leading medical experts say they instead highlight the
confusion and fear that many women experience after taking the pills. Patients
often go for a gut check, doctors and medical researchers said, wanting to
confirm that they’re not bleeding too much, or that the pills worked and they
are no longer pregnant. Studies show that 35 to 50 percent of people who go to
an ER after taking abortion pills receive no treatment.

“With medication abortion, there’s no one saying, ‘You’re doing great. This is
normal,’” said Ushma Upadhyay, a professor at the University of California at
San Francisco and a leading researcher on the safety of abortion pills, drawing
a distinction between the pill and a surgical procedure. “Often people are going
through it alone, so they want to know everything is okay.”

On the hotline, Prine said she’s felt the need to send someone to the emergency
room only once in nearly five years.

“Your uterus knows what to do,” Prine told a woman who called that January
morning with reports of unexpectedly heavy bleeding. “It’s going to take care of
itself.”

Others in the medical community are quicker to suggest that someone be seen in
person.

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On the infrequent occasions when a patient calls with concerns about their
medication abortion, Clayton Alfonso, an OB/GYN at Duke University, said he’ll
try to evaluate how much she is bleeding and how her body is tolerating the
blood loss. But he said it can sometimes be difficult to make those assessments
over the phone.

“When you take a patient call, it’s always hard because their definition of
heavy bleeding could be different from my definition of heavy bleeding,” said
Alfonso, adding that he usually tries to bring patients into his clinic if he
has space on the schedule. “I would much rather see someone than leave someone
in limbo at home not knowing what to do.”

In states with abortion bans, the emergency room is often the only option for
women who want in-person care during their medication abortions. Even if they
say they had a miscarriage — a condition that presents with symptoms
indistinguishable from a medication abortion — many women in these situations
have bad experiences at the hospital, Prine said, encountering physicians who
provide inaccurate information or ask suspicious questions about why they’re
bleeding.

“Your uterus knows what to do.”

Prine said she recognizes that the landscape for self-managed abortions is
tenuous. The antiabortion movement is ready to seize on any experience with
pills that is difficult or complicated, she said, especially the relatively rare
cases in which women take pills later in pregnancy.

At the Conservative Political Action Conference last year, prominent
antiabortion activist Abby Johnson said women are delivering “fully formed
babies” in their bathrooms — a false description of what women see during a
medication abortion, even in the second trimester.

“They’re passing these babies into the toilet,” said Johnson, founder of the
antiabortion group And Then There Were None. “Then these women have to make a
decision: What do I do with this fully formed baby?... Do I flush my child down
the toilet?”

These kinds of incendiary attacks make it hard for abortion rights advocates to
discuss the details of a medication abortion later in pregnancy, said Prine and
Gomperts — because the specifics could be weaponized by the antiabortion
movement.

As a result, Prine said, women who take pills later in pregnancy are sometimes
surprised by what they see.



“How much bleeding is normal?”

“Do I push it out?”


A WOMAN STRUGGLES TO PASS HER PREGNANCY

“Should I go to the hospital?”

“I’m totally alone.”

At her home in Alabama, Briana waited to take the pills until she’d put all of
her children to sleep.

The cramps in her lower back came first, followed by full-body chills and,
eventually, contractions more painful than those she remembered from childbirth.

After lying in bed for two hours, Briana felt something “pop” under the
comforter, followed by a gush of warm liquid seeping down her legs. She ran to
the bathroom, she recalled in interviews and a journal entry, where she felt a
mass larger than her palm drop into the toilet.

“This can’t be happening,” she thought to herself.

Then she looked down to see a bloody umbilical cord dangling between her legs.



When the pills first arrived in the mail a few days earlier, in April 2023,
Briana had expected her experience would be more difficult than most. The
doctors who administered the medication through Aid Access cautioned Briana that
they “do not like to recommend medical abortions” as far into pregnancy as she
would be when the pills reached her, according to emails reviewed by The Post.

Briana felt she had no choice. By the time she found out she was pregnant, she
was already 11 or 12 weeks along. The abortion clinic she’d called in a
different state, more than a six-hour drive from her home in Alabama, where
abortion is banned, was booked for surgical procedures for over a month, busy
treating patients from other antiabortion states across the South. She spent
nearly two weeks researching her other options, then the pills she ordered took
two weeks to arrive.

The 34-year-old was struggling to support the kids she already had.

“I didn’t want to take any more away from them ... time, attention, money,” said
Briana, who estimates that she was 15 or 16 weeks along when she took the pills.

“This can’t be happening.”

Experts and advocates say it is relatively rare for women to self-manage their
abortions well beyond the FDA’s 10-week limit, particularly since passage of the
shield laws, allowing U.S.-based doctors to mail pills directly into
antiabortion states instead of relying on international pharmacies. That change
has reduced the shipment time from several weeks to between three and five days.

