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RUSSIAN DATING IN KANDAHAR AFGHANISTAN

Russia could make Western operations in Afghanistan more difficult, but doing so
The rest crosses farther south on a road near Kandahar. Russia still has deep
connections in Afghanistan dating back to the Russian.


RUSSIAN DATING IN KANDAHAR AFGHANISTAN

Contents:
The Great Game Related Topics


The GRU loathe the west and one can see them trying to whip up trouble. General
Sir Richard Barrons, a former chief of joint operations, who also served in
Afghanistan, did not think that the Russian security system would allow such
autonomous action. Putin wants to re-establish Russian influence internationally
and he is doing so in a wide arc — the Middle East, Asia, in places like
Afghanistan, and even central Europe — and weaken the west while doing so.

Would Putin fear the consequences?


THE GREAT GAME

Well, we see that the intelligence was delivered in Washington. And nothing was
done.

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Manzoor, who had once fought alongside Mullah Omar, was interviewed at a CIA
base in Kandahar where he was asked to work for the Americans: an offer he
refused a US official confirmed the meeting had taken place but refused to say
what was discussed. That has been our misfortune: other people want to fight
their wars on our land, and we are left suffering.

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Due to the sheer scale of this comment community, we are not able to give each
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constructive debates. Please be respectful when making a comment and adhere to
our Community Guidelines. If anything, U. Russia's focus, then, is on drawing
Western countries' attention to the pressure points where Russia can hurt them
most. One of the most important of these is Afghanistan. Russia could begin by
refusing to allow the transit of supplies and equipment through its territory to
NATO forces in Afghanistan, just as two agreements in recent years have begun to
become established.

Moscow also could exert influence in the former Soviet republics of Tajikistan,
Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan and attempt to pressure them to shut down or
complicate NATO supply routes, as well as attempt to pressure Kyrgyzstan to shut
down the U. The country is landlocked and surrounded by mountains, with few good
roads and even fewer road links to the outside world, and no rail links — which
creates difficulties for the United States, whose key logistical strength is its
command of the seas. These include platoons of fuel-guzzling ton main battle
tanks and even more light-armored vehicles.

Though there is a steady flow of C Globemaster III strategic airlifters into
Bagram Air Base north of Kabul, it is nowhere near enough to sustain a force of
that size purely from the air. As such, land supply routes are essential to the
conduct of the war.


RELATED TOPICS

Without a direct connection to either China or India, and with transit through
Iran being out of the question, both the United States and NATO are forced to
rely logistically on a southern route through Pakistan or on a longer northern
route through Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. The vast majority of the
fuel used by U.

It is worth noting that, on any given day, there are some trucks carrying a
total of more than 3 million gallons of fuel on the road en route to military
bases in Afghanistan. Even the Pakistan route — the most efficient route — is a
long supply chain. Why does it succeed in forcing them to retreat? Can its
majestic natural beauty and rich cultural heritage be the glue that holds
Afghanistan together? There must be deeper and more complex reasons. I saw the
blunders the Soviets made in the s and have watched most of them repeated in
recent years.

Anger and hubris that lead to a misguided mission of revenge. Regime change that
slips, undebated, into nation building. Surging more troops because those who
died must not have lost their lives in vain. The principal ghosts of Afghanistan
are the dead on every side.

In thirty-five years of unfinished civil war, made worse by foreign
intervention, close to 15, Soviet dead, over 1, Americans, nearly British and
more than from other countries. Above all, the lost sons and daughters of
Afghanistan itself: some 20, troops, and as many as two million civilians.
Ghosts — dukhi —also happens to be the name Soviet troops gave their Afghan
opponents—elusive, ever-moving and hard to pin down. Wearing no uniform, they
struck from ambushes by day, and after dark they delivered night letters to warn
fellow Afghans not to collaborate with the infidels.

But the urge to dehumanize their shadowy opponents is as strong as it was with
the Russians. Heavily equipped high-tech forces try to grapple with a guerrilla
enemy that wears civilian clothes and never comes head-on.

State-of-the-art night-vision goggles are no use for detecting ghosts, and U.
Pilots of attack drones, sitting in air-cooled bases in Nevada, never even touch
the terrain on which they kill. Obama may sense ghosts from Vietnam when he
ponders how long to keep troops there or how fast to take them out. In , former
U. So a central theme of this book is the similarity of the Soviet and U.
Described as wars of necessity, they were really wars of choice.

