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Democracy Dies in Darkness
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Democracy Dies in Darkness
PoliticsBiden administrationDonald TrumpThe FixThe BriefsPollingDemocracy in
AmericaElections
PoliticsBiden administrationDonald TrumpThe FixThe BriefsPollingDemocracy in
AmericaElections


TRUMP SEES THE INVESTIGATORS, NOT THE RIOTERS, AS THE JAN. 6 CRIMINALS

It’s not just that he seeks to avoid accountability. It’s that he hopes to
invert it.

December 9, 2024 at 10:08 a.m. ESTToday at 10:08 a.m. EST
6 min
558

Plastic covers a marble bust of President Zachary Taylor that has what appears
to be blood on it at the U.S. Capitol in Washington on Jan. 7, 2021. (Bonnie Jo
Mount/The Washington Post)
Column by Philip Bump

History will tell the story of the riot at the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, in
direct terms. President Donald Trump, increasingly desperate to block Joe
Biden’s inauguration to replace him, summoned his supporters to Washington for a
“wild” protest. Tens of thousands came, including members of violent,
fringe-right groups.



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As legislators convened to formalize Biden’s victory, angry throngs of Trump
supporters pushed toward the building, some engaging in violent altercations
with law enforcement in an effort to stop Congress from counting electoral
votes. Hundreds were injured, including more than 100 police officers.

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Congress tried to hold Trump accountable for his role in the riot twice, first
by impeaching him — enough Republican senators sided with Trump to prevent
conviction — and then by launching a high-profile investigation of his broad
effort to retain power. Meanwhile, the justice system went to work arresting and
imprisoning those who had engaged in the riot. Special counsel Jack Smith
brought federal charges against Trump.

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None of this is the story Trump tells. Instead, he inverts both the culpability
and the morality: The rioters are victims, and those seeking justice are guilty
of injustices. It’s deeply and transparently self-serving. It’s also the
position of the incoming president of the United States, someone empowered to
enforce his vision of justice on the rest of the country.

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Trump sat down for a lengthy interview with NBC News’s Kristen Welker last week
during which he outlined his upside-down view of the events of Jan. 6.

Welker asked Trump about his repeated pledges during the campaign to pardon
those imprisoned for their actions during the riot. He reiterated that sweeping
pardons would be one of his first acts as president.

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“Those people have suffered long and hard,” he said of those who were sentenced
to prison. He noted that there might be some exceptions — but not those accused
of being members of extremist organizations or who engaged in the most violent
actions. Instead, he mused that there might have been some “antifa” swept up in
the prosecutions, resuscitating a long-debunked idea that left-wing actors were
involved in the violence that day. In case there was uncertainty about the
extent to which he was suggesting that the riots weren’t the fault of his
supporters, he brought up Ray Epps, a man whose alleged role in fomenting the
riot has been debunked repeatedly and exhaustively.

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“But some of them, 169 of them, have pleaded guilty to assaulting police
officers,” Welker reminded Trump.

“Because they had no choice,” he responded.

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There were some people who deserved to be investigated or thrown in jail, Trump
said: the members of the congressional committee that investigated the riot and
the special counsel who brought charges against him.

The committee members did something “inexcusable,” Trump said, when they “went
through a year and a half of testimony [and] deleted and destroyed all evidence
— that they found.” The Democratic-led committee did this, he said, to protect
former House speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-California), who he has suggested was
responsible for the police being overrun. But that never happened. Welker
offered a wan “they deny doing that” in response to Trump’s claim; the reality
is that the committee’s work and evidence are publicly available and Trump’s
hoary claim has been debunked.

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But Trump was insistent that their probe and Smith’s prosecutions had been “won”
or “discredited” — basing those overstated assertions on two developments in his
federal cases. First, a sympathetic judge tossed out his indictment for
retaining classified documents, a decision that was under appeal at the time of
the election. After Trump won, Smith withdrew his prosecution related to Trump’s
efforts in 2020 — not because they had been discredited but because he wanted to
end the prosecutions in a way that retained the possibility that they could be
revived once Trump was out of office.

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Trump’s complaints to Welker weren’t simply grumbles. The members of the House
select committee “should go to jail” for “what they did,” he said — which,
again, was putatively the destruction of evidence. Asked whether he wanted to
see Smith prosecuted, Trump said that the special counsel was “very corrupt” but
that he would defer such a decision to his attorney general. (He has tapped
former Florida attorney general Pam Bondi for that role, someone who has a
history of bolstering Trump politically.)

Much of the rhetoric Trump offered to Welker was familiar: the same whining and
the same aggression. But the context is different. This isn’t Trump at
Mar-a-Lago, riffing on some random podcast. It’s the president-elect suggesting
that he hopes to use his power to invert the processes of punishment applied in
the wake of the riot. And to do so not because there was a broad injustice that
needed correction but because there was a narrow one, a perceived injustice in
which he was the sole victim.

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Every element of Trump’s planned return to office is centered on cementing his
own power. Those seeking positions with his administration are undergoing
obvious loyalty tests, including evaluation of their views about the Capitol
riot. His Cabinet nominees have often been vetted to ensure one all-important
qualification: whether they (like Bondi) have demonstrated fealty to Trump.

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His approach to Jan. 6 is a particularly sharp demonstration of how he plans to
lead. A willingness to use his power to punish those who sought to hold him to
account and to absolve those who attacked police in the effort to help him stay
in power four years ago. After all, “they had no choice.”

On Friday, U.S. District Judge Royce Lamberth sentenced Philip Grillo to a year
in prison for his role in the events of Jan. 6. In doing so, Lamberth
acknowledged the reality that Trump is hoping to subvert.

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“Having read dozens of indictments related to Jan. 6, I can say confidently:
Nobody has been prosecuted for protected First Amendment activity. Nobody is
being held hostage. Nobody has been made a prisoner of conscience,” Lamberth
said. “Every rioter is in the situation he or she is in because he or she broke
the law, and for no other reason.” He added that “a jury of Mr. Grillo’s peers
found that he broke the law when he participated in the Capitol riots of Jan. 6,
2021, and it falls to this court to hold him accountable.”

As he was being taken away, though, Grillo had a response to Lamberth — a taunt,
really.

“Trump’s gonna pardon me,” he said.

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COLUMN: TRUMP SEES THE INVESTIGATORS, NOT THE RIOTERS, AS THE JAN. 6 CRIMINALS

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