At the time Briana ordered her medication, over a year ago, Aid Access generally
did not send pills to anyone who said they were further than 11 weeks into their
pregnancy, Gomperts said. It now allows people to place orders through 12 weeks
of pregnancy, because pills reach patients more quickly.

“If we think people might be longer than that, they get an email to make sure
they can navigate the situation,” said Gomperts, who personally prescribed
Briana’s medication, according to documentation reviewed by The Post. “Women
have agency. They are perfectly capable of making these choices about their own
health, and we are there to support them the best we can.”

According to data compiled by Aid Access, and shared with The Post, 1 in 20
patients who responded to the organization’s survey in January took the pills
beyond 11 weeks of pregnancy. One in 100 took the pills beyond 13 weeks. (About
20 percent of people who took the pills responded to the survey.)

Still, Prine said, she has fielded far more of these calls from women later in
pregnancy than she would like — averaging one a day on the hotline in the months
after the Supreme Court decision. Some of the callers had no idea how far along
they were until they passed the pregnancy, she said. Others knew, but chose to
go ahead anyway.

Beyond 12 or 13 weeks, women will see a much more developed fetus, with
identifiable features.

“We hear the trauma when we talk to people,” Prine said. “It’s an image you
can’t get out of your head.”

Press Enter to skip to end of carousel


HOW WE REPORTED THIS STORY


Caroline Kitchener reported this story from four states. She witnessed Ashley’s
ultrasound in Texas, watched Linda Prine answer hotline calls in New York, and
interviewed Angel and Briana in Oklahoma and Alabama. She also spoke on the
phone to women who self-managed their abortions at home.
To fully understand the dueling arguments about abortion pills, The Post
reviewed over two dozen of the most frequently cited studies on medication
abortion, interviewing researchers and advocates on each side of the abortion
debate.
Kitchener has covered abortion for five years. She spends a lot of her time
traveling across the South, reporting from the states most affected by the fall
of Roe v. Wade. In addition to her coverage of abortion-related laws and court
cases, she strives to tell the stories of people at the center of it all.

1/3


End of carousel

Alone in her bathroom, Briana had no idea what to do. The Aid Access doctors had
told her to expect nausea, vomiting, chills, blood clots and a fetus at least
the size of an orange, emails show.

They said nothing about an umbilical cord.

“Do I pull the cord out?” Briana wondered, frantically trying to remember what
the doctors had done when she gave birth. “Do I just wait to try to push it
out?”

Her boyfriend was sleeping in the next room. Even if she woke him up, she
wondered, what could he do? If she went to the emergency room, she said, she
felt sure she’d be prosecuted.

Finally, Briana decided to call the number for the Miscarriage and Abortion
Hotline she’d seen in an email from Aid Access.

“That’s the placenta you need to push out,” Briana recalled the woman on the
hotline saying. “When you feel the next contraction, I want you to push like
you’re giving birth.”

Briana said she sat there with her umbilical cord hanging loose for at least 15
minutes before the placenta finally dropped into the toilet.



While there are no major U.S.-based studies on the experience of self-managing
an abortion with pills later in pregnancy, international research suggests that
women in these situations more frequently seek in-person care. One study
conducted with patients in Argentina, Nigeria and Southeast Asia between nine
and 16 weeks of pregnancy found that about 24 percent went to a medical facility
during or after the experience of taking the pills on their own. Approximately
10 percent required medical intervention to complete the abortion or treat a
complication.

One major concern later in pregnancy is that the body won’t be able to expel all
of the pregnancy tissue, several doctors said.

When the Miscarriage and Abortion Hotline received its first call from a woman
who was unable to pass her placenta — at least five weeks further into her
pregnancy than the FDA’s 10-week limit — a group of hotline doctors started
messaging one another, trying to decide what to say to her, Prine said.

One doctor in the group insisted that the woman had to go straight to the ER,
but Prine and others disagreed. Worried the woman could face prosecution or
mistreatment if she went to the hospital, Prine said, they walked her through
her abortion at home, instructing her to take more abortion pills and gently
massage her stomach until the placenta came free — the same advice Briana said
she received.

“We didn’t feel like it was a medical emergency. She wasn’t bleeding heavily and
she wasn’t lightheaded,” said Prine, adding that they would have recommended the
woman go the ER if a hospital visit was medically necessary.

A woman in that situation could have hemorrhaged or become septic, according to
five OB/GYNs interviewed for this article.

