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BUYASUPERVISOR.COM

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IN AMERICA, MONEY IS POWER.

See the small but powerful group of wealthy donors who decide elections in
Imperial County, so you can decide for yourself if these elected officials are
truly representing you.





SEE WHO'S BEEN GIVING AND HOW THE MONEY WAS SPENT


LET'S START WITH THE MOST EXPENSIVE CAMPAIGN: THE COMMITTEE TO ELECT RYAN KELLEY
IMPERIAL COUNTY SUPERVISOR 2024




CONTRIBUTIONS RECEIVED: $70,000+

This amount excludes independent expenditures by other entities not made in
coordination with Ryan Kelley's official campaign committee. $5,200 is the
maximum that can be donated directly to a candidate. This limit is tracked
separately for the primary election and general election, if applicable. There
are no limits for independent expenditures.


KEY FINDINGS

Majority of known contributions appear to come from wealthy agricultural
families, businesses, and related industries, including a lithium company.
However, as explained further below, several notable violations of the Political
Reform Act hinder more detailed analysis of occupations and employers of donors.


SCROLL, SORT, AND SEARCH THROUGH RYAN KELLEY'S CONTRIBUTORS

The table below covers Jan 1, 2023 through Feb 17, 2024. Only contributions more
than $1,000 (in aggregate) from Feb 18, 2024 to present are available. All other
outstanding disclosable information is required to be reported on the
semi-annual report due no later than July 31, 2024. Source for data: Imperial
County Registrar of Voters.




LIKELY DISCLOSURE VIOLATIONS FLAGGED TO THE FPPC



The treasurer of the committee is listed as Robyn Kelley. Both the controlling
candidate and the treasurer are jointly liable, under penalty of perjury, for
the accuracy of campaign statements and for ensuring compliance with the
Political Reform Act.

 * OCCUPATION/EMPLOYER REPORTING
   
   Failed to disclose the occupation and employer of individual contributors
   donating over $100, instead merely identifying them as a "resident." If they
   are not employed, it must be indicated. If they are self-employed, the name
   of the business must be indicated.

 * INCOMPLETE/MISSING REPORTING
   
   Failed to disclose in most, if not all, all entries for expenditures
   involving meals: 1) the number of individuals who were present at the meal;
   and 2) whether the candidate, a member of their household, or an individual
   with authority to approve expenditures of campaign funds was present at the
   meal.

 * FAILURE TO AMEND
   
   Despite far exceeding the $2,000 threshold, failed to file an amended
   Statement of Organization after qualifying under the Political Reform Act.
   Consequently, may have avoided the scrutiny of the FPPC.

 * INCOMPLETE/MISSING REPORTING
   
   Failed to disclose actual street addresses of many donors, provide FPPC
   number on forms, and "cumulative" year-to-date totals as required by the Act.

 * OCCUPATION/EMPLOYER REPORTING
   
   Failed to disclose the occupation and employer of individual contributors
   donating over $100, instead merely identifying them as a "resident." If they
   are not employed, it must be indicated. If they are self-employed, the name
   of the business must be indicated.

 * INCOMPLETE/MISSING REPORTING
   
   Failed to disclose in most, if not all, all entries for expenditures
   involving meals: 1) the number of individuals who were present at the meal;
   and 2) whether the candidate, a member of their household, or an individual
   with authority to approve expenditures of campaign funds was present at the
   meal.

 * FAILURE TO AMEND
   
   Despite far exceeding the $2,000 threshold, failed to file an amended
   Statement of Organization after qualifying under the Political Reform Act.
   Consequently, may have avoided the scrutiny of the FPPC.

 * INCOMPLETE/MISSING REPORTING
   
   Failed to disclose actual street addresses of many donors, provide FPPC
   number on forms, and "cumulative" year-to-date totals as required by the Act.

 * OCCUPATION/EMPLOYER REPORTING
   
   Failed to disclose the occupation and employer of individual contributors
   donating over $100, instead merely identifying them as a "resident." If they
   are not employed, it must be indicated. If they are self-employed, the name
   of the business must be indicated.

 * INCOMPLETE/MISSING REPORTING
   
   Failed to disclose in most, if not all, all entries for expenditures
   involving meals: 1) the number of individuals who were present at the meal;
   and 2) whether the candidate, a member of their household, or an individual
   with authority to approve expenditures of campaign funds was present at the
   meal.

 * FAILURE TO AMEND
   
   Despite far exceeding the $2,000 threshold, failed to file an amended
   Statement of Organization after qualifying under the Political Reform Act.
   Consequently, may have avoided the scrutiny of the FPPC.

 * INCOMPLETE/MISSING REPORTING
   
   Failed to disclose actual street addresses of many donors, provide FPPC
   number on forms, and "cumulative" year-to-date totals as required by the Act.

 * OCCUPATION/EMPLOYER REPORTING
   
   Failed to disclose the occupation and employer of individual contributors
   donating over $100, instead merely identifying them as a "resident." If they
   are not employed, it must be indicated. If they are self-employed, the name
   of the business must be indicated.

 * INCOMPLETE/MISSING REPORTING
   
   Failed to disclose in most, if not all, all entries for expenditures
   involving meals: 1) the number of individuals who were present at the meal;
   and 2) whether the candidate, a member of their household, or an individual
   with authority to approve expenditures of campaign funds was present at the
   meal.

 * FAILURE TO AMEND
   
   Despite far exceeding the $2,000 threshold, failed to file an amended
   Statement of Organization after qualifying under the Political Reform Act.
   Consequently, may have avoided the scrutiny of the FPPC.

 * INCOMPLETE/MISSING REPORTING
   
   Failed to disclose actual street addresses of many donors, provide FPPC
   number on forms, and "cumulative" year-to-date totals as required by the Act.




THE POLITICAL REFORM ACT



Before the Act there were few rules governing the conduct of elected officials,
campaigns, and lobbyists. Many considered politics to be similar to the “wild
west,” where lobbyists could give gifts to lawmakers without restriction, and
campaign contributions could be made in cash without disclosing the source.
There was little transparency, and trust in government was at an all-time low.

Then, in the early 1970s, the Watergate scandal occurred in the United States
that ultimately led to the resignation of the president. In this volatile
political environment, a coalition of reformers presented a statewide ballot
initiative to California voters that they claimed would “put an end to
corruption in politics.” The initiative was approved by more than 70 percent of
California voters in 1974, forming the Act and the Fair Political Practices
Commission (FPPC) to enforce it.

Since then, the Act has been amended 100+ times by the voters and the
Legislature. However, U.S. Supreme Court decisions such as Citizens United vs.
FEC have weakened state and federal campaign finance laws, particularly limits
on independent expenditures. What remains of the Act, specifically around the
basic requirement to disclose donations and expenditures, are the few tools the
People have left to hold their elected officials accountable and to inform
themselves on who is funding campaigns.




DON'T TAKE OUR WORD FOR IT!

See for yourself copies of all the FPPC forms filed with the Imperial County
Registrar of Voters Office we used to compile this data.

View PDFs




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