In each case the decision to invade was made on the grounds of protecting
national security but with little thought of the consequences. Could non-Muslim
outsiders expect support if they stayed for more than a few months in a country
that had never welcomed foreign armies? Was there not a substantial risk that
the mission would increase rather than lesson the dangers of terrorism.

Afghanistan before the Russian Invasion (Documentary, 1979)


The wars became unpopular, and new leaders emerged in Moscow and Washington who
had to weigh the wisdom of continuing the struggle. Mikhail Gorbachev and Barack
Obama each inherited a war their predecessors had begun too lightly. The Soviet
leader decided the war could not be won and opted for a negotiated troop
withdrawal, initially hoping to persuade Pakistan and the United States to end
their support for the mujahedin insurgents.

When this proved unreachable, he pressed his Kabul allies to talk to the
opposition with a view to a cease-fire and a government of national unity. He
was even willing to urge his Afghan clients to resign in the name of national
reconciliation. In spite of failing to defeat the mujahedin, the Soviet
leadership had the sense to change course. As a result, it emerged from its
nine-year occupation without a major loss of dignity. The tragedy of the Soviet
withdrawal came later. Illusions of imminent victory swamped the imperative of
national reconciliation and doomed Afghanistan to another two decades of civil
war.

Allowing military commanders to persuade him that military success was possible,
he launched two large surges of extra U. As for the notion of talks with the
insurgents, the U. The biggest lesson of recent Afghan history is that it is
wrong for foreigners to arm factions engaged in civil war. For foreigners then
to intervene with their own troops is even greater folly. The only way to end
thirty-five years of war is through a negotiated peace in which the main
fighting groups and their political allies are included.

Obama needs to change course, as Gorbachev did. Washington and the government of
Hamid Karzai must make a sustained effort to negotiate local cease-fires with
the Taliban, leading to a nationwide halt in the fighting and a complete
American withdrawal in parallel with a power-sharing deal among the key sectors
of Afghan society, no doubt with a substantial devolution of power to the
provinces.

Pakistan, India, Iran and other regional neighbors need to be part of a
companion deal in which their interests in a sovereign but neutral Afghanistan
are preserved. It will not be easy, but if peace is to be restored, there is no
other way.

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The Americans have already been in Afghanistan longer than the Soviets were. The
victory that eluded Moscow will not be achieved by Washington. Ghosts of
Afghanistan is based on my eyewitness impressions from visiting Afghanistan at
regular intervals over the past thirty years as well as on dozens of interviews
with Afghans, including their leaders from the Soviet period, the Taliban time
and today.

I have conducted new interviews with key Afghan experts and United Nations
negotiators. I have gained much from Kremlin, U. State Department and British
Foreign Office documents released over the last two decades as well as the
treasure trove of contemporary U. As one of the first journalists who had the
chance to read the leaked reports, I saw the gap that separated public
statements of policy from the motives that really drove it.

In this book I hope to set the record straight. One myth, pushed by former
mujahedin leaders and the Taliban as well as by Osama bin Laden, right up to his
death in May —and accepted without question as part of the standard Western
narrative—is that the Soviet Union suffered military defeat in Afghanistan.

The reality is that the Russians suffered heavy casualties but never lost a
pitched battle. They could have stayed in Afghanistan for several more years.
Their defeat was political. They chose to abandon their initial goals and leave.
According to another more dangerous myth, the West walked away after the
Russians left. The implication is that Afghanistan was abandoned to its fate
instead of being showered with aid. The record is the opposite. But Khamak
embroidery is now incorporated into tablecloths and women's clothing as demand
increases for these stately designs.

Siddiqa, a woman in Kandahar's fifth district, calls Khamak embroidery a "nice
employment opportunity" for women in the region. She says hundreds of women in
the city of Kandahar and surrounding districts are now employed to make a
variety of products. But stitching Khamak embroidery requires great attention to
detail and is extremely labor intensive.

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On a warm afternoon in March , an elderly Russian woman was cutting up Bout and
his associates operate, or have operated, in Afghanistan, leaders to negotiate
the release of the detained crew in Kandahar, but.