“Whenever there is something inside the uterus that is trying to come out and
won’t come out, the risk of bleeding and infection gets higher with every
passing moment,” said Keri Garel, an OB/GYN at Boston Medical Center, adding
that she would advise someone in Briana’s situation to go to the hospital
immediately. “At that point, your life is the most important thing.”

“Do I pull the cord out?”

As difficult as the situation was, Briana says she is extremely grateful that
Aid Access was willing to send her the pills — and that someone on the hotline
was available to talk her through taking them.

“Without the hotline I would have been completely lost and literally completely
alone,” she said.

“The lady ... stayed talking to me for hours,” Briana added. “I wish I knew her
name.”

Briana stayed in the bathroom that night for more than an hour. She knew she
shouldn’t look at the fetus, she said, but she couldn’t help it. In the toilet
bowl, she could make out a head. She remembered thinking that the legs looked
long.

“I felt like a monster,” she said, reflecting back on that moment.

A year later, Briana said, she is certain she made the right decision for
herself and her family. But she wishes someone had told her more about what to
expect. If she had known the full extent of what could happen during a
medication abortion at 15 or 16 weeks, she said, she probably would have
searched harder for an out-of-state clinic with available appointments — and
figured out a way to drive six hours or more to Florida, Illinois or North
Carolina.

Before Roe v. Wade was overturned, Briana could have gone to a clinic less than
30 minutes from her house.



“We can see you tomorrow.”

“Here’s what you should expect.”


A FORMER ABORTION PROVIDER OFFERS SOME RELIEF

“That website is real.”

“You are going to get through this.”

“Your uterus looks beautiful.”

In Houston, a woman lay back on an exam table in a clinic that once offered
abortions, hoping to hear that her medication abortion was finally complete.

Ashley, a 25-year-old mother with a baby, opened her legs and stared up at a
mermaid mobile hanging from the ceiling, her sweatpants and Converse sneakers in
a heap on the floor.

“Are you ready?” Glenda Lima, the sonographer, asked on a Tuesday morning in
mid-February. “There will be a little cold and just a little pressure, okay?”

It was Ashley’s fourth visit in two months to Houston Women’s Reproductive
Services, one of a handful of former abortion clinics that have remained open in
states with near-total abortion bans. While the staff originally imagined a new
version of the clinic that offered ultrasounds and referrals to patients
planning to travel out of state for medication and procedures, a large share of
the women they serve are now self-managing their abortions with pills they got
online.

Glenda Lima cleans ultrasound equipment at Houston Women's Reproductive Services
in Texas. (Danielle Villasana for The Washington Post)

As soon as she found out she was pregnant in mid-December, Ashley had ordered
pills from Aid Access, which she’d heard about on TikTok. But the whole process
seemed a little sketchy, she said. What kind of medical organization collected
money through Venmo, she wondered? They were asking for a picture of her
driver’s license. What if it was all a scam?

She decided that she needed to talk to someone. Not a disembodied voice on the
phone or an anonymous commenter in an online forum — but a real, live person she
could actually meet.

“If I’m putting this in my body,” Ashley recalled thinking to herself, “I need
to know I’m going to be okay.”

Ashley struggled to come up with the right terms to Google, she said, wondering
if it was even possible to get advice on abortions in a state where abortion is
banned. She came across contact information for Houston Women’s Reproductive
Services only after first messaging a crisis pregnancy center — an email thread
she abandoned when she realized it was actually an antiabortion organization
designed to dissuade women from ending their pregnancies.

Kathy Kleinfeld, the administrator of Houston Women’s, responded to Ashley’s
panicked message on a Sunday, offering her an appointment for a pre-abortion
ultrasound and consultation the next day the clinic was open.

“I was like, ‘Oh my God, I feel like I have been searching for this,’” Ashley
said. For the first time since finding out she was pregnant, she said, “I just
felt safe.”

Glenda Lima performs an ultrasound for a patient at Houston Women's Reproductive
Services. (Danielle Villasana for The Washington Post)A patient holds her hands
while getting an ultrasound at Houston Women's Reproductive Services.

As other Texas clinics moved to New Mexico and Illinois after Roe was
overturned, Kleinfeld and Lima decided to downsize and stay put, anticipating
that some women would continue to seek out ultrasounds, emotional support and
general guidance in their home state, services that remain legal under Texas
law. If all the abortion clinics shuttered, they said, they knew crisis
pregnancy centers would be the only places left to go.

Now, the women see their clinic as a helpful counterpart to the online pill
networks: a soothing space with a “relaxation” scented diffuser and three
portraits of the late Supreme Court justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, where Texans
can get the help they need to feel comfortable self-managing their abortions at
home.

There are major challenges to providing this kind of care in a state where
abortion is illegal. Perhaps the biggest, Lima said, is that women assume there
are no abortion resources left in Texas. Those that find them often do so by
chance.

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Lima said she regularly gets frantic calls and texts from Spanish-speaking
patients she’s never met before on her cellphone, a number she gives out only to
patients she sees in the clinic.

“I ask them, ‘How did you get my number?’” she said. “They say, ‘A friend of a
friend of a friend.’”

“I need to know I’m going to be okay.”

Kleinfeld acknowledges that the very existence of a clinic like theirs — which,
unlike some other former abortion clinics that have remained open in states with
bans, has no doctors on site and offers no health services other than
ultrasounds — is somewhat controversial in the abortion rights community. With
abortion rights advocates arguing vehemently that in-person consultations and
ultrasounds are entirely unnecessary for a medication abortion, Kleinfeld said,
some likely see her clinic as an impediment to women accessing the care they
need.

Kleinfeld would never want to see an in-person visit mandated for all patients —
most women have no problem handling everything at home, she said. But she has
learned that some need the additional hand-holding, especially when they are
obtaining pills from unfamiliar sources.

“Not everybody needs an ultrasound, not everyone needs a phone number to call,”
Kleinfeld said. “But some really do.”

Blair Cushing, a family medicine doctor who provided abortions in McAllen, Tex.,
before the clinic there was forced to close, recently opened a small medical
practice near the Mexico border to offer ultrasounds and other support to women
who self-manage their abortions. When she meets with patients, she said, they’ll
often stay to talk for an hour or more — experiencing “information overwhelm”
from everything they’ve read online and desperate for reassurance.

“They’re worried because something didn’t go the way they were expecting,”
Cushing said. “They need to decompress about this experience they had and make
sure they’re okay.”

Ashley holds her baby at her home. (Danielle Villasana for The Washington
Post)As soon as she found out she was pregnant in mid-December, Ashley ordered
pills from Aid Access.

Ashley first went to Houston Women’s Reproductive Services for an ultrasound
before she took the pills on Dec. 19 — then returned a week later, wondering why
she was still bleeding and experiencing a dull pain in her lower back.

Lima, the sonographer, told Ashley that she still had some blood clots left in
her uterus. And while Lima assured her that this was nothing to worry about —
the body can typically expel remaining clots without any medical intervention —
Ashley wanted to be sure.

She returned to Houston Women’s for three more appointments, until Lima was able
to confirm that all the clots were gone.

“Your uterus looks beautiful … nice and clean,” Lima said at Ashley’s final
appointment in mid-February. “You’re good to go, okay?”

Ashley smiled, closing her eyes as she felt all the muscles in her shoulders
finally relax.

“Thank you,” she said. “That’s all I needed to hear.”

Ashley carries her baby outside her home. (Danielle Villasana for The Washington
Post)

ABOUT THIS STORY

Editing by Peter Wallsten. Photo editing by Natalia Jimenez. Copy editing by
Thomas Heleba and Martha Murdock. Design editing by Madison Walls. Graphics
editing by Emily M. Eng. Graphics reporting by N. Kirkpatrick. Design and
development by Agnes Lee. Andrew Tran contributed to this report.


U.S. ABORTION ACCESS, REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS

Tracking abortion access in the United States: Since the Supreme Court struck
down Roe v. Wade, the legality of abortion has been left to individual states.
The Washington Post is tracking states where abortion is legal, banned or under
threat.

Abortion and the election: Voters in a dozen states in this pivotal election
year could decide the fate of abortion rights with constitutional amendments on
the ballot. Biden supports legal access to abortion, and he has encouraged
Congress to pass a law that would codify abortion rights nationwide. After
months of mixed signals about his position, Trump said the issue should be left
to states. Here’s how Trump’s abortion stance has shifted over the years.

New study: The number of women using abortion pills to end their pregnancies on
their own without the direct involvement of a U.S.-based medical provider rose
sharply in the months after the Supreme Court eliminated a constitutional right
to abortion, according to new research.

Abortion pills: The Supreme Court seemed unlikely to limit access to the
abortion pill mifepristone. Here’s what’s at stake in the case and some key
moments from oral arguments. For now, full access to mifepristone will remain in
place. Here’s how mifepristone is used and where you can legally access the
abortion pill.

Show more

The U.S. fight over abortion

Hand-curated

States where abortion is legal, banned or under threat

April 9, 2024

Alone in a bathroom: Fear and uncertainty of a post-Roe medication abortion

April 11, 2024

Arizona abortion ruling shows pitfalls of Trump’s states’ rights strategy

April 10, 2024

View all 19 stories
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914 Comments
Caroline KitchenerCaroline Kitchener is a reporter covering abortion at The
Washington Post. She won the 2023 Pulitzer Prize for National Reporting.
@CAKitchener


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